gender and media essay

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Gender and Media Representations: A Review of the Literature on Gender Stereotypes, Objectification and Sexualization

Media representations play an important role in producing sociocultural pressures. Despite social and legal progress in civil rights, restrictive gender-based representations appear to be still very pervasive in some contexts. The article explores scientific research on the relationship between media representations and gender stereotypes, objectification and sexualization, focusing on their presence in the cultural context. Results show how stereotyping, objectifying and sexualizing representations appear to be still very common across a number of contexts. Exposure to stereotyping representations appears to strengthen beliefs in gender stereotypes and endorsement of gender role norms, as well as fostering sexism, harassment and violence in men and stifling career-related ambitions in women. Exposure to objectifying and sexualizing representations appears to be associated with the internalization of cultural ideals of appearance, endorsement of sexist attitudes and tolerance of abuse and body shame. In turn, factors associated with exposure to these representations have been linked to detrimental effects on physical and psychological well-being, such as eating disorder symptomatology, increased body surveillance and poorer body image quality of life. However, specificities in the pathways from exposure to detrimental effects on well-being are involved for certain populations that warrant further research.

1. Introduction

As a social category, gender is one of the earliest and most prominent ways people may learn to identify themselves and their peers, the use of gender-based labels becoming apparent in infants as early as 17 months into their life [ 1 ]. Similarly, the development of gender-based heuristics, inferences and rudimentary stereotypes becomes apparent as early as age three [ 2 , 3 ]. Approximately at this age, the development of a person’s gender identity begins [ 4 ]—that is, the process through which a person tends to identify as a man, as a woman or as a vast spectrum of other possibilities (i.e., gender non-conforming, agender, genderfluid, etc.). These processes continue steadily throughout individuals’ lives as they receive and elaborate information about women and men and what it means to belong to either category, drawing from direct and indirect observations, social contact, personal elaborations and cultural representations [ 5 , 6 ]. As a result, social and mental representations of gender are extremely widespread, especially as a strictly binary construct, and can be argued to be ubiquitous in individual and social contexts.

Among the many sources of influence on gender representations, media occupies an important space and its relevance can be assessed across many different phenomena [ 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 ]. The ubiquity of media, the chronicity of individuals’ exposure to it and its role in shaping beliefs, attitudes and expectations have made it the subject of scientific attention. In fact, several theories have attempted to explore the mechanisms and psychological processes in which media plays a role, including identity development [ 12 , 13 , 14 ], scripts and schemas [ 15 ], cultivation processes [ 16 , 17 , 18 ] and socialization processes [ 5 , 6 ].

The public interest in the topic of gender has seen a surge in the last 10 years, in part due to social and political movements pushing for gender equality across a number of aspects, including how gender is portrayed in media representations. In the academic field as well, publications mentioning gender in their title, abstract or keywords have more than doubled from 2012 to 2022 [ 19 ], while publications mentioning gender in media representations have registered an even more dramatic increase, tripling in number [ 20 ]. Additionally, the media landscape has had a significant shift in the last decade, with the surge in popularity and subsequent addition of social media websites and apps to most people’s mediatic engagement [ 21 ].

The importance of media use in gender-related aspects, such as beliefs, attitudes, or roles, has been extensively documented. As reported in a recent review of the literature [ 22 ], several meta-analyses [ 17 , 23 , 24 ] showed support for the effects of media use on gender beliefs, finding small but consistent effect sizes. These effects appear to have remained present over the decades [ 25 ].

Particular attention has been given to stereotypical, objectifying and sexualizing representations, as portrayals that paint a restrictive picture of the complexity of human psychology, also producing sociocultural pressures to conform to gender roles and body types.

Gender stereotypes can be defined as an extremely simplified concept of attitudes and behaviors considered normal and appropriate for men and women in a specific culture [ 26 ]. They usually span several different areas of people’s characteristics, such as physical appearance, personality traits, behaviors, social roles and occupations. Stereotypical beliefs about gender may be divided into descriptive (how one perceives a person of a certain gender to be; [ 27 ]), prescriptive (how one perceives a person of a certain gender should be and behave; [ 28 , 29 ]) or proscriptive (how one perceives a person of a certain gender should not be and behave; [ 28 , 29 ]). Their content varies on the individual’s culture of reference [ 30 ], but recurring themes have been observed in western culture, such as stereotypes revolving around communion, agency and competence [ 31 ]. Women have stereotypically been associated with traits revolving around communion (e.g., supportiveness, compassion, expression, warmth), while men have been more stereotypically associated with agency (e.g., ambition, assertiveness, competitiveness, action) or competence (e.g., skill, intelligence). Both men and women may experience social and economic penalties (backlash) if they appear to violate these stereotypes [ 29 , 32 , 33 ].

Objectification can be defined as the viewing or treatment of people as objects. Discussing ways in which people may be objectified, Nussbaum first explored seven dimensions: instrumentality (a tool to be employed for one’s purposes); denial of autonomy (lacking self-determination, or autonomy); inertness (lacking in agency or activity); fungibility (interchangeable with others of the same type); violability (with boundaries lacking integrity and permissible to break into); ownership (possible to own or trade); denial of subjectivity (the person’s feelings or experiences are seen as something that does not need to be considered) [ 34 ].

In its initial definition by Fredrickson and Roberts [ 35 ], objectification theory had been offered as a framework to understand how the pervasive sexual objectification of women’s bodies in the sociocultural context influenced their experiences and posed risks to their mental health—a phenomenon that was believed to have uniquely female connotations. In their model, the authors theorized that a cultural climate of sexual objectification would lead to the internalization of objectification (viewing oneself as a sexual and subordinate object), which would in turn lead to psychological consequences (e.g., body shame, anxiety) and mental health risks (e.g., eating disorders, depression). Due to the pervasiveness of the cultural climate, objectification may be difficult to detect or avoid, and objectification experiences may be perceived as normative.

Sexual objectification, in which a person is reduced to a sexual instrument, can be construed to be a subtype of objectification and, in turn, is often defined as one of the types of sexualization [ 36 ]. As previously discussed by Ward [ 37 ], it should be made clear that the mere presence of sexual content, which may be represented in a positive and healthy way, should not be conflated with sexualized or objectifying representations.

The American Psychological Association’s 2007 report defines sexualization as a series of conditions that stand apart from healthy sexuality, such as when a person’s value is perceived to come mainly from sexual appeal or behavior, when physical attractiveness is equated to sexual attractiveness, when a person is sexually objectified or when sexuality is inappropriately imposed on a person [ 36 ]. Sexualization may involve several different contexts, such as personal, interpersonal, and cultural. Self-sexualization involves treating oneself as a sexual object [ 35 ]. Interpersonal contributions involve being treated as sexual objects by others, such as family or peers [ 38 , 39 ]. Finally, contributions by cultural norms, expectations and values play a part as well, including those spread by media representations [ 36 ]. After this initial definition, sexualization as a term has also been used by some authors (e.g., Zurbriggen & Roberts [ 40 ]) to refer to sexual objectification specifically, while others (e.g., Bigler and colleagues [ 41 ]) stand by the APA report’s broader meaning. In this section, we will explore scientific literature adopting the latter.

These portrayals have been hypothesized to lead to negative effects on people’s well-being on a mental and physical level, as well as bearing partial responsibility for several social issues, such as sexism, gender discrimination and harassment. However, the pathways that lead from an individual’s relationship with media to these detrimental effects can be complex. Furthermore, they seem to involve specificities for men and women, as well as for different sexual orientations. A wealth of publications has been produced on these themes and, to the authors’ knowledge, no recent review has attempted to synthesize their findings.

The present article aims to summarize the state of the art of research on stereotyping, sexualization and objectification in gender and media representations. A focus will be placed on the definitions of these concepts, the media where they occur, and verifying whether any changes over time are detectable or any specificities are present. The possible effects of these representations on people’s well-being will be explored as well.

