examples of critical thinking in policing

Critical thinking: An essential police tool

Policies and procedures provide guidelines for dealing with a variety of situations, but what about problems not neatly gift wrapped.

Officers who deploy critical thinking will benefit themselves, their agencies and the public.

Photo/Police1

By Robert Whitson, PhD

As a police officer, have you ever asked yourself, “What the hell was I thinking?” Have you ever watched other officers, usually on the nightly news, and asked, “What the hell were they thinking?” During my 30 years as a police officer, a lot of people told me “what” to think, but nobody told me “how” to think. Nobody taught me critical thinking.

Police officers deal with problems every day. Officers are expected to demonstrate common sense, communication skills and interpersonal skills, all with an open mind free of bias. Policies and procedures provide guidelines for dealing with a variety of situations, but what about problems not neatly gift wrapped? Officers must use critical thinking for such situations. The following are five real-life examples.

1. You’re dispatched to a suicidal female who is on the phone with a crisis counselor. The female said she is alone in her apartment and has a gun.

Do you call SWAT? Do you evacuate other apartments? Do you yell for the female to come outside? Do you enter the apartment? Do you leave, which is a concept proposed in some jurisdictions?

Keep in mind, if somebody gets injured or dies, your every move will be dissected in retrospect. If you make a mistake, you may lose your job, get sued , or be prosecuted. In 2017, there were 47,173 suicides in the United States and about 1.4 million attempts. What will you do?

In this case, the officers who responded to the female’s apartment listened at the front door and didn’t hear anyone. The front door was unlocked. They quietly opened the door and heard the female talking in a bathroom. The bathroom door was open about one inch.

If they asked her to come out of the bathroom, it could turn into a barricaded subject, or suicide by cop. Realizing the female was distracted while talking to the counselor, and that most people who call a counselor for help don’t want to commit suicide, the officers knew they could take advantage of the element of surprise. One of the officers entered the bathroom and immediately grabbed the female before she could fire a gun. In this case, the plan worked, and nobody was hurt.

2. You attempt to stop a driver who may be driving under the influence. Instead of stopping, the vehicle speeds away. According to your pursuit policy, an officer must weigh the risk to life and property presented by the suspect if not immediately apprehended, compared to the risk to the public in pursuing the suspect.

An average of 355 persons were killed annually, from 1996 to 2015, during police pursuits. [1] If someone gets seriously injured or killed during your pursuit, your decision to engage in a pursuit will be second-guessed, with possible discipline, and the inevitable lawsuit will follow.

There are many variables to consider for this example. Is the driver a juvenile? Is the driver a senior citizen? What type of vehicle is involved? Variables include the volume of traffic, speed, the number of people in the suspect’s vehicle, type of area (residential, rural, city, business), type of roadway (number of lanes, highway, dirt/gravel, construction), traffic lights or signs, the weather (dry, wet, snow, ice), and time of day or night, etc.

No officer wants anyone, especially an innocent person, to be injured or killed during a pursuit. Yet it happens too often. What will you do? My recommendation is to end the pursuit or follow the suspect from a distance while considering arrest options if the suspect stops or returns home. What’s your decision?

3. You’re a detective. You obtained a search warrant for a residence to search for illegal drugs. Based on information from an informant, the suspect always keeps a gun close to him. The informant has never been inside the suspect’s home and the informant is afraid to buy drugs from the suspect. You plan to execute the search warrant at 7:00 a.m. on a Saturday when the suspect should be asleep. Just before you execute the search warrant, you learn the suspect has his wife and two young children in his residence. What will you do?

Ask yourself this question, “What will the news media report if a child is hurt during the raid?” The headlines will read “Police Murder Child in Drug Raid Gone Wrong.” I worked in the narcotics unit for six years. Drugs are not worth getting anyone killed, especially innocent children. In this case, the raid should be canceled until the children are out of the residence. You may consider using a ruse to get the suspect and/or children out of the residence, but don’t enter while they’re present.

4. You observe a person on the sidewalk in front of your police station. The person is taking videos of the police station, police employees going in and out of the building, police vehicles and personal vehicles of employees. What will you do?

YouTube is full of citizens who bait officers into violating their constitutional rights . Proceed with caution. First, do you have reasonable suspicion to believe a crime has occurred or is about to occur? If not, don’t contact this person. A person in public can legally videotape people and places in public. If you have reasonable suspicion, you can contact this person and ask for their name, but you better be sure you can justify reasonable suspicion. What if the person refuses to provide their name and/or an identification card? If you don’t have probable cause to arrest the person, walk away.

5. It’s a busy night and all officers are on calls. You’re dispatched to an apartment building about a man with a gun. Upon arrival, the victim says a resident of the apartment building appeared intoxicated, was screaming in the pool area and was carrying a rifle. The victim told the suspect to be quiet and go inside. The suspect told the victim, “Shut up or I’ll shoot you.” No shots were fired, but the suspect could be arrested for felony menacing. You go to the suspect’s apartment. No lights are on and you can’t hear any noise inside the apartment. The suspect appears to be asleep. What are the risks of trying to contact the suspect at that time, compared to the risks of contacting the suspect at a later date? What will you do?

In this case, I decided to take a wait-and-see approach. Why wake the suspect and possibly force a barricaded situation? The victim was advised to call 9-1-1 if the suspect left his apartment again. Two days later, an arrest warrant was obtained for the suspect and the suspect was arrested without incident.

Characteristics of critical thinkers

According to critical thinking experts Richard Paul and Linda Elder, “Critical thinking is that mode of thinking – about any subject, content, or problem – in which the thinker improves the quality of his or her thinking by skillfully analyzing, assessing, and reconstructing it. Critical thinking is self-directed, self-disciplined, self-monitored, and self-corrective thinking.”

Rosalindo Alfaro-LeFevre [2] lists the characteristics of critical thinkers, shortened and summarized for this article:

• Active thinkers: Double-check the reliability of information.
• Fair, open-minded and flexible: Aware of their perceptions, values, beliefs and biases, but willing to consider other perspectives and change priorities as needed.
• Empathetic: Put themselves in the position of other people. Understand the thoughts and feelings of others from their perspective.
• Independent thinkers: The ability to reach decisions by themselves and take responsibility for those decisions, instead of depending on others to make decisions.
• Curious, humble and honest: Constantly trying to find the truth and resolve problems. Admitting mistakes and trying to correct them. Always evaluating performance and striving to improve it.
• Proactive: Anticipating problems and acting before they occur.
• Organized and systematic: Examining information, making decisions and trying to solve problems systematically.
• Logical: Seeking facts, research, and making evidence-based decisions.
• Team player: Willing to collaborate and work toward a common goal.

When people in America call the police for help, they expect professional, educated and qualified officers to help them. And, in this era, Americans are quick to report (via the news media and social media) unprofessional, unethical and/or illegal police behavior. Officers who deploy critical thinking will benefit themselves, their agencies and the public, and in doing so, may stay off the evening news for making a mistake.

Take the active supervision challenge: Critical thinking

Critical thinking engages your brain to comprehend, assess, analyze and process information in a way that improves your decision-making

1. Reaves B. Police vehicle pursuits, 2012-2013. Retrieved from the Bureau of Justice Statistics website .

2. Alfaro-LeFevre R. Critical thinking in nursing: A practical approach. Philadelphia, PA: W.B. Saunders, 1999.

About the author

Robert Whitson was a police officer in Boulder, Colorado, for 30 years, working a variety of assignments. He taught criminal justice at Metropolitan State University in Denver for seven years while working on a PhD in criminal justice. He presently teaches for a private university in Florida, where he has taught criminal justice for seven years. Contact him at [email protected] .

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Critical Thinking: A Core Task of Public Safety Employees

Posted By: publisher October 18, 2022

John G. Peters, Jr., Ph.D.

©2022. a.r.r..

Critical thinking skills enable law enforcement personnel to analyze information and process it wisely in order to help determine the value of that information and make a decision.

There are too many documented instances of a suspect telling an officer, “I can’t breathe,” only to hear the officer say, “If you’re talking, you’re breathing.” Another example is a handcuffed suspect who tells an officer, “These handcuffs are too tight,” only to be told by the officer, “They weren’t made for comfort,” or “As you wear them, they will soften.” Because these are not isolated examples, you, too, can probably think of similar phrases you have heard from colleagues. One possible explanation for these types of responses is a lack of training in critical thinking .    

College Web sites promise critical thinking will be taught to learners, yet few undergraduate programs include it. Professors claim to teach it, but few evaluate their students on it. Public safety academy and in-service instructors support its teaching, but few can give examples of where to find it in curricula or how it can be evaluated. Yet, in frustration, many administrators and/or colleagues will ask, “What was the officer thinking? Why didn’t (s)he do something? These officers can’t think today. Why won’t officers make better decisions?”

Public safety personnel are expected by the public, by their administrators and by others to engage in critical thinking when confronted with a situation. This presumption, which some people argue is indispensable for public safety personnel, reinforces it as a core task within the job description of public safety personnel. The Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) held in City of Canton, Ohio v. Harris , 489 U.S. 378 (1989) that municipalities have an affirmative duty to train employees in core tasks . Municipalities and/or policymakers which fail to conduct such training may be found to be “deliberately indifferent” when it can be shown that there was an obvious need for more or different training, and the failure to train was likely to result in the violation of a person’s constitutional rights. In short, it is vital to include education and training about critical thinking in recruit and in-service training programs.

Critical Thinking Defined

There are many critical thinking definitions, all focusing on the process of evaluating spoken or written statements. Critical thinking involves active listening, reading, evaluation of behavioral cues and signs, looking for hidden agendas, and thinking through the consequences of a person’s or a document’s claim(s). In other words, officers must carefully and deliberately determine if a person’s claim(s) should be accepted, rejected or if suspension of judgment is in order before deciding a person’s claim is true or false. Officers must also identify and consider the potential outcomes and consequences of ignoring such claims. For this article, the focus is limited to an individual’s claim.

Claims Which Require Critical Thinking

Almost every day, public safety personnel engage people who may make claims about what the officer or others are doing, have done and so forth. Examples include saying, “I can’t breathe,” “I didn’t take no drugs,” “I didn’t do anything,” “I didn’t hit him,” and “Stop using excessive force.” Of course, the last claim may come in the form of a written “Citizen Complaint” which requires interviewing the officer(s) involved and performing an investigation. Internal Investigators and administrators must then use their critical thinking skills to judge if the claims are true, but that discussion is for another article.

Critical Thinking Steps

Regardless of the critical thinking definition adopted and used, there are three basic steps involved in critical thinking:

1. Evaluating the information available and/or received from the individual or others and then assessing it (e.g., “I’m having difficulty breathing”). The officer must analyze and weigh the arguments and/or evidence presented. The officer must try to separate fact from opinion.

2. Determining if the claim appears to be true (err on the side of the claim) and

3. Forming a conclusion which, based on the officer’s reasoning, most likely, the person’s claim is true or false or, if there is not enough information, suspending judgment until more information has been obtained. Officers must also be aware of any conscious and/or unconscious bias creeping into their decision-making process.

Obviously, education, training, experience, and organizational culture may impact an officer’s ability to think critically about a claim made by individuals or others. Ask yourself, “Have I been trained to think critically?” Even more legally focused, has your employer trained you to use and apply the three critical thinking steps and also evaluate you on your conclusion when given situational-based scenarios? If “no,” your employer may have failed to train you and other employees on how to objectively evaluate a claim made by an individual and then reach a conclusion about it, in addition to creating a potential failure to train liability argument.

Asking officers how they used the three critical thinking steps to evaluate claims at the end of a scenario-based training exercise is important for the trainer to fully understand how officers arrived at their conclusions. If one or more conclusions are faulty and cannot be substantiated, remedial review and instruction can be immediately given to those officers before immersing them in another situational-based scenario.

Public safety instructors must include critical thinking concepts, steps and skills in their educating and training of recruits and experienced colleagues. Incorporate into written lesson plans critical thinking definitions, concepts, evaluation steps, applications, possible consequences, and competency-based testing before instructing officers about critical thinking. Doing so will help to make recruits and officers better problem solvers, decision makers and also help to defeat plaintiff claims of failing to train officers in the core task of critical thinking.

Instruction in critical thinking must be viewed as a continuing process and not as a project . Simply providing a single lecture on the subject is not enough. Critical thinking must be reinforced daily through roll call training, by field training officers and by supervisors. Debriefing of incidents involving suspects or other claims which were evaluated and decided by officers is another excellent way to review critical thinking steps and how officers made judgments about those claims.     

Experience  

An officer’s experience may enhance or hinder his/her ability to think critically in a variety of situations. Officers with more life experience or with critical thinking training may develop better critically thinking skill sets and thus better decision-making than those officers with limited experience. Experience may include education and training. But, don’t be fooled by a colleague who boasts 20 years of “on the job” experience because, for some people, it is nothing more than one year of experience duplicated for 19 more years. Life experiences are often subjective, limited in scope and may not be good indicators of critical thinking skills. Many people can think of family members or colleagues who will not make decisions because they are afraid of making a mistake; do not want to be held accountable; or who simply cannot critically think about and evaluate the information given to them, thus prohibiting them from deciding. One must remember, however, that the failure to make a decision is a decision to not make one!

Organizational Culture

The organizational culture where officers work or are assigned may impact their critical thinking skills. Wheelen and Hunger (2006) defined organizational culture as “the collection of beliefs, expectations and values learned and shared by the [organization’s] members and transmitted from one generation of employees to another . . . and generally reflects the [leaders] and the mission of the [organization].” The organizational culture also includes the subcultures throughout the organization.

Have you ever worked for a strict, by the book supervisor, only to be promoted or transferred to another unit where the supervisor was disinterested or worse, telling everyone that, whatever you do, the supervisor will have your back? Some workshop lawyers and supervisors tell attendees or subordinates not to worry about using force because, with a consult, they can help with writing a report justifying it. Aside from being unethical, this attitude helps develop an unhealthy organizational subculture which can eliminate or dilute the importance of developing and using critical thinking skills.

Organizational subculture can be defined as the set attitudes and values which shape employee behavior. The subculture commands our attention because it is generally seen as a major obstacle to reform and, thus, a powerful force working to erode any reforms which are in fact achieved, such as education and training in critical thinking. Often within an organizational subculture, there are unwritten ground rules which produce the “actual” culture of the organization, unit and/or shift (e.g., in this unit, we do not follow policy). As previously mentioned, if officers know their supervisor will support them regardless of what they do, they may not practice critical thinking because event outcomes will not be viewed as negative by the supervisor.

Critical Thinking in Today’s Law Enforcement Environment

Every week, there are stories claiming public safety officers did not act when they should have acted (think Uvalde, Texas); acted when they should not have acted (think George Floyd); or did not critically think about their actions (think TASER ® deployment on a person drenched in gasoline). Increasingly, public safety officers are being criminally charged and civilly sued. It also appears that more officers are losing their criminal cases and being sent to jail (think Minneapolis officers who did not intervene and stop their supervisor’s force).