A search of the literature was conducted on scientific search engines (APA PsycArticles, CINAHL Complete, Education Source, Family Studies Abstracts, Gender Studies Database, MEDLINE, Mental Measurements Yearbook, Sociology Source Ultimate, Violence & Abuse Abstracts, PUBMED, Scopus, Web of Science) to locate the most relevant contributions on the topic of media and gender representation, with a particular focus on stereotypes, objectification and sexualization, their presence in the media and their effects on well-being. Keywords were used to search for literature on the intersection of the main topics: media representation (e.g., media OR representation* OR portrayal*), gender (e.g., gender OR sex OR wom* OR m*n) and stereotypes, objectification and sexualization (e.g., stereotyp*, objectif*, sexualiz*). In some cases, additional keywords were used for the screening of studies on specific media (e.g., television, news, social media). When appropriate, further restrictions were used to screen for studies on effects or consequences (e.g., effect* OR impact* OR consequence* OR influence* OR outcome*). Inclusion criteria were the following: (a) academic articles (b) pertaining to the field of media representations (c) pertaining to gender stereotypes, objectification or sexualization. A dataset of 195 selected relevant papers was created. Thematic analysis was conducted following the guidelines developed by Braun and Clarke [ 42 ], in order to outline patterns of meaning across the reviewed studies. The process was organized into six phases: (1) familiarization with the data; (2) coding; (3) searching for themes; (4) reviewing themes; (5) defining and naming themes; and (6) writing up. After removing duplicates and excluding papers that did not meet the inclusion criteria, a total of 87 articles were included in the results of this review. The findings were discussed among researchers (LR, FS, MNP and TT) until unanimous consensus was reached.

2.1. Stereotypical Portrayals

Gender stereotypes appear to be flexible and responsive to changes in the social environment: consensual beliefs about men’s and women’s attributes have evolved throughout the decades, reflecting changes in women’s participation in the labor force and higher education [ 31 , 43 ]. Perceptions of gender equality in competence and intelligence have sharply risen, and stereotypical perceptions of women show significant changes: perceptions of women’s competence and intelligence have surpassed those relative to men, while the communion aspect appears to have shifted toward being even more polarized on being typical of women. Other aspects, such as perceptions of agency being more typical of men, have remained stable [ 31 ].

Despite these changes, gender representation in the media appears to be frequently skewed toward men’s representation and prominently features gender stereotypes. On a global scale, news coverage appears to mostly feature men, especially when considering representation as expert voices, where women are still underrepresented (24%) despite a rise in coverage in the last 5 years [ 44 ]. Underrepresentation has also been reported in many regional and national contexts, but exact proportions vary significantly in the local context. Male representation has been reported to be greater in several studies, with male characters significantly outnumbering female characters [ 45 ], doing so in male-led and mixed-led shows but not in female-led shows [ 46 ] in children’s television programming—a key source of influence on gender representations. Similar results have been found regarding sports news, whose coverage overwhelmingly focuses on men athletes [ 47 , 48 ] and where women are seldom represented.

Several analyses of television programs have also shown how representations of men and women are very often consistent with gender stereotypes. Girls were often portrayed as focusing more on their appearance [ 45 ], as well as being judged for their appearance [ 49 ]. The same focus on aesthetics was found in sports news coverage, which was starkly different across genders, and tended to focus on women athletes’ appearance, featuring overly simplified descriptions (vs. technical language on coverage of men athletes) [ 48 ]. In addition, coverage of women athletes was more likely in sports perceived to be more feminine or gender-appropriate [ 47 , 48 , 50 ]. Similarly, women in videogames appear to be both underrepresented and less likely to be featured as playable characters, as well as being frequently stereotyped, appearing in the role of someone in need of rescuing, as love interests, or cute and innocent characters [ 51 ]. In advertising as well, gender stereotypes have often been used as a staple technique for creating relatability, but their use may lead to negative cross-gender effects in product marketing [ 52 ] while also possibly furthering social issues. Hust and colleagues found that in alcohol advertisements, belief in gender stereotypes was the most consistent predictor of intentions to sexually coerce, showing significant interaction effects with exposure to highly objectifying portrayals [ 53 ]. Representation in advertising prominently features gender stereotypes, such as depicting men in professional roles more often, while depicting women in non-working, recreational roles, especially in countries that show high gender inequality [ 54 ]. A recent analysis of print ads [ 55 ] confirmed that some stereotypes are still prominent and, in some cases, have shown a resurgence, such as portraying a woman as the queen of the home; the study also found representations of women in positions of empowerment are, however, showing a relative increase in frequency. Public support, combined with market logic, appears to be successfully pushing more progressive portrayals in this field [ 56 ].

Both skewed representation and the presence of stereotypes have been found to lead to several negative effects. Gender-unequal representation has been found to stifle political [ 57 ] and career [ 58 ] ambition, as well as foster organizational discrimination [ 59 ]. Heavy media use may further the belief in gender stereotypes and has been found to be linked to a stronger endorsement of traditional gender roles and norms [ 60 ], which in turn may be linked to a vast number of detrimental health effects. In women, adherence and internalization of traditional gender roles have been linked to greater symptoms of depression and anxiety, a higher likelihood of developing eating disorders, and lower self-esteem and self-efficacy [ 36 , 61 , 62 , 63 ]. In men as well, adherence to traditional masculine norms has been linked to negative mental health outcomes such as depression, psychological distress and substance abuse [ 64 ], while also increasing the perpetration of risky behaviors [ 65 , 66 ] and intimate partner violence [ 65 , 67 ].

2.2. Objectifying Portrayals

Non-sexual objectifying representations appear to have been studied relatively little. They have been found to be common in advertising, where women are often depicted as purely aesthetic models, motionless and decorative [ 68 ]. They may also include using a woman’s body as a supporting object for the advertised product, as a decorative object, as an ornament to draw attention to the ad, or as a prize to be won and associated with the consumption of the advertised product [ 55 ].

The vast majority of the literature has focused on the sexual objectification of women. This type of representation has been reported to be very common in a number of contexts and across different media [ 69 ], and several studies (see Calogero and colleagues’ or Roberts and colleagues’ review [ 69 , 70 ]) have found support for the original model’s pathway [ 35 ]. Following experimental models expanded on the original (e.g., Frederick and colleagues or Roberts and colleagues [ 69 , 71 ]), highlighting the role of factors such as the internalization of lean or muscular ideals of appearance, finding evidence for negative effects on well-being and mental health through the increase in self-objectification and the internalization of cultural ideals of appearance [ 71 , 72 ].

Sexual objectification also appears to be consistently linked to sexism. For both women and men, the perpetration of sexual objectification was significantly associated with hostile and benevolent sexism, as well as the enjoyment of sexualization [ 73 ]. Enjoyment of sexualization, in turn, has been found to be positively associated with hostile sexism in both men and women, positively associated with benevolent sexism in women and negatively in men [ 74 ].

Exposure to objectifying media in men has been found to increase the tendency to engage in sexual coercion and harassment, as well as increasing conformity to gender role norms [ 75 ]. Consistently with the finding that perpetration of objectification may be associated with a greater men’s proclivity for rape and sexual aggression [ 76 ], a study conducted by Hust and colleagues found that exposure to objectifying portrayals of women in alcohol advertising was also a moderator in the relationship between belief in gender stereotypes and intentions to sexually coerce. Specifically, participants who had a stronger belief in gender stereotypes reported stronger intentions to sexually coerce when exposed to slightly objectifying images of women. Highly objectifying images did not yield the same increase—a result interpreted by the authors to mean that highly objectified women were perceived as sexually available and as such less likely to need coercion, while slightly objectified women could be perceived as more likely to need coercion [ 53 ].

Research on objectification has primarily focused on women, in part due to numerous studies suggesting that women are more subject to sexual objectification [ 73 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 ], as well as suffering the consequences of sexual objectification more often [ 81 ]. However, sexually objectifying portrayals seem to have a role in producing negative effects on men as well, although with partially different pathways. In men, findings about media appearance pressures on body image appear to be mixed. Previous meta-analyses found either a small average effect [ 82 ] or no significant effect [ 72 ]. A recent study found them to be significantly associated with higher body surveillance, poorer body image quality of life and lower satisfaction with appearance [ 71 ]. Another study, however, found differing relationships regarding sexual objectification: an association was found between experiences of sexual objectification and internalization of cultural standards of appearance, body shame and drive for muscularity, but was not found between experiences of sexual objectification and self-objectification or body surveillance [ 83 ]: in the same study, gender role conflict [ 84 ] was positively associated to the internalization of sociocultural standards of appearance, self-objectification, body shame and drive for muscularity, suggesting the possibility that different pathways may be involved in producing negative effects on men. Men with body-image concerns experiencing gender role conflict may also be less likely to engage in help-seeking behaviors [ 85 , 86 ]. This is possibly due to restrictive emotionality associated with the male gender role leading to more negative attitudes toward help-seeking, as found in a recent study by Nagai, [ 87 ], although this study finds no association with help-seeking behavior, conflicting with previous ones, and more research is needed.

Finally, specificities related to sexual orientation regarding media and objectification appear to be present. A set of recent studies by Frederick and colleagues found that gay men, lesbian women and bisexual people share with heterosexual people many of the pathways that lead from sociocultural pressures to internalization of thin/muscular ideals, higher body surveillance and a lower body image quality of life [ 71 , 88 ], leading the authors to conclude that these factors’ influence applies regardless of sexual orientation. However, their relationship with media and objectification may vary. Gay and bisexual men may face objectification in social media and dating apps rather than in mainstream media and may experience more objectification than heterosexual men [ 89 ]. In Frederick and colleagues’ studies, gay men reported greater media pressures, body surveillance, thin-ideal internalization, and self-objectification compared to heterosexual men; moreover, bisexual men appeared to be more susceptible to ideal internalization, displaying stronger paths from media appearance pressures to muscular-ideal internalization compared to heterosexual men; lesbian women, instead, demonstrated weaker relationships between media pressures and body image outcomes [ 71 , 88 ]. Consistently with previous studies suggesting a heightened susceptibility to social pressures [ 90 ], bisexual women appeared to be more susceptible to media pressures relative to other groups [ 88 ]. Another recent study of lesbian and bisexual women supported previous evidence for the pathway from the internalization of cultural appearance standards to body surveillance, body shame and eating disorder symptoms; however, it found no significant connection between experiences of objectification and eating disorder symptoms [ 91 ].

2.3. Sexualized Portrayals

Several studies have found sexualizing media representations to be commonplace across a number of different media contents and across different target demographics (i.e., children, adolescents or adults) and genres. Reports of common sexualized representations of women are found in contexts such as television programs [ 92 ], movies [ 93 , 94 , 95 , 96 ], music videos [ 97 , 98 ], advertising [ 54 , 55 ], videogames [ 51 , 99 , 100 ], or magazines [ 101 ].

Exposure to sexualized media has been theorized to be an exogenous risk factor in the internalization of sexualized beliefs about women [ 41 ], as well as one of the pathways to the internalization of cultural appearance ideals [ 102 ]. Daily exposition to sexualized media content has been consistently linked to a number of negative effects. Specifically, it has been found to lead to higher levels of body dissatisfaction and distorted attitudes about eating through the internalization of cultural body ideals (e.g., lean or muscular) in both men and women [ 71 ]. It has also been associated with a higher chance of supporting sexist beliefs in boys [ 103 ], and of tolerance toward sexual violence in men [ 104 ]. Furthermore, exposure to sexualized images has been linked to a higher tolerance of sexual harassment and rape myth acceptance [ 76 ]. Exposure to reality TV programs consistently predicted self-sexualization for both women and men, while music videos did so for men only [ 103 ]. Internalized sexualization, in turn, has been linked to a stronger endorsement of sexist attitudes and acceptance of rape myths [ 105 ], while also being linked to higher levels of body surveillance and body shame in girls [ 106 ]. Internalization of media standards of appearance has been linked to body surveillance in both men and women, as well as body surveillance of the partner in men [ 107 ].

As a medium, videogames have been studied relatively little and have produced less definite results. This medium can offer the unique dynamic of embodiment in a virtual avatar, which has been hypothesized to be able to lead to a shift in self-perception (the “Proteus effect”, as formulated by Yee & Bailenson, [ 108 ]). While some studies have partially confirmed this effect, showing that exposure to sexualized videogame representations can increase self-objectification [ 109 , 110 , 111 ], others [ 112 ] have not found the same relationship. Furthermore, while a study has found an association between sexualized representations in videogames, tolerance of sexual abuse of women and rape myth acceptance [ 113 ], and in another, it was linked to a decreased real-life belief in women’s competence [ 114 ], a recent meta-analysis [ 115 ] found no effect of the presence of sexualized content on well-being, sexism or misogyny.

Research on social media has also shown some specificities. Social media offers the unique dynamic of being able to post and disseminate one’s own content and almost always includes built-in mechanisms for user-generated feedback (e.g., likes), as well as often being populated by one’s peers, friends and family rather than strangers. Sites focusing on image- or video-based content (e.g., Instagram, TikTok) may be more prone to eliciting social comparison and fostering the internalization of cultural appearance ideals, resulting in more associations to negative body image when compared to others that have the same capabilities but offer text-based content as well (e.g., Facebook) [ 116 ]. Social media appears to foster social comparison, which may increase appearance-based concerns [ 117 ]. Consistently with previous research, exposure to sexualized beauty ideals on social media appeared to be associated with lower body satisfaction; exposure to more diverse standards of appearance, instead, was associated with increased body satisfaction and positive mood, regardless of image sexualization [ 116 , 118 ].

3. Discussion

3.1. critical discussion of evidence.

The reviewed evidence (summarized in Table 1 ) points to the wide-ranging harmful effects of stereotyping, objectifying and sexualizing media portrayals, which are reported to be still both common and pervasive. The links to possible harms have also been well documented, with a few exceptions.

Summary of findings.

These representations, especially but not exclusively pertaining to women, have been under social scrutiny following women’s rights movements and activism [ 119 ] and can be perceived to be politically incorrect and undesirable, bringing an aspect of social desirability into the frame. Positive attitudes toward gender equality also appear to be at an all-time high across the western world [ 120 , 121 ], a change that has doubtlessly contributed to socio-cultural pressure to reduce harmful representations. Some media contexts (e.g., advertising and television) seem to have begun reflecting this change regarding stereotypes, attempting to either avoid harmful representations or push more progressive portrayals. However, these significant changes in stereotypes (e.g., regarding competence) have not necessarily been reflected in women’s lives, such as their participation in the labor force, leadership or decision-making [ 31 , 122 , 123 ]. Objectifying or sexualizing representations do not seem to be drastically reduced in prevalence. Certainly, many influences other than media representations are in play in this regard, but their effect on well-being has been found to be pervasive and consistent. Despite widespread positive attitudes toward gender equality, the persistence of stereotypical, objectifying and sexualizing representations may hint at the continued existence of an entrenched sexist culture which can translate into biases, discrimination and harm.

Despite some conflicting findings, the literature also hints at the existence of differences in how media pressures appear to affect men and women, as well as gay, lesbian and bisexual people. These may point to the possibility of some factors (e.g., objectification) playing a different role across different people in the examined pathways, an aspect that warrants caution when considering possible interventions and clinical implications. In some cases, the same relationship between exposure to media and well-being may exist, but it may follow different pathways from distal risk factors to proximal risk factors, as in the case of gender role conflict for men or body shame for lesbian and bisexual women. However, more research is needed to explore these recent findings.

Different media also appear to feature specificities for which more research is needed, such as videogames and social media. The more interactive experiences offered by these media may play an important role in determining their effects, and the type of social media needs to be taken into consideration as well (image- or video-based vs. text-based). Moreover, the experiences of exposure may not necessarily be homogenous, due to the presence of algorithms that determine what content is being shown in the case of social media, and due to the possibility of player interaction and avatar embodiment in the case of videogames.

Past findings [ 37 , 69 ] about links with other social issues such as sexism, harassment and violence appear to still be relevant [ 67 , 73 , 103 , 105 ]. The increases in both tolerance and prevalence of sexist and abusive attitudes resulting from exposure to problematic media representations impact the cultural climate in which these phenomena take place. Consequently, victims of discrimination and abuse living in a cultural climate more tolerant of sexist and abusive attitudes may experience lower social support, have a decreased chance of help-seeking and adopt restrictive definitions for what counts as discrimination and abuse, indirectly furthering gender inequalities.

Exploring ways of reducing risks to health, several authors [ 22 , 41 , 75 ] have discussed media literacy interventions—that is, interventions focused on teaching critical engagement with media—as a possible way of reducing the negative effects of problematic media portrayals. As reported in McLean and colleagues’ systematic review [ 124 ], these interventions have been previously shown to be effective at increasing media literacy, while also improving body-related outcomes such as body satisfaction in boys [ 125 ], internalization of the thinness ideal in girls [ 125 ], body size acceptance in girls [ 126 ] and drive for thinness in girls and boys [ 127 ]. More recently, they were also shown to be effective at reducing stereotypical gender role attitudes [ 128 ], as well as fostering unfavorable attitudes toward stereotypical portrayals and lack of realism [ 129 ]. Development and promotion of these interventions should be considered when attempting to reduce negative media-related influences on body image. It should be noted, however, that McLean and colleagues’ review found no effect of media literacy interventions on eating disorder symptomatology [ 124 ], which warrants more careful interventions.