A growing number of states and municipalities are passing legislation which implicitly demands public safety officers critically think before acting or they may face criminal charges given a negative outcome (think death or serious injury). For example, in 2022, California Government Code Section 7286.5 changed regarding positional asphyxia. The law now requires law enforcement officers to reasonably monitor a person for signs of asphyxia. The law also prohibits agencies using or authorizing prisoner transport methods which involve a substantial risk of positional asphyxia. Obviously, training on positional asphyxia, asphyxia, asphyxiation, critical thinking, and the law must now be incorporated into the academy and in-service educational and training curricula.

Monitoring requirements for a restrained person involve an officer’s use of critical thinking skills. Should the restrained person claim breathing difficulty, the officer must decide if the claim is valid or if it is a trick to get the officer closer to them in order to attack. Similarly, officers must now critically think about how to position a prisoner for transport prior to the transport. Two Boulder County (CO) Sheriff’s Deputies were criminally convicted and are serving their jail sentences after a Boulder City officer asked them to transport a young male who was severely intoxicated. During the transport to an alcohol treatment center in a police van, the young man died.

Call to Action

Trainers, educators and administrators of public safety employees must educate and train learners, recruits and in-service personnel in the core task of critical thinking, including the steps involved in arriving at appropriate decisions, using a variety of topics with associated claims. Leadership and management must also continuously review these steps with subordinates so they remember and apply them. Examples may include using actual or hypothetical case studies, reviewing examples of poor judgment when facing claims, and so forth. Education and training on critical thinking must be an ongoing process . Employees need to be educated and trained about critical thinking concepts, and then be given the opportunity to apply the steps of critical thinking to evaluate a claim and to develop a conclusion, erring on the side of the claim, regardless of the organizational culture or subculture. Case studies and/or scenario-based training are two safe environments to evaluate critical thinking skills. Holding employees accountable without first educating and training them is unethical, unfair and morale depleting. In today’s changing society, employers, educators, trainers, leaders, and managers can no longer ignore the need for education and training about critical thinking and its application to hypothetical and to real claims, including assessing employee critical thinking skill sets, judgment and decision making.

John G. Peters, Jr., Ph.D. is a frequent contributor to Police and Security News . He serves as president of the internationally recognized training firm, Institute for the Prevention of In-Custody Deaths, Inc., and as Executive Director of The Americans for Effective Law Enforcement. An instructional designer, John has developed online programs for several universities, including a course on critical thinking. He has taught leadership, management, critical thinking, research methods, and statistics at the undergraduate and graduate levels. A judicially qualified expert witness, he has testified in international (Hong Kong), federal and state courts about use of force, arrest-related deaths, training, and policies.

We Analyse Critically

Introduction.

We analyse information, data, viewpoints and combine the best available evidence to understand the root causes of issues that arise in complex situations.

We draw on our experience, knowledge and wide sources of evidence to give us a greater view of what is happening underneath the surface. We combine insight and evidence-based approaches to help make decisions, accepting that we will not have all the answers but will always try to gather facts and robust information to be able to think tactically and strategically.

Why is it important?

Critical thinking drives effective policing as we are faced with a wide variety of complex issues on a day-to-day basis. This means that we all need to be able to make sense of a complex environment, accept that ambiguity is part of contemporary working life and, therefore, be able to identify interrelationships between different factors.

If we are able to analyse the best available evidence and see what is happening underneath the surface, we will be better able to make confident and effective decisions and implement preventative solutions that deal with root causes.

• I recognise the need to think critically about issues. I value the use of analysis and testing in policing.
• I take in information quickly and accurately.
• I am able to separate information and decide whether it is irrelevant or relevant and its importance.
• I solve problems proactively by understanding the reasons behind them, using learning from evidence and my experiences to take action.
• I refer to procedures and precedents as necessary before making decisions.
• I weigh up the pros and cons of possible actions, thinking about potential risks and using this thinking to inform our decisions.
• I recognise gaps and inconsistencies in information and think about the potential implications.
• I make decisions in alignment with our mission, values and the Code of Ethics.
• I ensure that the best available evidence from a wide range of sources is taken into account when making decisions.
• I think about different perspectives and motivations when reviewing information and how this may influence key points.
• I ask incisive questions to test out facts and assumptions, questioning and challenging the information provided when necessary.
• I understand when to balance decisive action with due consideration.
• I recognise patterns, themes and connections between several and diverse sources of information and best available evidence.
• I identify when I need to take action on the basis of limited information and think about how to mitigate the risks in so doing.
• I challenge others to ensure that decisions are made in alignment with our mission, values and the Code of Ethics.
• I balance risks, costs and benefits associated with decisions, thinking about the wider impact and how actions are seen in that context. I think through ‘what if’ scenarios.
• I use discretion wisely in making decisions, knowing when the ‘tried and tested’ is not always the most appropriate and being willing to challenge the status quo when beneficial.
• I seek to identify the key reasons or incidents behind issues, even in ambiguous or unclear situations.
• I use my knowledge of the wider external environment and long-term situations to inform effective decision making.
• I acknowledge that some decisions may represent a significant change. I think about the best way to introduce such decisions and win support

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Critical Policing Studies: Toward a “Fully Social” Framework

• Published: 25 August 2023
• Volume 31 , pages 827–842, ( 2023 )

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• Howard Ryan   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-9723-5903 1  

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Despite mass protests, demands to defund the police, and a range of institutional reforms, historic patterns of abuse and violence in US policing persist. This article calls for a renewed and reinvigorated critical policing studies to give leadership in the search for remedy. Fifty years ago, Taylor, Walton, and Young envisioned a “fully social theory of deviance” to guide a new critical criminology. How do our policing studies frameworks—evidence-based policing, democratic policing, police abolitionism—hold up to a “fully social” standard? Here, the article critiques the extant frameworks and also proposes one possible new direction in policing studies that would incorporate insights from the field of labor studies and rank-and-file politics.

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Ryan, H. Critical Policing Studies: Toward a “Fully Social” Framework. Crit Crim 31 , 827–842 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-023-09712-w

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Improvements in Policing: It’s Not Only What We Train, but How We Train

Teresina g. robbins university of new haven.

Though concerns about police use of force did not begin with the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, this event seems to have been the catalyst for 6 years of increasing calls for justice for the deaths of unarmed men, particularly Black men, at the hands of police. Advocates of the Black community have called for defunding or abolition of the police establishment. Others have argued that there is a need for a dramatic overhaul of police training – particularly with regard to racial bias and the use of force. The House of Representatives addressed the call for changes in policing training and passed H.R. 1280. The bill aims to reduce religious and racial profiling through various means, including police training. This policy brief reviews the research on these issues and offers several policy suggestions. I argue that moving from a paramilitary structure to a more conducive learning environment and applying a learner-centered approach to aspects of law enforcement training is a justified starting point for re-establishing police legitimacy and a reduction in misuse of force. This brief is intended for those in charge of decision-making for law enforcement training.

On April 20, 2021, a jury convicted former police officer Derek Chauvin in the murder of George Floyd. While arresting Floyd for an allegedly fraudulent twenty-dollar bill, Chauvin put Floyd in a prone position on the ground, and then put his knee on Floyd’s neck for over nine minutes. Chief Arradondo said Chauvin “should have stopped” as soon as Floyd stopped resisting, and “certainly when he was in distress…” (Griffith, 2021). The verdict culminated a historic series of Black Lives Matter protests across the country. These protests were not just for Floyd, but for what supporters argue is embedded racism in law enforcement and a lack of accountability. George Floyd was not the first unarmed Black person to die at the hands of the police. Still, his death and Chauvin’s conviction seem to have opened the floodgates for open acknowledgment of the problems plaguing policing in the United States.

Calls for change range from improved training to abolishing police altogether, with the defunding movement falling somewhere in the middle. In an Op-ed for Cosmopolitan , American Civil Liberties Union Policing Policy Advisor Paige Fernandez (2021) argued that government officials should divert funding from law enforcement budgets and invest in programs like job training and violence reduction. On the other hand, abolitionists say these are merely steps to dismantle and rebuild what society thinks is policing, in part because simple reform allows for appeasement without demonstrable change in underlying issues (McDowell & Fernandez, 2018). Expectedly, however, there is a great deal of pushback on these critical stances. Nationally, Congressional bill 1280, also known as the “George Floyd Justice in Policing Act 2020,” focuses on reform through transparency and accountability, and requires de-escalation and implicit bias training. This paper focuses on just one section of H.R. 1280, Title III: Improving Police Training and Policies, cited as the “End Racial and Religious Profiling Act 2021 (ERRPA)”.

The plans outlined in the bill are well-intentioned, though vague and superficial. The suggestions to train law enforcement personnel on data collection, racial profiling issues, and profiling prevention do have merit, but also feel like political theater. At best, progressive agencies will continue to use evidence-informed best practices, and at worst, agencies will do nothing. Therefore, this brief intends to aid police departments in making a meaningful bridge between policy and practice. I do this first by addressing the current state of police training. Specifically, I will discuss the current state of law enforcement training in the United States. Second, I summarize the research on three types of training: implicit bias, procedural justice, and de-escalation. The summary is followed by a discussion of the different approaches to teaching recruits. I then provide three policy options addressing the advantages and disadvantages for each. Empirical research is used to support recommendations for law enforcement agencies.

Current State of Police Training

There has been a great deal of recent discussion about what we should train cops, but little on how we should prepare them. This section begins with an overview of current police training in the United States. Then I summarize the research on three types of training: implicit bias, procedural justice, and de-escalation. Finally, I discuss the theory of andragogy and its focus on a learner-centered approach, before introducing policy options.

Police Training Today

In this section, I focus on the models under which recruits learn and the time spent on use of force training. About 81% of police recruits train under a stress model embedded in the curriculum (Reaves, 2016). Stress models are similar to military training, where the focus is on performing under periods of stress, including strict rules, exercise as punishment, and insults  (Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010). When it comes to the use of force, recruits spent about 71 hours on firearms training, but 21 hours on the use of force. It is essential to point out that those 21 hours may include policies, de-escalation tactics, and crisis intervention strategies.

What We Know: Training  

Recently, the Council on Criminal Justice’s (CCJ) Task Force on Policing (2021a; 2021b; 2021c) compiled a set of reports analyzing the most critical and rigorous research on training commonly cited as necessary to decreasing use of force and racial biases in police officers and departments. The following sections summarize the findings and policy implications of implicit bias, procedural justice, and de-escalation training based on the CCJ reports and other research.

Implicit Bias

Implicit bias affects how someone acts or makes decisions, often based on stereotypes, and is different from blatant racism in that it is an unconscious reaction. Given the topic of this brief, it is useful to illustrate an example with race. Implicit bias affects how an officer reacts to a Black male and a White male in the same situation. The goal of implicit bias training is to help officers slow down and acknowledge these potential biases before acting. However, researchers question the efficacy of implicit bias training (Spencer et al., 2016), particularly for long-term gains (Lai et al., 2014, 2016). Others argue that it can do more harm than good (Bagenstos, 2018). Ultimately, the CCJ suggests that procedural justice and de-escalation training might be a more effective way to reduce force, given the minimal evidence of the effectiveness of implicit bias training (CCJ: Task Force on Policing, 2021b)

Procedural Justice

Procedural justice involves fairness, transparency, impartiality, and room for individuals to have a voice (COPS Office, n.d.), a reasonable request for police-community interactions. In general, the goal of procedural justice is for anyone with contact with police, from victims to suspects, to feel that police treated them fairly and provided the opportunity to explain their side of the story. Equity in treatment is significant given the current issues with police legitimacy in Black and Brown communities.

There is little evidence that procedural justice improves problems with racial disparity, but there is growing evidence that it increases trust, thereby increasing police legitimacy (CCJ, 2021c). The CCJ further argues that agencies should combine external procedural justice with internal procedural justice to be effective and partnered with increased de-escalation training to see improvements in misuse of force.

De-escalation

In an earlier policy brief, Geyer (2020) recommended three solutions for officer-involved shootings, with her research supporting a recommendation that agencies significantly increase de-escalation training. The CCJ (2021a) review supports Geyer’s (2020) arguments and suggests combining training with department policy reinforces the importance of reducing use of force incidents – both in number and severity. However, in a recent systematic review of de-escalation training evaluations, Engel and colleagues (2020) argue that most available research suffers from a lack of quality. Therefore, they are cautious in saying that de-escalation training works. They call for academics, practitioners, and funders to prioritize rigorously designed de-escalation studies and other training that can affect the use of force.

Summary of Training Types

Overall, procedural justice and de-escalation training are the most promising avenues for future police training and legitimacy improvements. What stands out when considering why implicit bias training has not been shown to be effective, while procedural justice and de-escalation training are more promising, are their delivery methods. Implicit bias training was primarily handled in a classroom setting, while procedural justice and de-escalation training involved more hands-on practical training (CCJ: Task Force on Policing, 2021a, 2021c, 2021b). These student-centered methods are more akin to the adult learning theory of andragogy.

Andragogy and Learner-Centered Approaches

Traditionally, instructors taught police recruits through behavioral and cognitive approaches to learning. The behavioral approach assumes that repetition is the key to understanding. The cognitive approach is akin to a lecture style where the instructor imparts their wisdom to their (hopefully) attentive students. While this may be excellent for learning the basics, it does not allow for the advancement of critical thinking and problem-solving skills (Birzer & Tannehill, 2001).

Much of the discussion on learner-centered approaches focus on community policing (Birzer & Tannehill, 2001; Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010), likely because student-centered approaches can improve critical thinking and problem-solving skills necessary for community policing (Belur et al., 2019). The concepts are still relevant outside the community policing paradigm, such as mundane encounters with community members and for use in de-escalation. The behavioral and cognitive learning approaches used in many academies are appropriate for learning mechanical tasks like conducting a traffic stop, investigation, or writing a report (Birzer, 2003). They are also perfectly valid for firearms training. However, police spend most of their time on non-violent service calls where mechanical skills are unnecessary, but communication and problem-solving important (Asher & Horwitz, 2020).

Policy Options

The section above provided an overview of the current state of law enforcement training and a summary of the research on the efficacy of various training to reduce misuse of force and improve police legitimacy. I also introduced the theory of andragogy and how it can apply to policing. Given the evidence base available on effective and promising training options, and how andragogy is applied to policing, there are three policy options. Each option includes policy options on structure, learning approach, and time spent on de-escalation and procedural justice training.

Policy Option 1

• Structure : retain the paramilitary structure
• Learning approach : behavioral/cognitive only
• Curriculum : retain current curriculum

Policy Option 2

• Learning approach : behavioral/cognitive for mechanical; student-centered for critical thinking and problem solving

Policy Option 3

• Structure : Reduce paramilitary structure
• Curriculum : increase time spent on procedural justice and de-escalation

Considerations

Policy option 1  .

Policy option one retains the paramilitary structure and behavioral learning approach, but with renewed curriculum, including increased procedural justice and de-escalation hours.

Policy option two retains the paramilitary structure and behavioral learning approach for mechanical tasks, but uses a student-centered approach for critical thinking and problem-solving. This option also calls for a change in the curriculum by increasing hours in procedural justice and de-escalation.

Policy option three reduces the paramilitary structure by creating an environment that is more conducive to learning, but retains a behavioral learning approach for mechanical tasks. This option also calls for a shift to a student-centered approach for critical thinking and problem solving and a change in the curriculum by increasing procedural justice and de-escalation hours. 