Furthermore, both internal (e.g., new entrants’ attitudes in interpersonal or organizational contexts) and external (e.g., pressure from public opinion) sociocultural pressures appear to have a strong influence in reducing harmful representations [ 55 , 56 ]. Critically examining these representations when they appear, as well as voicing concerns toward examples of possibly harmful representations, may promote more healthy representations in media. As documented by some studies, the promotion of diverse body representations in media may also be effective in reducing negative effects [ 70 , 118 ].

3.2. Limitations

The current review synthesizes the latest evidence on stereotyping, objectifying and sexualizing media representations. However, limitations in its methodology are present and should be taken into consideration. It is not a systematic review and may not be construed to be a complete investigation of all the available evidence. Only articles written in the English language have been considered, which may have excluded potentially interesting findings written in other languages. Furthermore, it is not a meta-analysis, and as such cannot be used to draw statistical conclusions about the surveyed phenomena.

3.3. Future Directions

While this perception is limited by the non-systematic approach of the review, to what we know, very few studies appear to be available on the relationship between media representation and non-sexual objectification, which may provide interesting directions to explore in relation to autonomy, violability or subjectivity, as was attempted in the context of work and organizations [ 130 ].

More cross-cultural studies (e.g., Tartaglia & Rollero [ 54 ]) would also prove useful in exploring differences between cultural contexts, as well as the weight of different sociocultural factors in the relationship between media representation and gender.

More studies focusing on relatively new media (e.g., social media, videogames) would possibly help clear up some of the identified discrepancies and explore new directions for the field that take advantage of their interactivity. This is particularly true for niche but growing media such as virtual reality, in which the perception of embodiment in an avatar with different physical features than one’s own could prove to be important in sexualization and objectification. Only preliminary evidence [ 131 ] has been produced on the topic.

Studies to further explore the relationship between media representations, gender and sexual orientation would also be beneficial. As already highlighted by Frederick and colleagues [ 132 ], gay, lesbian and bisexual people may deal with a significantly different set of appearance norms and expectations [ 133 ], and face minority-related stresses [ 134 ] that can increase susceptibility to poorer body image and disordered eating [ 135 , 136 ]. Additionally, none of the reviewed studies had a particular focus on trans people, who may have different experiences relating to media and body image, as suggested by the differences in pathways found in a recent study [ 137 ]. Sexual orientation and gender identity should be kept into consideration when investigating these relationships, as their specificities may shed light on the different ways societal expectations influence the well-being of sexual minorities.

The examined literature on the topic also appears to feature specificities that need to be taken into account. As previously reported by Ward [ 37 ], the vast majority of the studies continue to be conducted in the United States, often on undergraduates, which limits the generalizability of the results to the global population. Given the abundance and complexity of the constructs, more studies examining the pathways from media exposure to well-being using methodologies such as path analysis and structural equation modeling may help clarify some of the discrepancies found in the literature about the same relationships.

Finally, as previously reported by many authors [ 37 , 69 , 138 ], sexualization, self-sexualization, objectification and self-objectification are sometimes either treated as synonymous or used with different definitions and criteria, which may add a layer of misdirection to studies on the subject. Given the divergences in the use of terminology, clearly stating one’s working definition of sexualization or objectification would possibly benefit academic clarity on the subject.

4. Conclusions

Consistent empirical evidence highlights the importance of media representations as a key part of sociocultural influences that may have consequences on well-being. Despite some notable progress, harmful representations with well-researched links to detrimental effects are still common across a number of different media. Exposure to stereotyping, objectifying and sexualized representations appears to consistently be linked to negative consequences on physical and mental health, as well as fostering sexism, violence and gender inequity. On a clinical level, interventions dealing with body image and body satisfaction should keep their influence into account. The promotion of institutional and organizational interventions, as well as policies aimed at reducing their influence, could also prove to be a protective factor against physical and mental health risks.

Funding Statement

This research received no external funding.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, F.S. and L.R.; methodology, T.T. and M.N.P.; writing—original draft preparation, F.S.; writing—review and editing, T.T. and M.N.P.; supervision, L.R. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Gender and media

This page provides an introduction to some key concepts underlying this guide, namely:

What are sex and gender?

What is gender equality, what is the role of media in gender equality.

Sex: refers to the biological characteristics differentiating male and female bodies. Key differences exist between typical male and female hormone levels, genetics and genitalia. Male and female biological sex characteristics are consistent across all cultures and societies.

Gender refers to how the different roles, norms and relations regarding men and women are perceived in society. The positions of men and women, and the expectations about what is masculine and feminine depend on social and cultural contexts and are not set in stone. The concept of gender is not biologically determined, but constructed by society and individuals. This means that perceptions of gender are constantly evolving, and can differ significantly between cultures, countries and generations.

Gender determines what is expected, allowed and valued in a women or a man in a given context. For example, in many societies women are more likely to be expected to perform housework and child-rearing duties while men face greater pressures to earn an income to provide for a family. Women may be seen as sensitive and caring while men are perceived as strong. Women can wear skirts, but men do not. The video below gives an example of one such gendered stereotype and expectation.

By addressing gender relations and the power dynamics behind them, we can better understand individuals’ access to and distribution of resources, as well as their ability to make decisions and participate in media.

Learn more See the glossary of the European Institute for Gender Equality for an explanation of different gender terms.

Gender, sex and diversity

It is important to recognise that not everyone fits into the binary categories of ‘male or female’ and ‘man or woman’. In relation to sex, most people will be born with biological characteristics defining them as clearly male or female. However, occasionally people are born as intersex, having non-typical or mixed biological sex characteristics. In relation to gender, most people are cisgender, meaning their gender identity matches the sex they were assigned at birth. However, some people are transgender, identifying as a different gender than the sex they were assigned at birth. For example, someone may identify as a man despite having been born with female sex characteristics. Additionally, some people do not see themselves as being exclusively a man or a women, and may identify as non-binary or gender-queer.

Learn more The Genderbread Person provides a useful model that explains the difference between your anatomical sex, gender identity, gender expression and attraction. The AGEMI project has a learning unit on Intersectionality and media .

Due to gendered roles, norms and expectations, men and women often do not share the same opportunities, resources and positions in society. Men tend to be seen as the ‘standard’, while women, and the contributions they make to society, can be invisible.

Gender equality means that women and men enjoy the same levels of respect and status in society. It also means people of all genders have the same entitlements to human rights, access to opportunities and abilities to make choices about their lives.

Ultimately, promoting gender equality means transforming the power relations between women and men in order to create a more just society for all.

Media play an important role in how people form their identities, social norms and values in relation to gender. Research  shows that from a young age, children are influenced by the gendered stereotypes that media present to them. For example, Plan International and the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media  conclude  that girls and young women lose confidence and ambition if they do not see role models and women as leaders on screens.

Gender inequality in media content exists through both the under-representation and mis-representation of women. Men are far more likely to be visible as journalists, experts and subjects than women, and also to be portrayed in a way that values their opinions, experiences and professions.

Gender inequality is also clearly visible within media institutions. Even though an increasing number of women are studying and entering the journalism profession, they continue to face significant barriers to safety, support and career progression, and remain underrepresented in the sector.

Gender inequalities that are present across many aspects of society are reflected in the media. Media can perpetuate gender inequalities, but also have the power to address and challenge them. There is an enormous potential for media to show more balanced, inclusive and diverse portrayals of gender, thereby contributing to a more just society.

This guide is dedicated to exploring the relationships between gender and media, and the crucial role that media practitioners and organisations play in working towards gender equality.

Learn more AGEMI has a great collection of learning resources about gender and media. The University of Strathclyde currently offers an online course on Futurelearn on gender and media.

Explore the different topics in this guide

In the guide you can find specific strategies, tools and resources to tackle the issues outlined above.

Gender equality in media content

Worldwide, women are underrepresented in the media and often portrayed in stereotypical ways. There is an enormous potential for media to show a wider variety of roles and behaviors of people of all genders, thereby challenging gender inequalities and expanding the range of people society looks up to as role models.

Explore this section to find out about different strategies to promote gender equality in media content.

Gender equality in the media sector

Gender inequality is clearly visible in the media sector and journalism profession. Women are usually a minority in media organisations, especially in high-level and decision-making positions. Women journalists face unique barriers and safety risks.

Explore this section to find out more about different strategies related to gender in the media sector and workplace.

Campaigning and advocacy

Campaigningand advocacy are crucial to achieving the legislative and policy environments necessary for gender equality in the media.

Explore this section to find out about different mechanisms and movements being used around the world.

Gender mainstreaming

When working on a media development project, it is crucial to mainstream gender within its design, implementation and evaluation.

Explore this section to find out how gender mainstreaming can address the concerns and needs of both men and women within every stage of the project cycle.

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Gender and the Media by Cynthia Carter LAST REVIEWED: 17 May 2017 LAST MODIFIED: 21 November 2012 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756841-0002

Gender and media research has been a central field of academic inquiry since the 1970s. It is notable that two distinctive, and yet often overlapping, approaches characterize this field. The first is that of mainstream forms of gender and media studies research, which has been grounded in large part by assumptions about the ways in which the media contribute to the individual acquisition of gendered attitudes and behaviors and how sex-role stereotypes can impact negatively on an individual’s life chances, especially in terms of a person’s sense of self-worth, and social perceptions of women and their career prospects. The other field is that of feminist media studies, which is characterized as a political movement for gender justice, examining how gender relations are represented, the ways in which audiences make sense of them, and how media practitioners contribute to perpetuating gender injustice. At the center of this is the view that hierarchical gender relations (re)produce social inequalities across time and cultures, thereby making it difficult for men and women to be equal partners in a democratic society. In recent years, gender and media research has become much more globally oriented, with increasing attention paid to cultural, social, and economic differences as well as a greater awareness of the importance of interrogating media and masculinity.

Due to the now longstanding importance of gender and media research, various books are available that provide general overviews of the field. Some of these texts provide broad historical overviews of the field of gender (women/femininity and men/masculinity) and media research as it has developed in Anglo-American contexts ( Gill 2006 and Ross 2009 ), whereas others have sought to focus directly on critical/feminist media research on women and media ( McRobbie 2008 , Thornham 2007 , and van Zoonen 1994 ) or in specific subfields such as women, media, and politics ( Norris 1996 , Sreberny and van Zoonen 1999 ). Finally, two websites provide invaluable resources for beginning gender and media students: MCS: Gender, Ethnicity and Media/Gender/Identity Resources . The general overview books cited here offer students and scholars new to the study of gender and media research useful introductions to the field, including bibliographies that may be used to study both general and specific topics within the field. Both MCS: Gender, Ethnicity and Media/Gender/Identity Resources provide helpful, frequently updated, general overviews of gender and media issues, debates, key concepts, and current research.

Gill, Rosalind. 2006. Gender and media . Cambridge, UK: Polity.

Clearly written, critical introduction to the study of gender and media, drawing primarily on Anglo-American research. Offers a broad history of feminist media approaches and research to date, highlighting some of the most pressing debates over the past few decades (e.g., images of women, media employment, media and body image, sexualization and pornography, masculinity and men’s magazines, talk shows, news, and advertising).

McRobbie, Angela. 2008. The aftermath of feminism: Gender, culture and social change . London: SAGE.

McRobbie challenges the idea that we now live in a postfeminist world in which gender equality has been achieved. Invidious forms of gender restabilization and increased sexuality inequality are now rife. Consumerism has lead women into new postfeminist “neurotic dependencies.” Accordingly, chapters variously examine fashion photography, the television “makeover” genre, eating disorders, body anxiety, and “illegible rage” to support this claim.

MCS: Gender, Ethnicity .

Website hosted by the University of Wales, Aberystwyth, United Kingdom. Covers a variety of media and cultural studies topics, themes, and conceptual and methodological approaches. Offers a range of links to research on gender and ethnicity as well as links that provide definitions of key concepts of gender, representation, social and personal identity, queer theory, and social class.

Media/Gender/Identity Resources . Theory.org.uk.

Information on media, gender, and identity on David Gauntlett’s website that covers media and creativity in everyday life.

Norris, Pippa, ed. 1996. Women, media, and politics . New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

Norris argues that gender fundamentally shapes modern American politics. By the 1990s, the political agenda had become characterized by sharp differences of opinion on affirmative action, abortion rights, and welfare reform, placing gender at the center of US politics. Authors examine how media coverage of politics reinforces, rather than challenges, the dominant culture, thereby contributing toward women’s marginalization in public life.

Ross, Karen. 2009. Gendered media: Women, men, and identity politics . Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

Gender, Ross argues, refers not only to women and femininity but also to men and masculinity as well as queer, lesbian, and gay identities, in relation to age, ethnicity, and disability. This book offers a historical discussion giving students a deeper appreciation of gender politics of contemporary media such as the “Big Brother” television program, mobile phones, and the political campaigns of Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin.

Sreberny, Annabelle, and Liesbet van Zoonen, eds. 1999. Gender, politics and communication . Cresskill, NJ: Hampton.

This edited collection includes authors from countries around the world, investigating a broad range of issues from a variety of theoretical and methodological perspectives. Topics include representations of Hillary Clinton, the media construction of masculinity in US presidential campaigns and female members of the British Parliament, and issues of gender and class in reporting politics in India.

Thornham, Sue. 2007. Women, feminism and media . Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Press.

Although feminist media scholarship has grown in influence in recent decades, some have questioned its continuing validity in current postfeminist media culture as a theoretical perspective. Exploring the complex relationship among the terms “women,” “feminism,” and “media,” Thornham engages with key issues within feminist media studies both through specific examples and through critical engagement with the work of major feminist writers.

van Zoonen, Liesbet. 1994. Feminist media studies . London: SAGE.

Widely regarded as a classic text in feminist media studies research, the book begins by outlining major themes that have shaped research. Van Zoonen explores communication methods, theories, and models to highlight the ways in which feminist research strategies offer a challenge to traditional assumptions about media and communication that ignore the influence of gender in the production, representation, and consumption of media.

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Feminist Approaches to Media Theory and Research pp 1–15 Cite as

Through a Feminist Kaleidoscope: Critiquing Media, Power, and Gender Inequalities

• Ingrid Bachmann 5 ,
• Dustin Harp 6 &
• Jaime Loke 7  
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Part of the book series: Comparative Feminist Studies ((CFS))

Since its first forays as an academic discipline, feminist media theory and research have made important contributions to our understandings of women’s status, gender ideologies, and the complex circumstances that define and often constrain women’s lives. It continues to do so in the current globalized world and increasingly complex media landscape and in so doing it underscores the need for transdisciplinary, transnational, intersectional, and encompassing approaches to gender and media. In this chapter, we review feminist media studies and address the challenges in contemporary cultural contexts, while providing a roadmap for this edited volume.

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Bachmann, I., Harp, D., Loke, J. (2018). Through a Feminist Kaleidoscope: Critiquing Media, Power, and Gender Inequalities. In: Harp, D., Loke, J., Bachmann, I. (eds) Feminist Approaches to Media Theory and Research. Comparative Feminist Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90838-0_1

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Looking back from the vantage point of the twenty-first century, early analysis of gender and media is notable for the extraordinary confidence of the analyses produced. Reviewing a decade of studies in the late 1970s, Gaye Tuchman (1978b) unequivocally titled her article “The Symbolic Annihilation of Women by the Mass Media” and wrote of how women were being destroyed by a combination of “absence,” “trivialization,” and “condemnation.” Such clear evaluations were not unique and were often accompanied by similarly robust calls to action—whether voiced as demands for more women in the industry, campaigns for “positive images,” or “guerrilla interventions” into billboard advertisements. Writing about this period of research on gender and the media, Angela McRobbie (1999) characterized it as one of “angry repudiation.”

By the late 1980s, this angry certainty had largely given way to something more equivocal and complex. As Myra Macdonald (1995) noted, one reason was that media content changed dramatically. The notion that the media offered a relatively stable template of femininity to which to aspire gave way as media offered a more plural and fragmented set a of signifiers of gender. There was a new playfulness in media representations, a borrowing of codes between different genres, and a growing awareness and interest in processes of image construction. Media content was shaped by producers and consumers who were increasingly “media savvy” and familiar with the terms of cultural critique, including feminism ( Goldman 1992 ). Feminist critiques made their way into media content, exemplified by Nike advertising that critiqued media for offering unrealistic images of women, and L’Oréal advertising that addressed female anger about constantly being addressed in terms of unattainable images of female beauty ( Gill 2007a ). Another striking feature of advertising of the 1990s and early 2000s was its use of strategies highlighting female empowerment, agency, and choice—taking a cue from feminist ideas but emptying them of their political force and offering them back to women in terms of products that may make them feel powerful (but won’t actually change anything) (Gill 2008).