Recommendation

The policy recommendations in this brief are merely a starting point for improving the state of police training and regaining legitimacy from the communities they serve. Tensions are high, and opinions are emotionally charged. The situation is systemic and more complex than presented in this brief. Still, there cannot be progress without forward momentum. Such improvement should be evidence-informed and planned. Therefore, after reviewing the current state of available literature and the potential for actual change, I recommend agencies adopt policy option three. Policy option three includes the following changes: (1) reduce the paramilitary and stress-based structure of police academies in favor of a more conducive learning environment, (2) embed andragogy and student-centered learning for critical thinking and problem-solving skill development, and (3) increase the time spent on procedural justice and de-escalation training.

Why Reduce the Paramilitary Model?

Overall the paramilitary model does not provide an opportunity for self-directed or empowered learning (Birzer, 2003). The use of the paramilitary model is counterintuitive given the discretion afforded to police officers who are entirely self-directed in the field. The strict obedience required in the academy is also counterintuitive to developing skills that translate to improved community relationships (Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010). Learning under such stress helps teach recruits how to perform in stressful situations, but not at the expense of developing other essential skills.

Why Balance Behavioral, Cognitive, and Student-Centered Approaches?

It is important to remember that these learning types are not dichotomous, nor is one necessarily better than the other (Dwyer & Laufersweiler-Dwyer, 2004). As mentioned in the background section, behavioral and cognitive approaches to learning are perfectly acceptable for mechanical tasks. At the same time, andragogy is better suited to developing critical thinking and problem-solving skills. Further, this may encourage recruits to take an active role in their learning (Birzer & Tannehill, 2001). Ultimately, I suggest keeping the behavioral and cognitive approach where it applies best and using student-centered learning when there is a need for critical thinking or problem-solving.

Advantages and Challenges

There will be implementation challenges. One must consider that curriculum needs to be developed, and instructors must be adequately trained (see Shipton, 2011). While the paramilitary structure is also not conducive for critical thinking, police academies have a long tradition of using this method, so resistance is expected. Finally, agencies may also be concerned with costs. Already facing economic issues coupled with calls for defunding, departments may be reluctant to invest money into making such sweeping changes. 

Despite these challenges, the advantages outweigh the costs. With proper implementation of an environment that supports effective learning (Birzer, 2003), departments can expect improved critical thinking and problem-solving(Belur et al., 2019). Properly incorporating procedural justice can help improve community relationships and police legitimacy – provided agencies also embrace internal procedural justice (CCJ, 2021c). And finally, though more research is needed, de-escalation, coupled with that procedural justice, may reduce the use and misuse of force (CCJ: Task Force on Policing, 2021a; Engel et al., 2020; Geyer, 2020).

On a final note, this policy brief is not an exhaustive discussion of the changes needed to ensure successful training of police recruits, improve police legitimacy, or reduce misuse of force. This brief focused on structure, types of training, and how we train. I do not address the necessary cultural shifts and other necessary policy changes here, which are also relevant. Instead, I chose to limit focus as a starting point. There is much more work to do.

Annotated Bibliography

Asher, J., & Horwitz, B. (2020, June 19). How do the police actually spend their time? The New York Times . https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/19/upshot/unrest-police-time-violent-crime.html

The article addresses the time police spend on various calls for service. Using publicly available data, the authors found that police spend more time responding to noncriminal complaints and traffic incidents than violent crime. While the authors only used data from ten agencies, the information demonstrates the importance of considering what types of activities police spend their time on when debated the best way to handle current shortcomings.

Bagenstos, S. R. (2018). Implicit bias’s failure. Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law , 39 (1), 37–52. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3015031

Bagenstos argues that the rise of implicit bias may have made addressing discrimination more complex from a political perspective. He further asserts that implicit bias triggers a similar defensive response as accusations of blatant racism, making it challenging to address discrimination. The article is an excellent read for anyone interested in an opposing perspective of implicit bias.

Belur, J., Agnew-Pauley, W., McGinley, B., & Tompson, L. (2019). A systematic review of police recruit training programmes. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice . https://doi.org/10.1093/police/paz022

In a systematic review of the global literature on police recruit training programs, the authors suggest that student-centered learning approaches help recruits develop critical thinking and problem-solving skills. This review is an excellent summary of the training research and is valuable for academics and practitioners alike.

Birzer, M. L. (2003). The theory of andragogy applied to police training. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management , 26 (1), 29–42. https://doi.org/10.1108/13639510310460288

The author explores the theory of andragogy applied to police training and argues that a student-centered approach is best suited for aspects of policing that require critical thinking and problem-solving skills. It is a must-read for those interested in making improvements in policing training.

Birzer, M. L., & Tannehill, R. (2001). A more effective training approach for contemporary policing. Police Quarterly , 4 (2), 233–252. https://doi.org/10.1177/109861101129197815

Birzer and Tannehill focus on what police trainers can do to improve learning outcomes for recruits. They suggest student-centered learning through andragogy fosters critical thinking and problem-solving skills by keeping officers engaged in the learning process. I highly recommend this article for policing instructors in academia and the police academy.

Council on Criminal Justice: Task Force on Policing. (2021a). De-escalation policies and training . [Policy Assessment]. Council on Criminal Justice. https://assets.foleon.com/eu-west-2/uploads-7e3kk3/41697/de-escalation_training.9f4b662e97c2.pdf

This policy assessment summarizes relevant literature on de-escalation training and evaluates its effectiveness in two areas relevant to this paper's topic: police misuse of force and strengthening community trust. The authors found that de-escalation training combined with de-escalation policies can reduce misuse of force. They further argue that a reduction in misuse in force may lead to improved community trust. The assessment is especially relevant for practitioners who do not have time to review a mountain of research or cannot access academic journals.

Council on Criminal Justice: Task Force on Policing. (2021b). Implicit bias training . [Policy Assessment]. Council on Criminal Justice. https://assets.foleon.com/eu-west-2/uploads-7e3kk3/41697/implicit_bias.9681943c82c2.pdf

The policy assessment referenced summarizes the empirical literature on implicit bias training. The authors found that there is limited evidence that implicit bias training reduces misuse of force and does not strengthen community trust on its own. However, they acknowledge that pairing implicit bias with reconciliation conversations may lead to improved community trust. The assessment is especially relevant for practitioners who do not have time to review a mountain of research or cannot access academic journals.

Council on Criminal Justice: Task Force on Policing. (2021c). Procedural justice training . [Policy Assessment]. Council on Criminal Justice. https://assets.foleon.com/eu-west-2/uploads-7e3kk3/41697/procedural_justice_training.234ca94dfcf5.pdf

In summarizing the empirical literature on procedural justice training, the authors found some support that procedural justice, coupled with de-escalation tactics, reduces misuse of force. They also note that the evidence suggests a strong association between community perceptions of police interactions. Given the goals of procedural justice, it would not be surprising to see improved relationships. However, they note perceptions go beyond individual encounters with police. The assessment is especially relevant for practitioners who do not have time to review a mountain of research or cannot access academic journals.

Chappell, A. T., & Lanza-Kaduce, L. (2010). Police academy socialization: Understanding the lessons learned in a paramilitary-bureaucratic organization. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography , 39 (2), 187–214. https://doi.org/10.1177/0891241609342230

This observational study focused on the socialization of police officers in one academy that introduced a new community policing and problem-solving curriculum. The relevant findings for this brief are that the paramilitary structure of the police academy is not conducive to critical thinking and problem-solving.

Community Oriented Policing Services, U.S. Department of Justice. (n.d.). Procedural justice, COPS Office . Retrieved April 23, 2021, from https://cops.usdoj.gov/prodceduraljustice

The procedural justice section on the COPS Office website offers resources on procedural justice and its connections to community policing and police legitimacy. The website is a good starting point for anyone with an interest in learning more about this topic.

Dwyer, R. G., & Laufersweiler-Dwyer, D. (2004). The need for change: A call for action in community oriented police training perspective. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin , 73 (11), 18–24.

The authors explore pedagogy and andragogy applied to police training - mainly community-oriented police training. They argue that an integrated model is preferable, given officers must learn mechanical and critical thinking skills. This article provides an excellent argument for integrated teaching methods in police training.

Engel, R. S., McManus, H. D., & Herold, T. D. (2020). Does de-escalation training work? Criminology & Public Policy , 19 (3), 721–759. https://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12467

In a systematic review of de-escalation training, Engel and colleagues found no adverse effects of de-escalation training. They note that many of the studies reviewed had low-quality designs, making it difficult to evaluate the training's effectiveness. This article is timely and brings to light the importance of rigorous research in policymaking.

Fernandez, P. (2021, April 13). Defunding the police isn’t radical. It’s logical . Cosmopolitan. https://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a32757152/defund-police-black-lives-matter/

This opinion editorial takes the perspective of critical criminology to argue the logic behind defunding police and reallocating the money to other public services. The author posits that such a broken institution cannot be improved but must be dismantled and rebuilt. I recommend reading this article regardless of where your opinion falls on this topic.

Geyer, P. (2020). Traveling at 1000 feet per second with unalterable consequences: How to decrease police officer-involved shootings. EBP Quarterly , 5 (2). https://www.ebpsociety.org/blog/quarterly/440-ebp-quarterly-2020-volume-5-number-2

In this policy brief, Geyer addresses potential policies to decreases office-involved shootings. She ultimately argues for a dramatic increase in de-escalation training. This piece would be most beneficial for law enforcement decision-makers interested in making changes to their training curriculum.

Griffith, J. (2021, April 13). Former officer testifies Derek Chauvin was “justified” in pinning down George Floyd . NBC News. https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/prosecutors-rest-their-case-derek-chauvin-trial-n1263916

This NBC News article summarizes events from the trial of Derek Chauvin in the murder of George Floyd. It highlights the contradictory testimony between department personnel and expert witnesses. While the title is provocative, the article provided a good summary of the testimony of interest.

Lai, C. K., Marini, M., Lehr, S. A., Cerruti, C., Shin, J.-E. L., Joy-Gaba, J. A., Ho, A. K., Teachman, B. A., Wojcik, S. P., Koleva, S. P., Frazier, R. S., Heiphetz, L., Chen, E. E., Turner, R. N., Haidt, J., Kesebir, S., Hawkins, C. B., Schaefer, H. S., Rubichi, S., … Nosek, B. A. (2014). Reducing implicit racial preferences: A comparative investigation of 17 interventions. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General , 143 (4), 1765–1785. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036260

The authors sought to determine which methods were effective in reducing implicit bias. Eight of seventeen interventions reduced implicit bias, while the remaining nine did not. Most important for this paper, however, is the remaining question of long-term gains. This article could benefit those trying to design implicit bias interventions in police training.

Lai, C. K., Skinner, A. L., Cooley, E., Murrar, S., Brauer, M., Devos, T., Calanchini, J., Xiao, Y. J., Pedram, C., Marshburn, C. K., Simon, S., Blanchar, J. C., Joy-Gaba, J. A., Conway, J., Redford, L., Klein, R. A., Roussos, G., Schellhaas, F. M. H., Burns, M., … Nosek, B. A. (2016). Reducing implicit racial preferences: II Intervention effectiveness across time. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General , 145 (8), 1001–1016. https://doi.org/10.1037/xge0000179

Researchers assessed the interventions' success at sustained reductions in bias due to earlier implicit bias intervention work. Their findings suggest there remain concerns about long-term change. As with Lai et al.'s previous work, this article would benefit those working on designing implicit bias interventions for police training.

McDowell, M. G., & Fernandez, L. A. (2018). ‘Disband, disempower, and disarm’: Amplifying the theory and practice of police abolition. Critical Criminology , 26 (3), 373–391. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-018-9400-4

The authors discuss the police abolitionist movement from a critical criminology perspective. McDowell and Fernandez make a powerful argument that aims directly at dismantling police as an institution allows for movement toward meaningful change. While antagonistically worded for traditional criminologists, I recommend all policing scholars read their work.

Reaves, B. A. (2016). State and local law enforcement training academies, 2013, summary . Bureau of Justice Statistics. https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/slleta13.pdf

The above is a statistical report from the Bureau of Justice Statistics that highlights various aspects of state and local law enforcement training academies. I used the information on stress versus non-stress academy models and the number of hours spent on training types to support the policy recommendations in this brief. The report is beneficial for academics, practitioners, and community members to understand the most recent snapshot of the average police training academy.

Shipton, B. (2011). Expanding police educators’ understanding of teaching, are they as learner-centered as they think? Journal of Learning Design , 4 (2), 1–19. https://doi.org/10.5204/jld.v4i2.71

In this study, the researcher sought to determine whether police educators favored learner-centered or teacher-centered approaches. Due to contradictory findings, Shipton argues that police educators need more development courses that allow them to reflect on their actual practices regarding their desire teaching approach. I recommend this piece for anyone involved in instructor development for police academies.

Spencer, K. B., Charbonneau, A. K., & Glaser, J. (2016). Implicit bias and policing. Social and Personality Psychology Compass , 10 (1), 50–63. https://doi.org/10.1111/spc3.12210

The authors address the difficulty in reducing the effects of implicit bias. They argue that there are no known interventions with any efficacy. I suggest policing scholars read this article and reflect on the several promising avenues for future research to reduce implicit bias.

Photo by Sam Clarke on Unsplash

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Complex Motor Learning and Police Training: Applied, Cognitive, and Clinical Perspectives

Paula m. di nota.

1 Department of Psychology, University of Toronto, Mississauga, ON, Canada

2 Office of Applied Research & Graduate Studies, Justice Institute of British Columbia, New Westminster, BC, Canada

Juha-Matti Huhta

3 Police University College, Tampere, Finland

4 Faculty of Education, University of Tampere, Tampere, Finland

The practices surrounding police training of complex motor skills, including the use of force, varies greatly around the world, and even over the course of an officer’s career. As the nature of policing changes with society and the advancement of science and technology, so should the training practices that officers undertake at both central (i.e., police academy basic recruit training) and local (i.e., individual agency or precinct) levels. The following review is intended to bridge the gap between scientific knowledge and applied practice to inform best practices for training complex motor skills that are unique and critical to law enforcement, including the use of lethal force. We begin by providing a basic understanding of the fundamental cognitive processes underlying motor learning, from novel skill acquisition to complex behaviors including situational awareness, and decision-making that precede and inform action. Motor learning, memory, and perception are then discussed within the context of occupationally relevant stress, with a review of evidence-based training practices that promote officer performance and physiological responses to stress during high-stakes encounters. A lack of applied research identifying the neurophysiological mechanisms underlying motor learning in police is inferred from a review of evidence from various clinical populations suffering from disorders of cognitive and motor systems, including Alzheimer’s and Parkinson’s disease and stroke. We conclude this review by identifying practical, organizational, and systemic challenges to implementing evidence-based practices in policing and provide recommendations for best practices that will promote training effectiveness and occupational safety of end-users (i.e., police trainers and officers).

Law enforcement personnel including police officers rely on several types of information as they go about their duties and daily routines; external cues from the environment, internal physiology, declarative memory of laws and regulations, and implicitly learned tactical skills. Police are also entrusted to resolve potentially dangerous or violent encounters, in some cases necessitating the use of force. As a result, law enforcement personnel are exposed to high levels of occupational stress, which have been shown to pose risks to physical and mental health ( Carleton et al., 2018 , 2019 ; Planche et al., 2019 ). Policing skills, including physical capabilities and mental resiliency, are modifiable by training and experience and have an influence on police decision-making and performance in the field. To bridge the gap between empirical research and applied practice, we begin this review by describing initial learning processes (i.e., basic skill acquisition) before reviewing motor learning of specialized physical skills relevant to law enforcement. Specifically, we propose that situational awareness and decision-making are essential motor skills for policing that integrate sensory, motor, and cognitive functioning. The neurophysiological processes underlying procedural motor learning will be integrated throughout these discussions. Then, we show how occupationally relevant stress influences police performance, and has been adaptively integrated into state-of-the-art training to promote motor learning outcomes. Next, evidence from various clinical populations will be reviewed to identify cognitive and neurophysiological mechanisms that are important for procedural motor learning among police. Finally, we conclude our review by identifying practical, organizational, and systemic challenges to implementing evidence-based police practices and put forth recommendations to overcoming these challenges that will improve training effectiveness and direct future work.

Before we begin, the authors would like to emphasize that this review is not intended to criticize or condemn any current practices. Rather, the following review is intended to provide an accessible summary of what happens in the brain during complex motor learning (i.e., police training), as well as during real-world police encounters that induce physiological stress responses that directly influence whether training is recalled during in-the-moment decision-making. Our hope is that police trainers and curriculum developers will use this information to inform, update, or improve understanding of current training practices to maximize learning outcomes. As society, technology, and scientific knowledge continue to advance, so should police training practices for the purpose of maintaining public and occupational safety.

Applied Motor Learning in Law Enforcement

The manner by which police officers learn motor skills is no different from other humans simply because of their occupation–they have to progress from initial skill learning to high proficiency using the same neurophysiological processes as experts in other domains. To acquire this expertise, police officers must undergo rigorous training and acquire experience in the field. In addition to learning specific motor skills such as firearm handling and hands-on tactics, police officers must also train visuomotor networks involved in situational awareness. Together with past experiences (in training and on the job) and individual action competencies, an officer’s perceptual assessments implicitly inform complex decision-making for choosing the most appropriate motor command during dynamic and unpredictable encounters. Neural mechanisms underlying effective police training methods remain unknown and will be inferred from fundamental science and research on clinical populations that experience breakdowns in the cognitive and neurological mechanisms that facilitate motor learning and memory.

Early Motor Learning: Basic Competency and Novel Skill Acquisition

Skill acquisition and motor learning come with experience, which includes problem-solving through individual trial-and-error or during training with supervisors, teachers, or colleagues. Using firearm skills training as an example, new recruits (presumably without any prior experience with firearms) will carefully observe and model the behaviors of their instructor. A crucial step in the process of motor learning is the ability to define, understand, and remember the ordered sequence of observed movements ( Figure 1 ). In order to do so, sensory-motor and memory regions of the brain are recruited to help break down continuous streams of motion (as well as music and language, see Zacks et al., 2009a ; Francois and Schön, 2011 ; Lerner et al., 2011 ) into component “chunks” ( Zacks and Sargent, 2010 ). Motor chunks begin and end with event borders that are typically marked by distinct kinematic movement parameters, including changes in position or location, speed, and direction of movement and also perceived changes in goals and intentions ( Zacks et al., 2009b , 2010 ; Hemeren and Thill, 2011 ).

Transforming vision into action. Regions of the mirror neuron network (MNN) are independently responsible for a myriad of functions, including sensory perception, language processing, transforming external information onto internal body-centered reference frames, and planning and executing movements. Through repeated practice, the neuronal pattern of activation (or “motor representation”) underlying a novel movement is recalibrated and reinforced or consolidated into long-term memory. IFG, inferior frontal gyrus; M1, primary motor cortex; PFC, prefrontal cortex; PMd, dorsal premotor cortex; PMv, ventral premotor cortex; PPC, posterior parietal cortex; SMA, supplementary motor area; STS, superior temporal sulcus.

To continue with our previous example, drawing one’s firearm requires a set of discrete movements or chunks, including reaching down, releasing the gun from the holster, pulling the gun up from the holster to the chest and pushing it straight with the arms to the firing position, and aiming at a target. Segmenting motor sequences in this way facilitate early motor learning and gaining competence in smaller, more manageable units of information ( Ericsson et al., 1980 ; Gobet and Simon, 1998 ; Bo and Seidler, 2009 ). With continued training, motor chunks can be grouped or “concatenated” into longer sequences ( Sakai et al., 2003 ; Bläsing, 2015 ) that can be performed and recalled with less mental effort. Although it has not been directly investigated in police, one could hypothesize that experienced officers would identify fewer and larger chunks of component actions (e.g., a single motion for “pointing a firearm”) based on these previous findings. Future applied research on police segmentation behaviors would clarify the relationship between multisensory perception, motor learning, and memory. All of these cognitive processes are especially relevant for police, whose decision-making (i.e., motor selection) is guided by assessment of the environment, current physiological status (e.g., stressed, fatigued), and prior experience.

Reinforcing Motor Learning in the Brain

Our brains have evolved a highly sophisticated and complex network of brain areas that facilitate imitation-based learning. Giving credence to the old adage “monkey see, monkey do”, researchers unintentionally discovered the “mirror neuron network” (MNN, Figure 1 ) during neurophysiological investigations on reaching behaviors in monkeys ( Gallese et al., 1996 ; Rizzolatti et al., 1996 ). Based on subsequent research in both animals and humans, the MNN has been shown to facilitate imitation-based learning by way of transforming observed or verbally instructed movements into a physically embodied action (for contemporary critical review, see Kilner and Lemon, 2013 ). Behavior is typically associated with the ability to execute a given movement but also involves observing and thinking about movement(s) through visualization or planning. That is, an officer’s MNN is activated while they are using their firearm, when they observe an instructor use their firearm, as well as when they visualize themselves using their firearm ( Grèzes and Decety, 2001 ).

Based on common activation of the MNN during observation, visualization, and execution of movement, it begs the question: Can motor learning be achieved without physical practice? Several researchers have directly compared training gains across these paradigms for simple movement sequences (e.g., finger tapping). While similar performance gains ( Hird et al., 1991 ), force gains, muscular motor-evoked potentials ( Yue and Cole, 1992 ; Mattar and Gribble, 2005 ; Porro et al., 2007 ), and neural activation ( Cisek and Kalaska, 2004 ) were found during observation- and visualization-based training paradigms, these measures and physical competency were less than movement-based training. Therefore, the neurophysiological connections enabling successful motor learning cannot be achieved to the same degree without physical practice 1 .

Brain regions comprising the MNN in humans include ventral and dorsal premotor cortices ( Binkofski and Buccino, 2006 ), intraparietal sulcus, superior parietal lobe ( Filimon et al., 2007 ), inferior parietal lobule, inferior frontal gyrus (Broca’s area), cingulate gyrus, cerebellum, superior temporal sulcus ( Iacoboni et al., 2001 ), supplementary motor area (SMA), and primary motor cortex (M1). Individually, these nodes are functionally related to sensory, motor, language, attention, and memory processing ( Figure 1 ). Together, the MNN transforms and maps externally perceived movement onto internal body-centered reference frames. Premotor cortices and SMA are primarily responsible for computing the desired motor plan, which is set into motion by triggering activation of M1 neurons that directly innervate corresponding muscle groups (for review, see Gallivan and Culham, 2015 ). There has been some debate regarding the activation of M1 and SMA during observation and visualization when motor output signals are inhibited and no overt movement occurs ( Roth et al., 1996 ; Grèzes and Decety, 2001 ). Nonetheless, these nodes have shown reliable activation during all three types of movement processing to enable transformation of sensory and cognitive information into motor commands.

A given movement, such as drawing one’s firearm, is coded as a very specific pattern of neural activation in the MNN, referred to in the scientific literature as a “motor representation.” Once a given movement is performed (e.g., drawing, aiming, and firing a firearm), there is immediate visual feedback regarding whether the outcome was successful or not. These “incoming” visual signals, or reafferents , are compared to predictive “outgoing” efference copy signals that are generated by the brain during movement preparation ( Blakemore et al., 1998 ; Rizzolatti et al., 1998 ; DeSouza et al., 2003 ). When predicted and actual movement is successful, and incoming feedback signals are congruent with the predictive outgoing signals, the motor representation is reinforced. Specifically, neural connections between MNN regions for the successful movement are strengthened, in turn facilitating future successful performance and engraining motor learning ( Rizzolatti and Craighero, 2004 ; Oosterhof et al., 2013 ). When predicted and actual behavioral outcomes do not match, motor planning signals are recalibrated and updated with subsequent attempts, a process referred to as “motor adaptation” ( Cressman and Henriques, 2009 ; Salomonczyk et al., 2011 ; Neva and Henriques, 2013 ).

In order to forge the functional connections between brain regions that code a novel motor representation, researchers have identified a competitive mechanism whereby stronger pre-synaptic inputs weaken the inputs from other neurons to the same post-synaptic cell, resulting in learning-dependent plasticity ( Song et al., 2000 ). Made famous by Hebb (1949) , neurons that “fire together, wire together”, known as spike-timing-dependent plasticity (STDP). In other words, the repeated and paired activation between neurons is reinforced with experience and training, forging stronger, and more reliable connections.

Just as training is intended to encode correct behaviors, it provides an opportunity to work through errors constructively (section “The Gold Standard for Complex Motor Learning for Police: Scenario-Based Training”). Our brains are equipped with specialized functions to ensure that those errors are not encoded over correct patterns of behavior. The precise timing of coordinated and long-range neural activation among regions of the MNN can induce states of anti-STDP, potentially blocking the encoding of new information that needs to be erased ( Koch et al., 2013 ). For instance, anti-STDP processes could prevent the encoding of an officer’s incorrect drawing of their firearm or movement pattern through a training scenario that resulted in them being shot by an armed suspect. Break-downs in learning-dependent STDP mechanisms are observed in clinical populations, including individuals with Alzheimer’s disease (AD) and are discussed further in section “Seeing and Hearing is Believing: Superadditive Mechanisms of Multisensory Inputs”.

Defining Expertise in Policing

Performance enhancement.

Initial motor learning is characterized by effortful practice and mastery of component actions or “chunks” (e.g., drawing, aiming, and firing) of larger action sequences (e.g., quickly reaching for one’s firearm). With continued training comes a reduction and eventual plateau in performance errors, reaction times, and the effort needed to execute now-automatized behaviors. Such performance measures have often been used to define expertise in empirical research studies of various problem-solving tasks. Expert knowledge is organized in large scale, multilevel, and interconnected data structures that integrate sensory, motor, and linguistic functions of component “chunks” of information ( Di Nota, 2017 ). Increasing the number of chunks in novice thinking does not make him an expert but requires a structured organization of knowledge ( Rauste-von Wright and Wright, 1994 ). As a result, experts are characterized to have an excellent ability to perceive the overall picture in different situations, with an unconscious understanding of how to meet the needs of novel situations ( Ropo, 1991 ).

Defining expertise as a progressive linear process that encompasses a finite set of physical skills has been met with criticism. Several researchers argue that the extent or duration of training time is less important to defining expertise than an individual’s competence, with less experienced individuals outperforming experts in several domains ( Doane et al., 1990 ; Vicente and Wang, 1998 ; Ericsson, 2004 ). One of the most prominent researchers in expertise is Ericsson, who proposed that the duration of training is positively correlated to improvements in performance that are tailored to typical situational demands. Once automaticity of behavior is achieved, additional experience will not significantly improve performance further or refine mediating neurological mechanisms, leading to arrested development ( Ericsson et al., 1993 ; Ericsson, 1998 ). An appropriate example includes tying one’s shoelaces; once this skill has been mastered, additional experience will not be related to higher levels of performance.

To develop high-level skills, including those relevant to policing, Ericsson defines expertise as an ability to apply one’s skills adaptively to perform faster, more accurately, and with less effort under a wide variety of situational constraints and demands. Experts break through the ceiling of arrested development with deliberate practice, which involves effortful cognitive engagement in challenging tasks that may not commonly be encountered ( Ericsson and Lehmann, 1996 ). According to this definition, experts attain higher levels of performance by challenging themselves to meet increasingly difficult demands, in turn developing a repertoire of increasingly complex motor representations. Ericsson’s theoretical framework is especially relevant for police who train for highly dynamic, uncertain, and potentially dangerous encounters. Section “Bridging the Gap Between Science and Practice: Evidence-Based Police Training” will review the current state of the art for police training paradigms that consider the principles of deliberate practice, as well as the influence of physiological responses to occupationally induced stress, to promote motor learning and effective recall during critical incidents.

Through the overt (sensory reafferents) and covert (efference copy) feedback processes described above, expert sensorimotor networks facilitate decision-making, performance, and novel motor learning that is faster and more accurate than among novices. The refinement of complex networks that encompass sensory, motor, language, and cognitive (i.e., memory, decision-making) brain regions suggest a high potential for skill transfer across domains and bear important implications for the therapeutic application of motor learning and training for a variety of disorders (see section “Therapeutic Benefits of Complex Motor Learning”).

Situational Awareness

By their very nature, high-stakes police encounters are highly complex and always changing. Among police instructors, it is understood that motor skill learning in and of itself is not sufficient to cope with the complex reality of police encounters. An example would be a situation in which the police have the conditions and necessity to use a firearm toward a target person, but there are many bystanders in the vicinity. In this case, using a firearm could be a serious threat to public safety. In addition to the basic motor competency and handling of the weapon, the officer must also be able to assess and change their positioning effectively so that discharging the firearm can minimize collateral damage and effectively resolve the situation. If an officer lacks knowledge (and training) in situational awareness and decision-making, the outcome of highly unpredictable, time-pressured, and stress-inducing encounters like the one described here is likely unfavorable. Therefore, situational awareness and subsequent selection of the best course of action are fundamental procedural skills for police that inform behavioral outcomes just as much as basic motor learning.

Although the conditions and circumstances to every situation are unique, police instructors and practitioners generally agree that situations can be understood as a whole, within which there are fundamental elements that can be separately understood and trained. An officer’s perception and evaluation of a situation directly informs what motor skills they will employ. This online assessment of the environment is known as situational awareness. Several definitions of situational awareness exist for different fields but has been defined by Endsley (1995) as possessing three components: perception, comprehension, and projection. In other words, sensory perceptions signify elements of the environment, whose meanings must be understood in order to anticipate their future status in relation to the objectives of the action. Before we are able to understand our perceptions, it is important that we learn to make proper perceptions. Selective attention is an important function of the sensory system because all of the information received by the senses cannot be consciously perceived at the same time ( Tiippana, 2006 ). Therefore, what part of the external environment is the subject of conscious awareness at any given time is controlled by attention, which is highly influenced by stress (see section “Stress-Induced Memory Deficits, Perceptual Distortions, and Performance Errors in Police”). According to this view, selective attention divides the external totality of a situation into meaningful and non-meaningful elements, the latter of which is ignored and the remaining essentials are attended ( Varila and Rekola, 2003 ).