The early twenty-first century has seen further important shifts, including a proliferation of different theoretical languages for discussing media representations of gender. What Liesbet Van Zoonen (1994) has characterized as the “transmission model” of media was replaced by more constructionist, poststructuralistinfluenced accounts. These tend to see meaning as fluid, unstable, and contradictory, and to emphasize the media’s role in constructing subjectivity and identity.

Scholarship has also been influenced by queer theory, which has produced “gender trouble” ( Butler 1990 ), interrogating traditional understandings of a gender binary, based on cisgendered males and females, and highlighting performative rather than essentialist readings of gender. This has brought to the fore questions about trans and genderqueer, opening up space for thinking about both gender and sexuality in more open terms, which might include, for example, “female masculinities” ( Halberstam 1998 ). Queer theory has also been influential in offering alternative readings of cultural products, and in “queering” contemporary media.

Another shift is growing interest in representations of men and masculinity. This has been particularly evident in film studies and research on the proliferation of men’s magazines or “lad mags” such as FHM , Loaded , Zoo , and Nuts . Some research has examined the way the media are implicated in dominant representations of masculinity such as the figures of “new man,” “new lad,” “metrosexual,” “hipster,” or “lumbersexual”—which come to be powerful popular means of reading and understanding masculine identities, endlessly recycled in marketing, PR, academic, and journalistic texts until they come to seem like reflections of reality rather than particular constructions. Another focus is on changing representations of the male body in sites such as advertising or fashion magazines—including the mainstreaming of eroticized or idealized images of the male body that represent a challenge to earlier understandings that “men look and women appear” ( Berger 1972 ; Mulvey 1975 ). Iconic figures such as David Beckham and David Gandy have been central to this shift, which has led to discussions about whether “sexual objectification” is now a routine practice for depicting men as well as women, and raising questions about masculinity “in crisis.”

A concern with “intersectionality” ( Crenshaw 1989 ) has also animated contemporary interests in gender and media. It seeks to understand the connections between multiple axes of oppression and exclusion, on the understanding that these are not simply “additive” but constitute distinct experiences and subjectivities. In media studies, the notion has challenged singular definitions of “woman,” and—with postcolonial and mestizaje interventions—has argued for a far greater specificity in accounts of how gender is mediated, thereby helping to create space for a multiplicity of foci on—for example—constructions of Latina/Chicana, African American, or Asian American women in the media, and pushing beyond the whiteness of dominant theorizing. This is linked in turn—though is not reducible to—a marked interest in questions about global media among gender scholars. At its most straightforward, this has translated into a greater international focus and more cross-national comparisons, such as the Global Media Monitoring Project, which, in a series of reports since 1995, has indicated the woeful representation of women in news genres across the world—showing up disproportionately as victims rather than as journalists or experts. An interest in globalization has also produced a focus on how representations “travel” ( Machin and Thornborrow 2003 ) or, alternatively, how they are designed to have appeal across multiple contexts. Michelle Lazar (2006) has produced fascinating research about globalized advertising in Asia, pointing to the construction of an almost “identikit” image of desirable youthful femininity: the ideal model should look a little bit Indian, a little bit Thai, and a little bit Malaysian and is carefully designed to exemplify a “pan-Asian blend” of “consumer sisterhood.” More recently, Ofra Koffman, Shani Orgad, and Rosalind Gill (2015) have examined how ideas about “girl power” materialize in different national and transnational contexts, constructing an idealized neoliberal feminine subject.

Another major development has been the “turn to production” in media studies, which for gender analysts has focused attention on persistent inequalities in the media labor force. This is horizontally segregated and vertically segregated, meaning that women are both concentrated in particular areas—for example within filmmaking they are disproportionately found in “makeup” or “wardrobe” functions—and are also concentrated lower in the hierarchy of desirable roles. Martha Lauzen’s important research on Hollywood highlights the long-term lack of women in key creative roles such as cinematographer or director, with only one female Academy Award winner for best director— Kathryn Bigelow—in its history ( 2015 ).

Some research has been concerned with whether the lack of women in key creative roles impacts the kinds of media that get produced. Television seems to be doing better than film both in the diversity of its workforce and in the range of shows that get made, with Girls , The Good Wife , Orange Is the New Black , and Damages , for example, featuring “strong” women on both sides of the camera. Other research has examined the reasons for continued inequalities in media worlds that pride themselves on being “cool, creative, and egalitarian,” but seem in reality to be anything but. Deborah Jones and Judith Pringle (2015) have pointed to the dominance of small-scale, project-based employment in the media and creative industries, arguing that it gives rise to “unmanageable inequalities”—through processes of finding work, hiring, and evaluation that are largely informal and lie outside legislative apparatuses designed to protect equal rights. In turn, others have called attention to the meritocratic and neoliberal dominance of media and cultural fields, which instill an idea that sexism (and racism) are “over” ( Ahmed 2012 ) and cultivate a climate of “gender fatigue” ( Kelan 2009 ) in which inequalities become “unspeakable” ( Gill 2014 )—problems that are connected to a postfeminist sensibility (see below). Feminist research on media labor has also generated new topics of interest such as aesthetic labor and affective or emotional labor—highlighting the extent to which an ever increasing range of “soft” skills and qualities are put to work in a moment of passionate capitalism (see Elias, Gill, and Scharff 2016 ).

Meanwhile, the boundaries of media production have been called into question by reality TV programs featuring “ordinary people” rather than professionals. New media are also said to have collapsed distinctions between producers and consumers, rendering many of us—simultaneously—as both. Early feminist research on the Internet looked at gendered practices in online sites such as chat rooms and multiuser dungeons. Approaches tended to be polarized between, on the one hand, techno-utopians who believed the World Wide Web would offer unparalleled opportunities to transcend the body and to explore futures devoid of social divisions such as gender, and, on the other, the cyberpessimists who argued that the technology could never escape its origins in the military-industrial complex and who pointed to new forms of oppression that were practiced in online communities, for example, flaming, trolling, and cyberbullying. In the past few years, the excesses of both positions have given way to more measured and cautious research, exploring (for example) the impact of dating sites on the way in which people conduct their intimate relationships, or the emerging forms of sociality on network sites such as Facebook and Snapchat. Self-representation has become a key topic of interest (for example, selfies, sexting), as has the proliferation of different forms of surveillance—from the “top-down” surveillance of media companies such as Google and Facebook to the peer surveillance ( Ringrose et al. 2013 ) and the “girlfriend gaze” ( Winch 2014 ) of social media or the self-monitoring of mobile phone apps that track exercise, calorie intake, weight, and beauty regimes ( Elias and Gill forthcoming ).

A crucial concept in contemporary studies of gender and media is “postfeminism.” The term is used to highlight the “entanglement” of feminist and antifeminist ideas, and a sense in which, as Angela McRobbie (2009) has argued, feminism is both “taken for granted” in contemporary culture yet also “repudiated,” as women are offered opportunities for individual success and advancement, on condition that they disavow collective projects for social change. Postfeminism does not simply denote a complicated and contradictory relationship to feminism, but also is constituted through the pervasiveness of neoliberalism in which the enterprise form is extended to all forms of conduct and “normatively constructs and interpellates individuals as entrepreneurial actors in every sphere of life” ( Brown 2005, 42 ). It appears that women to a greater extent than men are constituted as active, autonomous, and self-reinventing subjects, called on to “make over” their selves again and again.

Indeed, makeover is a central theme of postfeminism—seen not just in the hostile scrutiny of women’s bodies on shows such as 10 Years Younger or The Swan , but more broadly regarded as a central part of a neoliberal disciplinary apparatus ( Heller 2007 ; Ouellette and Hay 2008 ; Ringrose and Walkerdine 2008 ). It has been argued that this makeover paradigm increasingly moves beyond homes, gardens, bodies, and intimate relations, but now calls forth a transformation of subjectivity itself, a central element of what elsewhere I have called the psychic life of postfeminism. One clear example of this is in the contemporary incitements to confidence ( Banet-Weiser 2015 ; Gill and Orgad 2015 ) in which women are exhorted to “lean in” and become more confident and involved at work ( Sandberg 2013 ), to “love your body” (by brands like Dove, Gap, and Weight Watchers), and to believe that “confidence is the new sexy” (Bobbi Brown). Elle magazine had a Confidence Issue in 2015, and even the Girl Guiding Association now offers a badge in “body confidence”—one indication of the force and reach of this postfeminist imperative.