In the case of training aimed at developing situational awareness, it would be advisable to develop methods of visual exploration and subsequent processing of critical information ( Salas et al., 1995 ). Once essential features of the environment have been identified, complicated situations can be broken down into smaller elements or “chunks.” Just as with fundamental motor learning described above, situational awareness training can afford novices the opportunity to recognize chunk patterns in different contexts and combinations, and link them to appropriate motor strategies ( Varila and Rekola, 2003 ). As shown by previous research ( Bläsing, 2015 ), police experts may sum up several observations into larger entities that include both situational awareness and tactical elements. Indeed, an examination of police shooting strategies found significant overlap in stepping and shooting behaviors ( Nieuwenhuys et al., 2017 ), reflecting concatenation of component motor and perceptual chunks during a high-threat shooting exercise. Without investigation, standardization, and validation of situational awareness training strategies, police officers may be learning wrong patterns and encoding stimulus-response tendencies instead of effective critical thinking skills.

Fast, Flexible, and Accurate Decision-Making

In both policing and basic science, actions are typically evaluated by the final outcome. In reality, human behavior is far more complex than a hierarchical, step-wise process that begins with a goal, is followed by a conscious motor plan, and concludes with an appropriate movement. Researchers in the field of computational neuroscience have provided an alternative school of thought that suggests multiple behavioral outcomes, or “affordances,” unconsciously competes for final selection ( Cisek, 2006 , 2007 ). Based on current perceptions of the environment, the brain considers multiple potential motor affordances to achieve a desired outcome. For instance, a suspicious individual in a dark alley may elicit multiple behaviors from an officer, including verbal commands, change in positioning, and accessing one of multiple force options [e.g., baton, oleoresin capsicum (OC) spray, conducted electrical weapon, firearm]. As the situation unfolds over time, goals and available options for action selection are continuously updated by the prefrontal cortex (PFC) and basal ganglia, respectively.

In the current example, the suspect could charge toward the officer with a weapon necessitating a use of lethal force, or the suspect may comply with officer’s verbal commands and allow for safe approach. Cisek’s (2006 , 2007) model suggests that updated sensory information biases competition among multiple motor affordances toward a single response that is released into execution. Further, there is evidence to suggest that high levels of threat narrow perceived and actual motor affordances for possible action ( Pijpers et al., 2006 ). We propose that complex decision-making undertaken by police officers during high-stakes encounters involves several other factors, including stress-induced perceptual biases and prior experience acquired through training or in the field. These considerations and their unconscious influence on police performance and motor selection will be discussed in detail in section “The Influence of Stress on Police Performance.”

Once motor learning is engrained, and officers are adequately trained in situational awareness, how is this knowledge functionally used “in the moment”? Based on acquired knowledge from training and work experiences, officers make well-informed decisions very quickly under conditions of extreme time pressure, high stakes, and shifting conditions ( Klein, 2017 ). However, they may not be able to describe how or why they chose to act ( Ropo, 1991 ). Decades of investigations with experts in several fields, including emergency first responders and military personnel, support two prominent theories that characterize “intuitive” decision-making. In contrast to deliberate, slow, and controlled reasoning, Kahneman and Tversky’s Two-System Model ( Stanovich and West, 2000 ; Kahneman, 2003 ) stipulates that intuitive decision-making is automatic, effortless, and not available to introspection. Often emotionally charged, intuitive decision-making elicits habitual responses that are difficult to control or modify, highlighting the importance of cementing correct (or optimal) intuitions with police training.

Klein’s Recognition-Primed Decision Model (RPDM) ( Klein, 1989 , 1993 ) characterizes proficient decision-making as a fusion of two mental processes – situational awareness and mental simulation (or visualization). Experienced officers recognize familiar cues and patterns of information in the environment and quickly identify what goals and actions are feasible or not. In contrast to competitive affordance models ( Cisek, 2006 , 2007 ), the RPDM stipulates that there is no concurrent deliberation of alternate options. Rather, a single action plan that is most likely to meet a sufficient outcome is mentally simulated. If any pitfalls are expected, the action plan is adjusted until a satisfactory outcome is realized and executed. Because there is no deliberation, decision makers often cannot explain their rationale.

The difficulty of articulating implicit decision-making also poses a problem for training and evaluation of police motor learning, which is largely outcome based. Steps should be taken to ensure that the physical tactics and cognitive thought processes leading up to (and including) the decision to act are adequately addressed in police training. Experts are also shown to make “rookie mistakes” when ignoring relevant cues for the sake of fast decision-making ( Kahneman, 2003 ). Through more introspective pedagogical approaches, police trainers can use mistakes in both novice and expert officers’ performance to recalibrate and reinforce correct intuitive cognitive and motor strategies.

Confidence and Action Competency

Finally, we suggest that the practical application of procedural motor skills, situational awareness, and expert decision-making might also be linked to the officer’s individual perception of their own skills and abilities that precedes action. As reflected in military pedagogy, the concept of action competence refers to one’s self-perceived ability to act, which includes physical (i.e., operational) and mental capability, competence, knowledge, and skills that are essential to an individual’s survival in demanding situations ( Toiskallio and Mäkinen, 2009 ). Action competence can also be defined with respect to social and ethical considerations, including ownership and justification of one’s actions that undoubtedly influence police and law enforcement performance. Action competence is another aspect of complex motor learning that trainers and curriculum developers should be aware of when reimagining police training methods and approaches.

Changes to Brain Structure and Function With Long-Term Training and Expertise

Investigations of motor learning are typically examined in highly controlled experimental settings using simple tasks, including arm reaching, finger tapping, and eye movements. However, the physical skills of police and other law enforcement personnel require complex, whole-body movements that are highly dynamic and dependent on the unique situation at hand. To investigate learning-induced neural plasticity that is more applicable to real-world experiences, we look to other areas of research including sport psychology of athletics, dance, and music. These domains have served as ideal models for measuring ecologically valid, reproducible, sequential movements that have established standards for correct performance. Neurological evidence for motor learning among police is a largely unexplored area of study (see section “Live Versus Virtual Scenario-Based Training”), and the few empirical research studies investigating training-induced changes to police physiology (i.e., cardiovascular) and performance will be reviewed in section “The Gold Standard for Complex Motor Learning for Police: Scenario-Based Training.”

To facilitate dynamic expert performance, neuroimaging findings of long-term training have shown greater structural organization and neural efficiency among brain regions involved in motor planning among experts relative to novices. Specifically, expertise has been linked to reduced gray matter volume in superior frontal gyrus, left PMC, SMA, and putamen relative to non-experts, and lower white matter volumes in bilateral corticospinal tracts and corpus callosum ( Hänggi et al., 2010 ). Fractional anisotropy, which measures the extent of fiber integrity ( Assaf and Pasternak, 2007 ), is also lower in white matter tracts underlying PMC among experts, reflecting less diffusion across white matter tracts ( Hänggi et al., 2010 ).

Reorganization of expert brain networks also facilitate faster and less effortful learning of new information related to one’s area of expertise ( Shmuelof et al., 2012 ), lending empirical evidence to the old adage that “you can teach old dogs new tricks.” Brain imaging studies of novel sequence learning among longstanding experts show initial increases in neocortical activation (SMA), reflecting effortful cognitive motor planning. Once the motor sequence has been automated and over-learned (i.e., practiced daily for several weeks with a high degree of accuracy), there is a dramatic decrease in neocortical activation and greater activation in subcortical regions including the striatum ( Bar and DeSouza, 2016 ). The striatum is a critical part of the brain’s motor and reward systems, is reciprocally connected to the PFC and thalamus, and coordinates numerous cognitive functions including action planning, decision-making, motivation, and goal/reward processing ( Yager et al., 2015 ). These connections enable optimal expert performance and involve processes that directly inform police decision-making as discussed above. Despite the body of neuroimaging evidence reviewed here, there is a dearth of investigations examining training-induced changes to brain structure and function among police (see section “Future Directions for Evidence-Based Police Training: Neurophysiological Mechanisms” for current evidence and future directions).

The Influence of Stress on Police Performance

Despite the comprehensive overview of occupationally relevant motor learning presented above, an important problem for police training remains: how can we promote recall of training during high-stress, time-limited encounters in the real world? By examining how physiological responses to stress influence police performance, perception, learning, and memory, we provide a framework for understanding effective training programs that use evidence-based principles to prepare police officers for the realities of the frontline.

Physiological Responses to Stress

The most scrutinized decisions made by police officers usually occur under highly stressful conditions resulting in a use of force and particularly lethal force. Despite expectations to perform in accordance with the law and their training, law enforcement personnel and other first responders are not immune to the body’s automatic physiological responses to threat and stress (for detailed description, see Schwabe and Wolf, 2013 ; Ness and Calabrese, 2016 ). By initiating the “fight or flight” response, stress adaptively promotes survival by mobilizing individuals to escape threat ( Lovallo, 2016 ). Stress can be measured by various objective physiological markers. Cardiovascular indexes of stress include heart rate (HR), heart rate variability (HRV), blood pressure, and galvanic skin response. Cortisol obtained through saliva or blood samples provide a neurochemical measure of stress. Very little research has been conducted on police using non-invasive brain imaging techniques, including magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) or electroencephalography (EEG) (see section “Future Directions for Evidence-Based Police Training: Neurophysiological Mechanisms”). Both neuroimaging techniques stand to illuminate structural and functional changes to the brain following acute and long-term exposure to stress, as well as learning-induced plasticity.

Seminal work by Yerkes and Dodson (1908) has been supported by basic and applied research in several fields to establish the stress-memory continuum ( Figure 2 ), which demonstrates that low to moderate levels of stress “arousal” adaptively facilitate learning, memory, and cognitive performance ( Jameson et al., 2010 ). The strength of a memory is proportional to the level of arousal it elicits ( Thayer and Sternberg, 2006 ), with stronger encoding of new information with more robust stress responses. However, at extreme levels, stress is maladaptive for learning by blocking both encoding of novel information and memory retrieval.

The stress-memory continuum. As established by Yerkes and Dodson’s (1908) seminal work, stress influences learning and memory processes on an inverted U-shaped continuum. At moderate levels, stress promotes attentional arousal and encoding (i.e., learning) of novel information. At extremely high levels, stress interferes with both encoding and retrieval processes and is maladaptive in training contexts. Based on empirical physiological evidence from police officers, scenario-based training lies at an optimal position of the continuum whereby ecologically-valid levels of stress are induced and result in measurable improvements in performance, including use of force decision-making. 1 , Andersen et al., 2016a ; 2 , Andersen and Gustafsberg, 2016b ; 3 , Andersen et al., 2018 ; 4 , Armstrong et al., 2014 ; 5 , Anderson et al., 2002 ; 6 , Jameson et al., 2010 ; 7 , Cahill and Alkire, 2003 ; 8 , Cahill and McGaugh, 1998 ; 9 , Morgan III et al., 2004 ; 10 , Taverniers et al., 2013 ; 11 , Oudejans, 2008 ; 12 , Nieuwenhuys and Oudejans, 2010 ; 13 , Nieuwenhuys et al., 2012a ; 14 , Nieuwenhuys et al., 2009 ; 15 , Nieuwenhuys et al., 2012b .

Basic science and animal research shows that the precise timing of stress-induced release of neurochemicals is key to successful encoding of novel information. Improved learning outcomes are observed when epinephrine is administered immediately prior to or during learning ( Cahill and McGaugh, 1998 ; Cahill and Alkire, 2003 ), and severe impairment in memory recall is observed when glucocorticoids are administered before retention testing ( De Quervain et al., 1998 , 2000 ; Diamond et al., 2006 ). These findings reveal unique influences of the various neurochemicals released during human stress responses on learning (i.e., memory formation). An important consideration for developers of police training programs is to identify an optimal level of stress that adaptively promotes learning without crossing the threshold for maladaptive stress that interferes with encoding and retrieval processes.

Stress-Induced Memory Deficits, Perceptual Distortions, and Performance Errors in Police

There is a limited yet growing body of research investigating the effects of stress on police performance, learning (see section “Bridging the Gap Between Science and Practice: Evidence-Based Police Training”), and memory (e.g., Yuille et al., 1994 ; Stanny and Johnson, 2000 ; Hope et al., 2016 ; Lewinski et al., 2016 ), with several insights offered from studies on military personnel ( Morgan et al., 2004 , 2006 ; Taverniers et al., 2013 ). These studies tend to focus on declarative memories of extremely stressful training and work situations, including prisoner of war exercises and police-involved shootings. Results consistently show stress-induced impairments to both immediate and delayed memory. For instance, officer recall of their path of travel during a simulated high-stress traffic stop significantly deviates from their actual path of travel, highlighting the influence of stress on officers’ spatial memory ( Lewinski et al., 2016 ). These outcomes bear greatly on the accuracy of police or eyewitness memory of traumatic encounters, as well as recall accuracy during stressful questioning procedures like evaluations, inquests, and trial proceedings. Considerations of stress on police memory lie beyond the scope of the present review (see Hope, 2016 ), which aims to clarify the influence of stress on police motor learning and performance.

Qualitative evaluation of police officers’ accounts of encounters where they shot citizens reveal several consistent perceptual distortions, including diminished sound, slowed time, tunnel vision (i.e., narrowed attention), and heightened sense of visual detail ( Klinger and Brunson, 2009 ). Even though officers are inherently aware of the temporal dynamics of action-reaction, they have been shown to systematically underestimate the distance between themselves and suspects in both low- and high-threat conditions ( Nieuwenhuys et al., 2012a ). In fact, research showing that an officer already pointing their gun at an armed suspect is unable to fire before the suspect does ( Blair et al., 2011 ). These natural, untrained tendencies can lead to devastating outcomes unless stress-induced perceptual distortions are also considered and integrated into training procedural motor skills relevant to police (see section “Bridging the Gap Between Science and Practice: Evidence-Based Police Training”).

Based on the significant overlap of brain networks involved in movement, learning, attention, and physiological stress responses, several psychological theories offer possible mechanisms for stress-induced impairments in police performance. Where an officer directs their attention informs their perception, evaluation, and available behavioral options for motor selection. To enable fast decision-making, the brain predictively “sees” before conscious perception ( Barrett and Bar, 2009 ; Barrett, 2012 ). This phenomenon is known as affective realism, whereby external stimuli are assigned an emotional or affective “value” (i.e., gun = bad) that informs downstream physiological processes to approach or avoid the stimulus. As such, reporting negative emotions can increase the likelihood that a benign object like a wallet or cellphone is visually perceived to be a gun ( Baumann and DeSteno, 2010 ). While this type of perceptual distortion rarely contributes to misinterpretation in violent police encounters, it has been reported in the past (e.g., 1999 police shooting of Amadou Diallo in New York City). An empirical research study on military cadets found faster and more accurate identification of a weapon versus a tool when visually primed with a threatening image but also an increase in “false positives” for weapons when presented with a tool under high anxiety conditions ( Fleming et al., 2010 ). Training that integrates realistic levels of stress can help promote accurate perceptions over false positives that bear significant implications for occupational safety and security.

Applied research on police shooting performance has shown greater stress (self-report and HR), faster reaction times, and decreased shooting accuracy during high-threat conditions, where a live actor or canon shoots back at officers with simulated ammunition, versus low-threat conditions where officers shoot a static target ( Oudejans, 2008 ; Nieuwenhuys and Oudejans, 2010 ; Nieuwenhuys et al., 2012b ). Stress-induced decrements in police performance have also been found for other complex procedural skills, including arrest and self-defense behaviors typically used in the field ( Nieuwenhuys et al., 2009 ). According to attentional control theory (ACT), a stressful or threatening stimulus exerts both negative and positive influences on attention, respectively, by: (1) drawing attention away from task-relevant information toward distracting threat-relevant information and internal worries, leaving fewer attentional resources to effectively perform the task at hand and (2) increasing motivational cognitive or mental effort on task performance to counteract negative attentional effects ( Eysenck et al., 2007 ).

Consistent with ACT principles, head and eye tracking reveal increased attention toward the suspect (i.e., threat) and away from task-relevant targets. Increased motivation is supported by higher reported mental effort during high-threat conditions, as well as faster reaction times to eliminate the threat but at the cost of shooting accuracy ( Oudejans, 2008 ; Nieuwenhuys and Oudejans, 2010 ; Nieuwenhuys et al., 2012a ; for discussion on conflicting attentional mechanisms, see Hope et al., 2016 ). Similar to Fleming et al. (2010) , Nieuwenhuys et al. (2012b) found a greater bias toward shooting unarmed targets in high-threat conditions, in addition to faster reaction times and decreased shooting accuracy to armed targets. Despite sampling highly trained police officers, the high-threat condition in these investigations influenced subconscious attentional and motivational processes that superseded officers’ training to respond to a threatening situation, impairing task-related shooting performance. These findings highlight the urgent need to address occupationally relevant stress during police training to mitigate impairments in perception and subsequent decision-making and performance.

“I Don’t Feel Stressed”: Subjective Versus Objective Measures of Stress

Further contributing to the nuanced and highly complex relationship between stress, learning, and memory is the fact that stress is a highly individual experience. What may be perceived as extremely stressful for one individual may not be stressful at all to another. One’s perceived level of stress may also differ from objective physiological measures, especially among police and law enforcement personnel who may be hesitant to admit “feeling stressed.” Physiological stress responses in police have been shown to manifest in very similar ways during an encounter (e.g., physical use of force interactions) or in anticipation of an encounter (e.g., driving to event with lights and sirens; hand on gun) ( Anderson et al., 2002 ). Stress can also be triggered by “real” external cues in the environment (e.g., presence of a lethal weapon) or by internal psychological states (e.g., fear or anticipation of observing a lethal weapon), further complicating the investigation of how stress impacts police performance. Recent evidence shows that law enforcement personnel have significantly higher baseline levels of cortisol relative to the general population, and that tactical officers exposed to greater occupational threat have even higher levels of cortisol than frontline police officers ( Planche et al., 2019 ), bearing greatly on the long-term health trajectories for individuals in high-risk occupations. Thus, individual and occupationally mediated differences in stress responses confound the determination of where any single police officer (or individual) lies on the stress-memory continuum ( Figure 2 ), and what level of stress meets the threshold for maladaptive arousal. Objective measures of behavior and physiological stress such as HR, HRV, and salivary cortisol are crucial in evaluating the true influence of stress on individual performance.

Bridging the Gap Between Science and Practice: Evidence-Based Police Training

In recent years, there has been significant development and progress in the field of evidence-based policing, which uses empirical research to validate the effectiveness of various training approaches. The most studied training, and relevant for our discussion on complex motor learning, is use of force training. Most investigations of police behavior examine firearm use (i.e., shoot/no-shoot decisions), accuracy, and timing, but a use of force can range from physical (i.e., hands-on) tactics to any tools available to police officers including baton, OC spray, conducted electrical weapon, or firearm. In addition, we have proposed that situational awareness and decision-making are essential procedural motor skills for effective policing that are also influenced by occupationally relevant stress. The following section will review the current state of the art in evidence-based training that attempts to find a balance in the stress-memory continuum ( Figure 2 ) and promote effective motor learning for police.

The Adaptive Role of Real-World Stress in Police Training

Through occupational experience, police officers can learn to adapt and overcome the negative influences of stress on perception and performance described above. A study comparing novice and expert police officers found improved shooting behavior and gaze control in the expert group under high-threat conditions ( Vickers and Lewinski, 2012 ). Police officers who have better regulation of their stress responses have been shown to use the associated physiological cues in an adaptive way to promote performance (i.e., fewer shooting errors, de-escalating potentially violent encounters) ( Akinola and Mendes, 2012 ; Haller et al., 2014 ). These findings suggest that increased exposure to, and familiarity with, occupationally relevant stress can offset its interfering effect on performance.

In a series of investigations on athletes and police officers, Oudejans and colleagues have established efficacy for performance training that integrates occupationally relevant stress. Beginning with basketball and darts players, Oudejans and Pijpers (2009 , 2010) found that training with mild levels of anxiety improved post-training performance under stressful conditions compared to control groups that did not train with stress and who showed stress-induced deterioration of performance. Expanding on the police performance studies mentioned previously ( Oudejans, 2008 ; Nieuwenhuys and Oudejans, 2010 ; Nieuwenhuys et al., 2012a , b ), Oudejans and colleagues examined the efficacy of training police officers in high-stress (with a live actor or canon shooting back simulated ammunition) and low-stress (officer shoots at static target or mannequin) conditions. Officers completed pre- and post-training tests on firearms use of force performance under high- and low-stress conditions. All officers showed increased HR, poorer shooting accuracy, greater mental effort, and greater attentional fixation on threat- (versus task-) relevant stimuli during high-stress pre-training evaluations. Officers trained under high-stress conditions no longer showed impaired shooting performance during stressful post-training evaluations ( Oudejans, 2008 ) or at 4-month follow-up evaluations ( Nieuwenhuys and Oudejans, 2011 ).

Similar to the principles of motor adaptation described earlier in the section on “Applied Motor Learning in Law Enforcement”, the researchers suggest that training-induced performance gains are facilitated by recalibration of officers’ selected motor plans ( Nieuwenhuys and Oudejans, 2011 ). Even though officers still exhibited physiological stress responses post-training, their performance improved as a result of training under the same high-stress conditions in which they were expected to perform. Further, there is a relationship between stress and an officers’ motor selection strategy, such that inhibiting a preferred motor plan (e.g., shooting with a grounded stance) due to situational constraints results in greater reported anxiety and reduced shooting accuracy, even if the preferred motor plan is slower and puts the officer at greater risk ( Nieuwenhuys et al., 2017 ). Therefore, integrating stress into a repetitive training paradigm not only promotes police performance during subsequent high-stress conditions but also facilitates motor learning that can override preferred movement strategies that would put the officer at risk.

The Gold Standard for Complex Motor Learning for Police: Scenario-Based Training

Consistent with scientific principles of motor learning (section “Applied Motor Learning in Law Enforcement”), police trainers generally agree that basic skills training should begin with learning the fundamentals, or component “chunks”, in order to develop proficiency, comfort, and safety with a given technique ( Pryor, 1999 ). Once motor skills are overlearned and deeply encoded in long-term “muscle memory,” training approaches must evolve in order to ensure the motor skill can be flexibly applied to a variety of stressful circumstances that necessitate a use of force. Surveys from experienced police trainers ( Aldred, 2017 ) and a growing body of empirical research support the efficacy of scenario-based training, which simulates the stress and complexity of real-world situations to a greater extent than classroom lecture-based learning or static drills ( Armstrong et al., 2014 ; Andersen et al., 2016a ).

Scenario-based training is fully immersive, utilizing real and artificially constructed environments (e.g., schools, communities, and housing complexes), props, sounds, and lighting to create realistic environments that require various behavioral strategies. Professional actors or experienced police instructors are used to role-play various types of encounters ranging from violent offenders to domestic disputes and individuals in psychological crisis.

In accordance with Ericsson’s framework for deliberate practice ( Ericsson and Lehmann, 1996 ; Ericsson, 1998 , 2004 ), scenario-based training promotes expert motor learning among police by engaging the following principles:

• Once police officers acquire proficiency through basic skill training, expertise is developed through exposure to increasingly complex and demanding situations.
• By affording officers the opportunity to “feel” the physical sensations that accompany high-stress encounters, arousal-based mechanisms promote encoding of the learning experience and also allow officers to work through the stress response to achieve outcomes.
• Trainees are afforded integrated practice of verbal, physical, and cognitive (i.e., decision-making, situational awareness) skills, building a repertoire of varied experience that increases the likelihood that skills will be generalized to other situations ( Barney and Shea, 2007 ).
• With constructive and immediate feedback from qualified instructors, multiple behavioral options can be explored for successfully resolving an encounter through discussion and mental simulation. This is especially beneficial to novices (i.e., new recruits) that can work through errors and dangerous encounters in a safe environment (see section “Reinforcing Motor Learning in the Brain” for anti-STDP mechanism for erasing unwanted information).
• Deliberate practice through repeated attempts or trials reinforces the neural pathways of mental and physical skills (section “Reinforcing Motor Learning in the Brain”).
• Training is administered at an appropriate level of difficulty to challenge the learner but not to ensure failure (i.e., no-win situations) or be too easy.

Very few studies have investigated the efficacy of scenario-based training on police performance or attitudes but show significant improvements after even a single day of training. Krameddine et al. (2013) administered a 1-day scenario-based mental health training program and found significant improvements in verbal de-escalation, communication, and empathy with the public up to 6 months post-training. With respect to procedural use of force training, Andersen and Gustafsberg (2016b) and Andersen et al. (2018) have shown immediate and long-term efficacy of a 4-day performance and resilience program (iPREP). Officers use real-time HRV biofeedback (HRV-BF) during immersive live-action scenarios to modulate their individual stress responses and promote recovery from threat by engaging adaptive peripheral nervous system dominance ( Thayer and Sternberg, 2006 ; Lehrer and Gevirtz, 2014 ). Officers condition adaptive autonomic stress responses through repeated practice of various breathing techniques and mental simulation during various scenarios that increase in complexity and stress. Investigations of special forces and frontline officers have shown significant reductions in use of force shooting errors, improved situational awareness ( Andersen and Gustafsberg, 2016b ), and faster autonomic recovery to baseline following stressful training scenarios up to 18-month post-training ( Andersen et al., 2018 ).

By integrating pure motor skill practice with realistic environments, stress, and various decision-making options and outcomes, scenario-based training ensures cognitive motor skills (i.e., situational awareness, decision-making, visualization, breathing techniques) are adequately encoded and reinforced in learning and memory systems.

Mental Skills Training

The “mental skills” engaged during iPREP, including visualization and stress-reducing breathing techniques, are physically conditioned (i.e., become implicit and are performed without conscious effort) using HRV-BF. Other police training interventions that incorporate mental skills have shown efficacy in improving use of force performance, reported and objective (HR) measures of stress, and negative mood during high-stakes scenarios ( Arnetz et al., 2009 ). However, this training paradigm spanned 10 weeks, and post-training evaluations were conducted 12 months later. Therefore, it is unclear whether significant findings are due to the specific training intervention or 1 year of training and field experience.

Another investigation on the efficacy of two 75-min breathing, imagery, and attentional control training sessions found improved memory for details during a stressful OC training drill compared to controls. However, training did not improve autonomic stress responses, and the authors did not report post-training performance results ( Page et al., 2016 ). While these findings suggest a modest added benefit of mental skills training to motor learning paradigms, direct comparison of different learning strategies have shown that combined physical and mental practice is not as effective in training procedural skills compared to 100% physical practice ( Hird et al., 1991 ).

Live Versus Virtual Scenario-Based Training

Despite the efficacy of the training interventions by Oudejans and colleagues discussed in section “The Adaptive Role of Real-World Stress in Police Training,” the test and training conditions were not truly scenario based, such that officers were instructed to shoot at targets (or individuals) that were directly in front of them, and no other suspect engagement (i.e., verbal communication, other physical tactics) or decision-making (i.e., deciding whether or not to shoot the target) was involved. It is also unclear what duration of training, experimentally induced practice effects, or occupational experience could result in performance improvements, as the low-stress training group performed equally well during the high-stress condition at 4-month follow-up ( Nieuwenhuys and Oudejans, 2011 ). One investigation also found no post-training improvements in performance or gaze control, which could be due to the use of a video presentation for the stimuli instead of live actors ( Nieuwenhuys et al., 2015 ).

There is increasing investment in virtual simulation technologies for occupational training among police agencies and training institutes. However, there has not been any empirical validation of simulators for police training, specifically in the use of force decision-making. One validation study found that virtual emergency medical training failed to induce the same level of cardiovascular stress as a live training scenario ( Baker et al., 2017 ). Despite the appeal of using advanced technologies in an applied setting, video or virtual simulators lack the perceptual depth cues present in live environments that inform police decision-making and motor selection strategies. Further empirical validation of simulator systems relative to live scenario-based training is needed before police agencies make the considerable investment in implementing these methods for the use of force training.

Future Directions for Evidence-Based Police Training: Neurophysiological Mechanisms

While the studies reviewed so far have helped reveal the peripheral cardiovascular physiological mechanisms of police performance under stress, investigations are lacking on the impact of stress on central neurological mechanisms underlying police behavior. Stress has typically been operationalized with measures of HR, HRV, and cortisol, but neurological patterns measured by EEG scalp electrodes can also indicate increased anxiety or threat. Asymmetry in the extent of activation in left versus right frontal cortex is related to emotional and motivational processing (for review, see Harmon-Jones et al., 2010 ) and may predict which officers are more (or less) susceptible to stress-induced impairments in perception or performance. In a single pilot study, Johnson et al. (2014) investigated the differences in psychophysiological measures of HR, HRV, EEG, and lethal force decision-making (i.e., correct responses and errors) between civilians and military or police experts during high-stakes video scenarios. In addition to significantly higher pass rates, researchers found expertise-driven differences in HR and EEG measures but not HRV or alpha asymmetry. Further, these effects were greater for experts with more experience (10+ years versus intermediate experts with 6–10 years of experience). In spite of the study’s limitations, this preliminary investigation is an important step in the right direction toward understanding the complex relationship between training/experience and different biological systems to high-stakes decision-making by police.

Other brain signals that can shed light on the neural correlates of police learning and behavior include the error-related negativity (ERN), which occurs within milliseconds following motor execution to monitor action and detect errors, as with reafferent feedback during motor learning (see section “Reinforcing Motor Learning in the Brain”). ERNs are enhanced among highly anxious individuals ( Hajcak et al., 2003 ) and are sensitive to internal appraisals of threat ( Weinberg et al., 2016 ). Enhanced ERNs were also observed following false positive identification of tools as weapons by military cadets primed by a threatening stimulus ( Fleming et al., 2010 ), establishing a clear link between brain signals preceding or generated by the use of force decisions (both correct and incorrect) under stressful conditions.