Postfeminism has proved a valuable and productive lens for exploring contemporary mediations of gender. The term is contested—referring to historical, epistemological, and backlash versions. One productive and much-used formulation regards it as a cultural sensibility that should be the object of critical interest—rather than a position or a perspective. Elements of this sensibility seen across media culture include the notion of gender as grounded in the body, and with an intensified focus on women’s appearance; the shift from objectification to subjectification as a mode of representing women; an increased emphasis upon self-surveillance, -monitoring, and -discipline; a focus upon individualism, choice, and empowerment as the “watchwords” of postfeminism; a resurgence in ideas of natural sexual difference; and an emphasis upon consumerism and the commodification of difference ( Gill 2007b ). These elements coexist with and are structured by stark and continuing inequalities and exclusions that relate to “race” and ethnicity, class, age, sexuality, and disability. The contemporary foci on postfeminism, neoliberalism, and subjectivity offer challenging and exciting directions for new work on gender and media.

Representation of gender in media Report (Assessment)

Introduction, media representation, gender and media representation, representation of role models, media stereotyping, women and men representation in media, reference list.

It is amazing to note that some people spend more time feeding on media content than doing an assignment, exercising or even sleeping. While this may be a leisure activity for some people, the impact of media cannot be underestimated today (Bennett 2005, p. 12). This assessment essay focuses on the issue of gender representation in media, with regard to image, roles and stereotypes.

What is media representation? According to media theorists, representation refers to any model in any medium that defines a real aspect, say, people, events, objects, places and cultural identities among countless abstract concepts. Such representation may be written, spoken or expressed in moving pictures.

In defining media representation, the end products are also considered through the construction of one’s identity. For instance, an issue like “gaze” may consider how women look at images of women, men at women or even women at men (Bennett 2005, p. 12).

An important point to note is that all texts are always constructed irrespective of how realistic they may appear. They do not represent mere recordings or reproduction of pre-existing circumstances that are real (Briggs & Cobley 2002, p. 10).

Additionally, representations may become familiar and natural when they are used constantly. As a result, such denotations may become acceptable by the general public because of their recurring nature. Although it is never taken with a lot of emphasis, there is always need to interpret representations in order to appreciate the intended meaning.

Due to this assumption, most people end up making modality judgments towards various representations through the media. Above all, representation is unavoidable; it always exits even when we have no idea about its existence. As a result, its impact in human life is inevitable.

Gender is arguably the basic element of identification commonly used to categorize human beings as men or women. Nevertheless, the concept of gender is also sensitive and of immense significance in discussing media representation (Laughey 2009, p. 10).

Based on this element, each group identifies its members through similarities that are either inherent or borrowed from the surrounding in order to find a suitable and definitive description. In other words, human beings tend to obey the acceptable definition of man or woman by identifying themselves with certain elements.

In the understanding of media representation, it is worth noting that there are several objects, which are usually represented even though they may not necessarily be human (Dines & Humez 2010, p. 3). This representation usually aims at giving that item feminine or masculine characteristics.

From a simple understanding, masculinity is associated with hard, tough and sweaty issues while feminine objects appear fragrant, fragile and soft. Common objects represented with either a masculine or feminine-touch include but not limited to, smart phones, running shoes, bottled beer, an airline and a sports car.

As mentioned above, media plays a significant role in shaping our lives and understanding of what it means to be a man or woman. No one can deny that role models do have impact on millions of people consuming media content (Andrews & Jackson 2001, p. 20).

Role models are supposed to influence the society positively. Is this how they are represented? Whether in a commercial advert or any representation, prominent people are usually used to define men and women in a different way. It is however important to ask how these role models represent variation of men and women.

In other words, representation of men and women through the media may not necessarily reflect the identity of an entire generation or society (Bennett 2005, p. 5). In fact, some theorists argue that gender representation is undoubtedly based on stereotypes among various people.

At this point, it is imperative to affirm that stereotypic representation of men and women using role models usually exerts negative effects on the society. For example, people tend to identify themselves with particular personalities by emulating their lifestyle in terms of dress code, dietary or even the way of talking (Bucy 2002, p. 20).

Does media represent the true image of men and women? Stereotyping is not a new term in the media industry especially with regard to how men and women are represented. In fact, stereotyping in media cannot be avoided and it is a common phenomenon in news, advertising and entertainment industries (Carrington 2010, p. 138).

What is not known to many people is the fact that media stereotypes act as hints or codes, which help viewers, listeners or readers to figure out an individual or group of people, with regard to social class, occupation or ethnicity among other aspect of identity.

Notably, media stereotypes have a wide range of negative effects. For example, the manner in which men and women are represented may reduce their inherent differences into classes of people defined by simple traits (Giddings & Lister 2011, p. 10).

Similarly, stereotypes affect the manner in which people perceive life. They change perceptions into realities, such that people may begin to actualize the image represented by the media. In some cases, media stereotypes are used to erroneously justify some positions, say, for leaders in power.

This can be misleading to the public, as they may adopt a misguided meaning of leadership and power (Carrington 2010, p. 138). It has to be mentioned that groups of people who are prone to being stereotyped usually have minimum or no influence in determining their representation. Based, on this argument, media stereotypes have a significant impact on the society.

Under normal circumstance, one would expect the media to represent men and women positively. Is this the case? No! From TV shows to fashion magazines on the streets, women have always been represented negatively. Think of advertising agents and women. Almost every advert, whether for cars or food, carries the image of a woman (Cashmore 2006, p. 98).

Popular female personalities appear to have peculiar features like extreme thinness, bleached skins and always becoming younger in spite of their advanced age. It is very common to find media adverts or articles influencing women to adopt certain beauty standards perceived to be more appealing and acceptable than their natural outlook even though some of the conditions may be unattainable (Hills & Kennedy 2009, p. 13).

It is viewed that economics of beauty play a major role. By insisting on an ideal figure, body size and skin color, cosmetic and diet industries enhance continuity of their business as they have a ready market (Livingstone 2002, p. 77).

Importantly, insecure women are more prone to acquiring these products as compared to those who are comfortable with their body images. In order to achieve these extreme and unattainable standards, most women resort to unhealthy eating habits like induced vomiting, skipping meals or even opting for diet aids (Creeber & Martin 2009, p. 5).

Magazines, movies and television emphasize the need for ladies to have a thin body, associating it with wealth, prosperity, love and a happy life. Besides body image, media represents women as sex objects. TV, movies and magazines carry ads which imply that a woman’s body is supposed to be sexually active and attractive.

In terms of professionalism, women are underrepresented. Mainstream media concentrates on having men as main news presenters while women are allowed to report on minor issues like domestic violence and accidents (Cashmore 2006, p.188).

Are men exempted from negative representation? The truth is that men are differently represented in the media. In most cases, men are seen to be in control of others, aggressive, physically appealing and financially stable (Dworkin & Heywood 2003, p. 65).

This representation has far-reaching implications on the society, as boys and men assimilate what that they consume from the media into their daily lives. They therefore tend to be in control of every situation in life and may resort to aggression in cases where they find resistance, emulating how male characters carry themselves in media (Wenner 1998, p. 27).

Male stereotypes in media are grouped into five classes as follows. The joker presents men as people who lack seriousness, while the jock fights in life and finds approval in the eyes of men. On the other hand, the strong silent type portrays a decisive man who is always in control (Rowe 2011, p. 20).

The big shot denotes a professionally, socially and economically stable man, in possession of societal dreams like wealth and power. Lastly, the action hero man is angry and violent. All these representations affect the manner in which the society perceives men, how men define their position in the society and how boys define masculinity (Whannel 2001, p. 1).

As a major marketing tool, advertising ought to communicate the intended message in the most appropriate manner. As a result, men and women can be used in wooing customers in the business world, in a positive way. However, researchers affirm that most ads designed for men are common during sports shows.

Accordingly, women are rarely featured, with stereotypes taking center stage among a few that are considered. In extreme cases, women are represented as gifts given to men who have the capability of choosing the best products on the market (Wenner 1998, p. 27).

With regard to beer commercials, most ads carry slim and white men, who attract women. Additionally, adverts present men as powerful and masculine. They therefore dominate, while women are stereotypically portrayed as slender and on special diet. This approach has negative impact on the society through emulation of certain traits by people who feed on media content.

From this assessment, it is clear that media plays an immense role in shaping human life, through information. Nevertheless, representation of gender in media is a debatable issue that continues to affect the society today.