A single pilot study on athletes compared the effects of HRV-BF training on cardiovascular and neurophysiological measures of arousal but not physical performance. For the HRV-BF group only, results show reductions in reported anxiety, increased HRV amplitude indicative of increased vagal tone and enhanced parasympathetic activity, as well as reduced frontal asymmetry and improved emotional control ( Dziembowska et al., 2016 ). Future studies investigating the efficacy of HRV-BF training on police including iPREP can perform similar analyses on the bidirectional communication between central neurological and peripheral physiological systems and compare these biological markers to objective performance measures.

Clinical Applications of Complex Motor Learning

The neurophysiological mechanisms underlying motor learning in a law enforcement context have been summarized above from the lens of cognitive neuroscience, with a call for more applied research that investigates police in occupationally relevant settings outside of a laboratory. Further insights on how motor learning is facilitated and stored in the brain are provided by examining clinical populations that experience breakdowns in these mechanisms, including people with Alzheimer’s disease (AD), Parkinson’s disease (PD), stroke, and traumatic brain injuries. This review will not go into detail on the prevalence of, and therapies for, psychological injuries and mental health disorders common among law enforcement (e.g., Carleton et al., 2018 ) but rather will consider the brain-based therapeutic benefits of complex motor learning.

Motor Learning Mechanisms Revealed by Disease-Related Impairments

Several clinical populations have demonstrated various deficits in how they chunk or segment continuous streams of movement. These deficits result in significant impairments to the “online” or real-time perception, and subsequent learning and memory, of motor information. Research on individuals with PD ( Tremblay et al., 2010 ) and stroke patients ( Boyd et al., 2009 ) show impaired concatenation of motor chunks, suggesting a crucial role for the basal ganglia in understanding and consolidating movement sequences into long-term memory ( Yin and Knowlton, 2006 ). Other clinical populations, including patients with schizophrenia ( Zalla et al., 2004 ) and frontal lobe lesions ( Zalla et al., 2003 ), show deficits in segmentation ability such that the location of event borders vary from normative ones. Individuals with mild dementia and AD also show poor recognition and order memory of segmented action ( Zacks et al., 2006 ), demonstrating a clear link between online attention, visuomotor, and memory functioning.

Visuomotor deficits have been revealed in clinical populations using simple tasks (e.g., moving a cursor on a screen with one’s finger) presented on touchscreen tablets that can record reaction times and movement accuracy as proxy measurements of motor recalibration and adaptation (section “Reinforcing Motor Learning in the Brain,” e.g., Tippett and Sergio, 2006 ). Not only is this methodology useful in determining disease-related impairments in visuomotor functioning (for review, see Joddrell and Astell, 2016 ), modified reaction time and adaptation tasks could also be used as screening and/or training tools for policing skills similar to their application in athletics as performance and injury evaluation tools ( Ventura et al., 2016 ).

Therapeutic Benefits of Complex Motor Learning

Based on the neurophysiological mechanisms underlying complex motor learning described above, the following section will review the therapeutic application of complex motor learning for movement and memory disorders. There is demonstrated efficacy for improved attention and memory following relatively short (18 min) training with simple eye movements ( Di Noto et al., 2013 ), including eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR) therapy. While EMDR has shown significant neurological and clinical improvements in post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among police officers involved in on-duty shootings ( Lansing et al., 2005 ), the following sections go beyond traditional forms of simple movement therapy (i.e., physical, pharmacological) to review how multisensory dance and music practice facilitate perception, understanding, and learning of complex sequences of movement.

Various forms of music and dance practice have been employed as alternative forms of therapy for a wide variety of disorders (for comprehensive review of therapies and specific outcomes, see Dhami et al., 2015 ). Especially during the last 25 years, music therapy has become internationally recognized as part of health care maintenance and rehabilitation, with systematic developments in training and research during this time ( Ala-Ruona, 2007 ). In addition to improving primary disease symptoms and increased functional connectivity between motor planning (SMA) and control (cerebellum) regions of the brain, music and dance therapy have proven social and emotional benefits, including improved reports of mood, anxiety, and quality of life among individuals with AD-related dementia and PD ( Heiberger et al., 2011 ; Westheimer et al., 2015 ; King et al., 2019 ). The holistic benefits of dance and music therapy for general well-being are significant, as an estimated 35% of individuals with PD also exhibit symptoms of depression ( Reijnders et al., 2008 ). Further, the social and emotional benefits of dance and music therapy are suggested to drive high rates of adherence, which in turn contributes to the efficacy of these types of therapy for individuals suffering from impaired motor and memory functioning.

Seeing and Hearing Is Believing: Superadditive Mechanisms of Multisensory Inputs

By their nature, dance and music engage multimodal (i.e., sensory, motor, and memory) regions of the brain that individually may be affected by disease or injury. Regular participation in dance or music therapy capitalizes on the neurophysiological mechanisms underlying complex motor learning to recover functioning in one of two ways: by promoting neural activation in damaged multimodal brain regions and/or by forging novel and alternate neural pathways among multimodal networks. Similar to Hebbian principles described in section “Reinforcing Motor Learning in the Brain,” individuals with AD show impaired STDP between regions of the MNN ( Figure 1 ). reflecting impaired learning mechanisms ( Di Lorenzo et al., 2018 ). Just as research in healthy individuals reveal how the brain retains new information, investigations on clinical populations can demonstrate how neurological processes manifest in functional (i.e., cognitive, motor) impairments.

Therapeutic efficacy of music and dance are also potentially driven by additive (or superadditive) activation of multisensory neurons that fire equal to (or greater) than the sum of two unisensory inputs ( Stevenson et al., 2007 ; Werner and Noppeney, 2010 ). That is, concurrent presentation of visual and auditory stimuli will elicit greater activation from the same neurons than when either stimulus is presented on its own. Just as in fundamental motor learning, the neural representations of novel dance and music-producing movements are reinforced by reafferent feedback. However, music and dance movements are additively reinforced by external musical (i.e., auditory) stimuli together with reafferent feedback signals from multiple sensory inputs, including vision, audition, and proprioception (sense of body position and movement). When there is a failure to distinguish self-generated efference copy signals from external sensory stimuli, it can lead to perceived hallucinations as seen in schizophrenia ( Pynn and DeSouza, 2013 ). Multisensory cues are also present in and relevant to police contexts, especially for situational awareness (see section “Situational Awareness”) and should be integrated into procedural training to reinforce motor learning.

Entrainment of External and Internal Rhythms to Promote Learning and Recover Disease-Related Functioning

Music and dance typically involve regular rhythmic patterns, which are also present in various physiological functions including heart rate, respiration, and gait (i.e., walking). The activation of billions of neurons also produces oscillatory brain rhythms of various frequencies, much like the different frequencies of radio stations. Internally generated biological rhythms can be paired to, or cued by, external rhythms by a mechanism known as “entrainment” (for review, see Thaut, 2015 ). Driven by basic principles in physics, entrainment causes two asynchronous frequencies to coordinate themselves into a common or synchronous period. A stronger or faster frequency, such as that provided by an external stimulus (e.g., metronome, musical beat), will lock a weaker or slower frequency (e.g., neural activity) into a stable rhythmic period.

A growing body of evidence on dance therapy for people with PD has shown almost immediate (i.e., after a single session) and lasting improvements in disease-related impairments to gait, rigidity, balance, and tremor ( Heiberger et al., 2011 ; Westheimer et al., 2015 ; Bearss et al., 2017 ). Improvements in motor functioning following dance therapy are suggested to be mediated by entrainment mechanisms ( Thaut et al., 1996 ; McIntosh et al., 1997 ), whereby dominant external musical rhythms offset the slowing of brain rhythms observed in people with PD ( Soikkeli et al., 1991 ; Moazami-Goudarzi et al., 2008 ). These findings bear significant implications for the application of dance and music therapy for police officers and other individuals with PTSD, which has shown a breakdown in cross-frequency communication between emotional and sensory-motor brain regions ( Cohen et al., 2013 ). By repairing neurophysiological rhythms through training with external rhythmic stimuli, research shows that improvements in motor functioning can potentially translate to improvements in emotional processing as well, reducing the lasting negative impact of disease, injury, and trauma.

Together, these findings synthesize seminal research from basic and clinical neuroscience to illuminate how learning-induced neuroplasticity facilitates the recovery of motor and cognitive functioning for various clinical disorders. Identifying the neurophysiological mechanisms underlying effective movement therapies provides significant insights for the development of police training programs that can withstand the realities of occupationally relevant situations.

Challenges to Implementing Evidence-Based Police Practices

Given the wealth of multidisciplinary empirical evidence presented thus far on complex motor learning as relevant to policing, there remain several practical, organizational, and systemic challenges to implementing evidence-based approaches. We will briefly review some of these challenges before providing recommendations for best practices in police training.

How Much Training Is Needed? Establishing Universal Standards

Basic recruit training versus continued education at the agency level.

A problem that exists in the practical application of motor learning research is the specification of precisely how many repetitions or hours of training are required to develop adequate competency. Individual differences in physical, cognitive, and learning abilities further complicate identifying a universally prescribed training regimen. This problem is especially relevant for policy makers and educators in all industries, who are challenged to balance finite resources with maintaining occupational safety and performance standards that are often highly variable and poorly defined.

Police training begins with an introduction to the basic skills that an officer will require and use in their day-to-day practice, which is subsequently expanded upon and specialized at the local agency or precinct level. There is no universal occupational standard for the duration or content of basic (or extended) police training and varies across jurisdictions. For instance, the Justice Institute of British Columbia (JIBC) delivers basic recruit training for 12 police agencies in Western Canada post-hire. In addition to a minimum requirement of 2 years of post-secondary education, officers partake in a 38-week basic training program that includes a middle block of field within their employers’ police agency. In contrast, all police officers in Finland complete a 3-year Bachelor of Police Services at the national Police University College (PUC), qualifying them for full-time employment at any local precinct in the country. Trainees complete approximately 40 weeks of mandatory in-field training to develop professional competencies during the 3-year period. Reviewing and contrasting current training programs lie beyond the scope of this review (see also section “Cultural Challenges and Access to Information” regarding access to this information), but the two basic recruit programs described above reflect relatively long training durations. Relative to other occupations that require high-stakes life-or-death decision-making (e.g., surgeons, emergency medical personnel) and several years of basic and specialized training, even the JIBC and PUC programs are significantly shorter. Given the complexity and inherent stress associated with police work, training should adequately prepare officers from all backgrounds to safely meet occupational demands.

Learning Theory and the “10,000 h” Principle

One of the earliest theories quantifying the progression of motor learning is Galton’s (1869) lifespan development theory , which states that this ceiling in performance is bound by immutable biological genetic factors including physical (i.e., height, weight, body composition) and mental attributes (i.e., intelligence). More recently adapted by Fitts and Posner (1967) , it is suggested that expert-level performance can be reached with approximately 50 h of training, after which no additional amount of training will further improve an individual’s performance. However, these training paradigms evaluated simplistic physical skills. As such, 50 h of basic firearms training may result in expert performance of this skill but is likely not sufficient for more complex physical and mental skills (i.e., deciding how and when to use a firearm, or any other tactical option, during a variety of stressful encounters).

Yet another estimate of prescribed training time to achieve expert-level skill is based on Simon and Chase’s (1973) investigations of elite chess players, whose successful performance at international competitive tournaments was not possible without at least a decade of practice. These findings were popularized to form the “10,000 h rule” ( Gladwell, 2008 ), but Simon and Chase (1973) posited that expertise arises from repeated exposure to an increased variety of chess combinations and strategies. Each of these unique scenarios created stored memories for successful or failed experiences that experts could rely on to promote future success in similar situations. Similar to the principles of intuitive decision-making described earlier, scenario-based training exposes officers to multiple varied encounters that can inform the best course of action in similar future situations. Many more hours of training and occupational experience are needed to develop a repertoire of high-level skills (e.g., use of force decision-making, situational awareness) that can be flexibly and accurately applied to a variety of circumstances, relative to basic skill competency.

Tracking Motor Learning in the Brain Through Neuroplasticity

Neuroscientists have tried to observe incremental changes to brain structure and function following novel motor skill learning. Observable increases in structural gray matter (i.e., neural cell bodies and synaptic connections between them) are evident as early as 1 or 2 weeks of daily practice, and decaying 2–4 months once training has stopped ( Driemeyer et al., 2008 ). However, functional neuroimaging research suggests learning-induced plasticity or reorganization of synaptic connections in the brain as early as the very first training session. Karni et al. (1995) identified a switch between initial “fast learning” and consolidated “slow learning” that corresponds with improvements in performance speed and accuracy and less variability across movement trials ( Shmuelof et al., 2012 ). Further, M1 activity increased over several weeks of daily practice and was maintained for up to 5 months with no additional training ( Karni et al., 1995 ). Cross et al. (2009) conducted a neuroimaging study comparing physical and observational training of brief dance sequences among non-experts. After only 5 days of training, they found common gains in activation of premotor and inferior parietal MNN regions ( Figure 1 ) but better performance and significant M1 activation for physically versus visually trained dance sequences ( Cross et al., 2009 ).

Lending empirical evidence to the principle of “use it or lose it,” these findings show fast initial training gains that decay relatively quickly once training ends. Although they did not measure neurological indexes of motor learning, Andersen et al. (2018) investigated skill decay following a 4-day iPREP training program. Officers’ gains in performance (reduction of lethal force errors) and autonomic stress regulation (decreased maximum HR and faster recovery to resting HR) were maintained up to 12-month post-training, returning to pre-training levels at 18-month follow-up. Together with the neuroscientific evidence presented here, these findings underscore the importance of continued practice and regular refresher training to maintain learning-induced changes to performance, brain structure, and function.

Organizational Challenges

Leveraging finite training resources: funding and qualified personnel.

Before adopting evidence-based training approaches, individual police agencies must leverage finite available resources, including time away from regular duties, funding, and qualified personnel. Scenario-based training is especially resource-intensive and educationally challenging, despite demonstrated efficacy. Many unique and relevant scenarios need to be developed and executed with a high degree of realism to preserve the value of the teaching opportunity. However, evidence-based training may facilitate cost savings in the long run. In an evaluation commissioned by the United States Department of Education of 77 educational interventions that were not evidence-based, 91% were found to have weak or no positive effects ( Coalition for Evidence-Based Policy, 2014 ). The United States military also implemented a $125 million dollar program (Comprehensive Soldier Fitness) to enhance resilience and performance before evaluating its efficacy, which was found to have no objective improvements and at worst may actually cause harm ( McCord, 2003 ; Eidelson et al., 2011 ). Krameddine et al. (2013) performed a cost-benefit analysis of their scenario-based mental health training program and found that savings incurred from a significant reduction in time spent on mental health calls exceeded the cost of the study and training program. These outcomes are especially significant given a higher incidence of subsequent mental health calls, further underscoring the compelling nature of an evidence-based approach to police training.

In addition to training content and method of delivery, trainers’ skills, abilities, and approach are very important from both educational (i.e., during training) and professional (i.e., during regular police work) perspectives ( Murphy, 2014 ), yet no standards or definitions exist for proficient trainers. Novel pedagogical approaches in policing have been explored, including an emphasis on group discussion and active debate ( Birzer, 2003 ) and the development of “train the trainer” programs ( Hammerness et al., 2005 , 2007 ; Darling-Hammond and Bransford, 2007 ). Qualified trainers are often “those that do” and may not have formal pedagogical training to identify or address the unique learning needs of their trainees. To address this gap in occupational training, Finland’s PUC has introduced a 6-week teaching course specifically designed for use of force trainers. In addition to subject knowledge, the course covers general pedagogy including recognizing and solving challenges of the training group. Other learning outcomes include independently organizing a training event and training key issues related to the selection and use of force in a pragmatic and fundamental manner. In addition to a lack of empirical data on police training outcomes, there is a scarcity of research or data on teaching effectiveness. This has led to the definition of training objectives and quality criteria according to available resources over practical consideration of the skills intended for training. Therefore, the systematic evaluation and development of police pedagogy is limited and vulnerable to approaches that are not evidence-based, compromising the learning opportunity for trainees.

Cultural Challenges and Access to Information

There are strong differences in opinion surrounding police training and practices more general among various stakeholders, including policy makers, police supervisors, trainers, management, officers, as well as the public. Due to the sensitive nature of training content (i.e., specific tactical plans and maneuvers that involve lethal force), information is often kept secret from the public to maintain safety. However, the confidential nature of police training practices can also foster a culture of unwillingness to share ideas among stakeholders and creates an additional barrier to collecting and comparing useful information to promote best practices. Updating existing police training models is also met with a great deal of controversy, despite mounting empirical evidence for the benefits of various training approaches including problem-based learning ( Makin, 2016 ) and a societal need for changes to various policing practices. However, newer motor learning models currently used in military training have adopted a more holistic approach and consider factors like environment, cognitive skills, and kinematic movement options on various continuums ( Schmidt et al., 2019 ). The primary goal of effective training for stressful and unpredictable situations is to protect both public and police and should not be compromised due to extraneous factors (i.e., resources, personal, or political motivations).

Similarly, academic research is often inaccessible to police practitioners unless findings are published in open-access format at a significant financial cost to the researchers. This “silo effect” of information stunts knowledge exchange between sectors and is a barrier to disseminating useful research evidence to practical end-users. Despite containing very relevant insights for policing, scientific articles laden with jargon and field-specific terminology are often not translated into a language that is accessible or understandable to an applied audience or the general public. However, there are peer-reviewed journals and publications available that seek to combine academic and applied perspectives in policing, including Police Practice and Research , Policing and Society , and Policing: An International Journal. Evidence-based reports are also published in industry-specific periodicals such as The Police Chief and The Blue Line . Indeed, the purpose of this Special Edition of Frontiers is to disseminate relevant and timely knowledge across domains for the purpose of improving current practices in policing, identifying areas of future research and development, and saving time and resources by understanding what has already been done.

Recommendations: Best Practices for Evidence-Based Police Training

Common practice should not be confused with best practice or evidence-based practice. The following recommendations are based on the empirical and applied research evidence summarized in this review and are intended to promote training effectiveness as well as occupational safety.

• Officers need to be prepared for the perceptual and physiological impacts of stress that they will experience on the job (section “The Influence of Stress on Police Performance”). An important consideration for developers of police training programs is to identify an optimal level of stress that adaptively promotes learning without crossing the threshold for maladaptive stress that interferes with encoding and retrieval processes ( Figure 2 ).
• In addition to the benefits outlined in section “The Gold Standard for Complex Motor Learning for Police: Scenario-Based Training,” scenario-based training facilitates motor learning by inducing realistic levels of occupational stress that helps override perceptual distortions and preferred movement strategies that could put the officer at risk. In addition, the physiological arousal elicited by scenario-based training can promote adherence to and active engagement with training, maximizing the learning opportunity afforded during limited training time with finite resources.
• Police work is similar around the world; regardless of the laws and regulations specific to their jurisdictions, officers are uniquely tasked with addressing the needs of people in crisis. Without investigation, standardization, and validation of training strategies, police officers may be learning wrong or ineffective patterns, and encoding stimulus-response tendencies instead of effective critical thinking skills. On a larger scale, standardization of minimal training requirements should align practices across jurisdictions, as is currently done in Finland and under development in Canada ( Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, 2018 ).
• Training delivery (i.e., duration, methods) needs to be appropriate to the skills intended to be trained. As such, complex motor, verbal, and cognitive skills including situational awareness, decision-making, and de-escalation should be trained in live environments with trained actors or instructors that can dynamically respond to officers’ behaviors. Further empirical validation of virtual simulator systems relative to live scenario-based training is needed before police agencies make the considerable investment in implementing these methods for the use of force training. However, virtual technology can be useful as complimentary training tools (i.e., in addition to contextually relevant training settings) as well as for psychophysical performance screening similar to its application in athletics (section “Live Versus Virtual Scenario-Based Training”).
• Action competence and an officer’s self-confidence should be considered by trainers and curriculum developers when reimagining police training methods and approaches (section “Confidence and Action Competency”).
• Through more introspective pedagogical approaches, police trainers can use mistakes in both novice and expert officers’ performance to recalibrate and reinforce correct intuitive motor and cognitive strategies when training situational awareness and use of force decision-making.
• By repairing neurophysiological rhythms through training with external rhythmic stimuli, clinical research shows that improvements in motor functioning can potentially translate to improvements in emotional processing as well (section “Clinical Applications of Complex Motor Learning”), reducing the lasting negative impact of disease, injury, and trauma. Officers are encouraged to seek out extracurricular activities that incorporate social engagement and rhythmic and/or multisensory components such as music, dance, or athletics to promote physical and emotional health.

Knowledge Dissemination

• 8. To facilitate knowledge exchange between academic and applied professionals, and police practitioners around the world and across jurisdictions, new research should be published in open-access journals, and practitioners should attend relevant conferences and workshops wherever possible, and when resources permit. Becoming involved and engaged with research will not only help generate new knowledge but will provide police practitioners with an understanding of the scientific process, from generating a research question, to implementing an experimental study, and observing and communicating the results.
• 9. Police management should recognize and accept the importance of evidence-based policing and offer their trainers and officers opportunities to access and/or engage in applied research with partnerships at local academic institutions.
• 10. More importantly, a systematic cultural change within policing needs to occur in which stakeholders from multiple levels and sectors can meet and openly share knowledge and be willing to accept evidence in favor of opinions fuelled by political, financial, or personal motives.

Conclusions

An elite athlete such as a javelin thrower has one precise task to perform under a narrow range of controlled conditions. In police work, even a simple motor skill is never standardized or used in isolation. Officers have to constantly evaluate, consider, decide, and update what is appropriate or possible given the unfolding situation. As such, motor skills cannot be considered without all other aspects of police encounters, including occupationally relevant stress, situational awareness, and complex decision-making.

The current review is a synthesis of empirical and applied research on the fundamental principles of motor learning as relevant to police. Insights from the fields of applied policing, cognitive and computational neuroscience, and clinical and health psychology lend empirical evidence to the knowledge inherently possessed by police trainers, officers, and practitioners through their first-hand experience. Especially relevant to law enforcement, we consider the influence of occupationally relevant stress on the physiological and neurological mechanisms underlying police learning and performance. Training policies and protocols should be updated accordingly to reflect current knowledge and to promote motor learning and skill retention.

Bridging research across fields and industries also provides solutions to several systemic challenges to evidence-based policing, including a lack of universal training standards and knowledge exchange. Ultimately, we hope that this review will inspire practitioner engagement with applied research, and spark open and productive debate among various stakeholders on best practices surrounding training the complex motor skills required in policing.

Author Contributions

PD and J-MH wrote the manuscript, conducted all background literature research to inform the contents, and approve the submitted version.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to acknowledge the reviewers for their thoughtful and constructive suggestions, J. Houtsonen (Police University College, Finland) for early revisions of the manuscript, and E. Ropo (University of Tampere) for their supervisory counsel.

Funding. Funding of this project was provided by a grant from the Government of Ontario Ministry of Labour (ROP 15-R-021).

1 Some of the noted benefits of visualization (or mental imagery, motor imagery, or mental simulation) include the rehearsal of visual, motor/kinesthetic, spatial, and symbolic aspects of a given movement in the absence of overt movement ( Sherwood and Lee, 2003 ). Visualization as a proposed component of intuitive decision-making and an effective training tool in the context of policing are discussed below.

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The Journal of the NPS Center for Homeland Defense and Security

Beyond Reform: Better Policing through Systems Thinking

By Christopher Bagby

Christopher Bagby's thesis

– Executive Summary –

Police reform is a long-standing tradition in America. [1] Nevertheless, in one form or another, a fundamental problem persists: police have never consistently navigated the tension between effectively policing society and being a part of it. [2] Policing failures cost human lives, polarize people, have devastating financial and social consequences, and erode the institution’s legitimate authority. Perhaps the cure does not lie within the oft-prescribed medicine of traditional reform but rather in reframing the approach to police organizations through systems thinking.

This thesis seeks to answer a key question: How can systems thinking improve policing? Using gap analysis as a research method, it seeks to identify ways to improve policing and its processes through systems thinking. Gap analysis is a sound research methodology because the ideal state of policing is well documented, as is the current state. What lies between them, the gap, is the essence of this research. [3]

Systems thinking is a way of thinking about problems, such as policing, that are messy, non-linear, and fraught with uncertainty. It provides a way of addressing problems that have these characteristics in their own problem space. Thinking about the world as systems is a departure from the mechanistic—that is, a linear, simplistic view of problem-solving that dominates police reform. Instead of viewing the problems plaguing police and society from the reductionist approach to “fixing” policing that has dominated the problem space since its inception, this work attempts to examine whole systems, their behaviors, and their interaction with the world.

This research explores how thinking differently about law enforcement might change its structures and practices to render the need for traditional reform obsolete. It explores opportunities for law enforcement to repurpose many existing structures and practices, along with some innovations to expand its systems’ scope. The goal is to inform ways that might help create unbiased, neutral, consistent, legal, and ethical policing and, as a result, improve long-term resiliency.

A systems-based approach might prove more useful than traditional police reform in resolving many of the recurring issues that hamper policing in the United States. Much of reform focuses on creating high reliability in police systems without addressing the issues that create the problems in the first place, and many of the fixes put in place as part of reform programs have the effect of constraining the system even further. [4] Drawing from the extensive literature on reliability, this thesis demonstrates a systems approach that incorporates the philosophical framework underpinning total quality management could improve police performance by creating monitoring structures to capture and measure feedback from inside and outside the system.

One of the core tenets of traditional police reform is to focus on the training and education of police officers. [5] Nevertheless, the current approach to improving performance through training and education is short-sighted and inadequate for improving policing in the long term. Reform scholars struggle to understand police officers’ behavioral inconsistencies and how best to capture and replicate positive behaviors while eradicating undesirable ones. [6] This research demonstrates that a solution to these problems may be in building the learning capacity of system agents—police officers. Improved capacity improves the agents’ response to the events and behaviors that occur within the system. Generative learning, the deep-learning cycle, reflection in action, and tacit knowledge improve system performance. Their essential processes are learning and analyzing what is learned from past experiences and synthesizing that learning with future behavior. An organization’s ability to assess its problem and system spaces, capabilities, strengths, and weaknesses is central to its ability to adapt or change to best suit its environment’s complexity or volatility.

A system’s context—that is, its environment—can confuse the system’s goals and prevent them from functioning as designed. Better goal-setting and an awareness of the constraints environments will improve system performance. Police organization executives and leadership, who aware of their environments, can improve performance and set achievable goals. A way forward is to divest from sociological problems while acknowledging their impact on several systems. Policing could maintain “tactical agency” over the act of policing while developing a “strategic voice” to serve as its influence among the many competing influences with which it finds itself often engaged. [7] By considering goals of policing differently, the system of policing can better serve its needs. A unified goal might help establish a standard to measure police conduct across the board and standardize expectations of America’s police.

In most ways, America’s police fail to couple well with communities, social groups, and people, limiting their organizational resilience. Better feedback may be the bridge to better trust. Feedback is vital to systems, and feedback mechanisms are like sensors in a community. One way to increase the feedback response is to open system boundaries and pursue feedback from other systems. Feedback is the key to creating resiliency.

Police organizations are systems but more than that; no matter the size, they are connected as a larger system. Each bears an intrinsic responsibility to the others to learn to perform in a way that not only serves its own purposes but benefits the larger system as a whole. The stakes are huge. One need look no further than the George Floyd incident to see that a single call for service can affect every single police organization in the United States for years to come.

There are four significant conclusions drawn from the research in this thesis:

• Creating a platform for managing and sustaining the flow of information within and about police systems to connect executives and agents with information about the system could improve all aspects of policing.
• Improving agents’ competency within a police system will improve the system’s behavior and bolster its structure.
• Understanding how system context affects police systems and how policing impacts its environments can improve policing in the United States.
• As systems, police organizations must learn to recognize the value of feedback. Engaging feedback can create social resilience and connect with people to improve relationships.

The findings and conclusions of this thesis led to the following recommendations:

• Implement a systems approach to police organization management.
• Explore opportunities to expand agent capacity through police systems thinking and systems management training at every practitioner and executive level for all police officers in America.
• Learn to become more thoughtful in approaching police system environments, and set goals accordingly.
• Pursue wide-reaching internal and external sensors touching every aspect of the system’s performance.

In the aftermath of the homicide of George Floyd, police organizations worldwide are being forced to reimagine the way they think about policing, managing police organizations, and policing outcomes. This thesis sought to research whether applying systems thinking principles would improve police organizations’ performance and resiliency over the currently employed traditional reform strategy. It sought to understand why American policing performs as it does and how understanding systems’ behavior, especially complex systems, might help explain why policing—as a system—often struggles to do what it intends. More than that, it identified points of leverage to improve policing not only in the abstract but in ways that police organizations can utilize to improve themselves. Ultimately, it found that systems thinking may be the way forward for policing to improve meaningfully—not in the reactive frame of yet another policing disaster, but meaningfully, reflexively, and continuously, in ways that traditional reform strategies never have.

[1] Stephen Rushin, “Federal Enforcement of Police Reform,” Fordham Law Review 82, no. 6 (May 2014): 3189–3248.

[2] Department of Justice, The Civil Rights Division’s Pattern and Practice Police Reform Work: 1994–Present (Washington, DC: Department of Justice, 2017).

[3] Gary O. Langford et al., Gap Analysis: Rethinking the Conceptual Foundations , Report No. NPS-GSBPP-8-008 (Monterey, CA: Naval Postgraduate School, 2008), 19, https://calhoun.nps.edu/‌handle/‌10945/609.

[4] Samuel Walker and Carol A. Archbold, The New World of Police Accountability , 2nd ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2014), 5, 182–83; Robert E. Worden and Sarah J. McLean, Mirage of Police Reform: Procedural Justice and Police Legitimacy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2017), 206.

[5] President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, Final Report of the President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing (Washington, DC: Community Oriented Policing Services, 2015).

[6] Worden and McLean, Mirage of Police Reform , 193–96.

[7] David H. Bayley, Michael A. Davis, and Ronald L. Davis, “Race and Policing: An Agenda for Action,” in New Perspectives in Policing (Washington, DC: National Institute of Justice, 2015), https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/248624.pdf.

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