There is no doubt that some of the vices observed like scanty dressing, poor eating disorders and violence are directly or indirectly propagated by the media through stereotyping; both men and women are victims.

Andrews, D & Jackson, S 2001, Sport Stars: The Cultural Politics of Sporting Celebrity , Routledge, London.

Bennett, A 2005, Culture and Everyday Life, SAGE, London.

Briggs, A & Cobley, P 2002, The Media: An Introduction , Longman, Harlow.

Bucy, E 2002, Living in the Information Age: A New Media Reader , Wadsworth New York.

Carrington, B 2010, Race, Sport and Politics , Sage, London.

Cashmore, E 2006, Celebrity/Culture , Routledge, London.

Creeber, G & Martin, R 2009, Digital Cultures: Understanding New Media , Open University Press, Michigan.

Dines, G & Humez, R 2010, Gender Race and Class in the Media , Routledge, London.

Dworkin, S & Heywood, L 2003, Built to win: The female athlete as cultural icon , University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis.

Giddings, S & Lister, M 2011, The New Media and Techno-cultures Reader , Routledge, London.

Hills, L & Kennedy, E 2009, Sport, Media and Society , Berg, Oxford.

Laughey, D 2009, Media Studies: Theories and approaches, Oldcastle Books, Harpenden.

Livingstone, S 2002, Young People and New Media , Sage, London.

Rowe, D 1998, Global Media Sport: Flows, Forms and Futures , Bloomsbury, London.

Wenner, L 1998, Media Sport , Routledge, New York.

Whannel, G 2001, Media Sport Stars: Masculinities and Moralities , Routledge, London.

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Bibliography

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• Common Media Stereotyping
• Stereotyping: Forms And Theories of Stereotypes
• Stereotyping in the Human Culture
• Mass Media Role in Stereotyping Females in Sports
• Psychology: Stereotyping and Its Dynamics
• The Issue of Stereotyping in the US
• On Stereotyping in the Media
• Racism, Privilege and Stereotyping Concepts
• Critic of Masculine and Feminine Genders
• Stereotyping and Prejudice
• Gender Studies and Society
• The Sexual Revolution
• Discrimination, Social Exclusion and Violence among the LGBT Community
• The History of Sexuality
• Gender Balance in Science

• Introduction
• Conclusions
• Article Information

TGNB indicates transgender and nonbinary youths.

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Coyne SM , Weinstein E , Sheppard JA, et al. Analysis of Social Media Use, Mental Health, and Gender Identity Among US Youths. JAMA Netw Open. 2023;6(7):e2324389. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.24389

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Analysis of Social Media Use, Mental Health, and Gender Identity Among US Youths

• 1 School of Family Life, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah
• 2 Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, Massachusetts

Question   Is gender identity associated with social media use and mental health among youths?

Findings   This cross-sectional study of 1231 transgender, gender nonbinary, and cisgender youths found that gender identity moderated both the effect size and the direction of the association between social media use and mental health.

Meaning   These results suggest that gender identity is a key moderator when examining youth social media use and mental health and should be included in studies moving forward.

Importance   Mental health among children and adolescents is a critical public health issue, and transgender and gender nonbinary youths are at an even greater risk. Social media has been consistently associated with youth mental health, but little is known about how gender identity interacts with this association.

Objective   To use a risk and resilience approach to examine the association between social media use and mental health among transgender, gender nonbinary, and cisgender youths.

Design, Setting, and Participants   This cross-sectional study analyzed data collected from an online survey between May and August 2021. Participants included a random sample of US youths; eligibility requirements included being aged 10 to 17 years and residing in the US. Statistical analysis was performed from February to April 2022.

Main Outcomes and Measures   Social media use (time, type of use, favorite site, social comparisons, mindfulness, taking intentional breaks, cleaning and curating feeds, problematic use, and media literacy programs at their school) and mental health (depression, emotional problems, conduct problems, and body image) as main outcomes.

Results   Participants included 1231 youths aged 10 to 17 years from a national quota sample from the United States; 675 (54.8%) identified as cisgender female, 479 (38.9%) as cisgender male, and 77 (6.3%) as transgender, gender nonbinary, or other; 4 (0.3%) identified as American Indian or Alaska Native, 111 (9.0%) as Asian, 185 (15.0%) as Black, 186 (15.1%) as Hispanic or Latinx, 1 (0.1%) as Pacific Islander, 703 (57.1%) as White, and 41 (3.3%) as mixed and/or another race or ethnicity. Gender identity moderated both the strength and the direction of multiple associations between social media practices and mental health: active social media use (eg, emotional problems: B  = 1.82; 95% CI, 0.16 to 3.49; P  = .03), cleaning and/or curating social media feeds (eg, depression: B  = −0.91; 95% CI, −1.98 to −0.09; P  = .03), and taking intentional breaks (eg, depression: B  = 1.03; 95% CI, 0.14 to 1.92; P  = .02).

Conclusions and Relevance   In this cross-sectional study of gender identity, social media, and mental health, gender identity was associated with youths’ experiences of social media in ways that may have distinct implications for mental health. These results suggest that research about social media effects on youths should attend to gender identity; directing children and adolescents to spend less time on social media may backfire for those transgender and gender nonbinary youths who are intentional about creating safe spaces on social media that may not exist in their offline world.

The percentage of transgender and nonbinary (TGNB) youths coming out in the US has doubled in the last decade, 1 with 1.4% as transgender and 3.0% as nonbinary. 2 Despite studies documenting an association between gender, social media use (SMU), and indicators of mental health, 3 - 5 and that TGNB youths are at a higher risk for mental health issues than cisgender youths, 6 - 8 relatively little research has examined the association between SMU and mental health among TGNB youths. 9 Consequently, this study aimed to directly explore the interplay between gender identity, SMU, and indicators of mental health, including internalizing (emotional problems, depression, and body image), and externalizing problems (conduct problems).

Gender identity is an individual’s deeply felt sense of being a man, woman, or an alternate gender (eg, nonbinary), which sometimes may not align with the sex assigned at birth. 10 TGNB individuals may experience gender dysphoria, an intense distress because of the disconnect between one’s assigned sex and internal gender identity. 10 , 11 TGNB individuals may also experience high levels of minority stress, 12 , 13 the stress of being a minority in a majority social environment 14 - 16 fostered through social processes, institutions, and structures that harass and/or discriminate. 13 , 17 For TGNB youths, minority stress can manifest through violence due to gender nonconformity, 18 - 20 gender dysphoria, 21 family tension, and emotional distress from fear of rejection 21 , 22 and is associated with increased mental health struggles and greater risk for suicide. 17 , 23 - 25 Currently, 25% to 32% of TGNB youths attempt suicide. 18 , 26 Though there are public concerns about the effects of SMU on adolescent mental health, research on TGNB youths suggests social media may be a protective factor instead of a risk for mental health. 9

The research on SMU and mental health tends to be mixed. Some studies suggest time spent on social media is associated with mental health problems, 4 , 27 , 28 while others find no link. 29 - 31 Certain variables may moderate the association between SMU and mental health, including SMU context and content, problematic behaviors, 32 and gender (associations greater for girls than boys 33 ), suggesting gender identity as a potential moderator. 34 School media literacy may also help youths use social media in ways that might benefit their mental health; however, this is understudied with gender minority youths. 35

TGNB individuals engage with media in various ways for multiple reasons. 9 , 12 While general media represents TGNB individuals less frequently and accurately than cisgender individuals, 36 - 39 social media allows TGNB individuals to portray themselves how they see fit. TGNB youths access social media for a variety of content, building positive connections 38 and creating support systems protective against mental illness, based on common interests and experiences. 9 , 40 - 42 Little is known, however, about how TGNB youths use social media in general outside of gender identity exploration and development.

Acknowledging continued interest in the association between social media and mental health, elevated mental health risks relevant to TGNB youths, and the potential effects of social media in the lives of TGNB youths, our study aimed to examine the association between SMU and mental health as moderated by gender identity. Following minority stress theory, we hypothesized that positive social media practices may be more protective for TGNB youths (compared with cisgender youths) as it may reduce feelings of minority stress.

The survey was approved by the Brigham Young University institutional review board and participants were treated under the human participants’ guidelines from the American Psychological Association. Informed consent was obtained online. Parents gave consent for their minor children to participate. This study followed the Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology ( STROBE ) reporting guideline for cross-sectional studies by having multiple TGNB individuals as authors and addressing potential bias via qualitative focus groups with TGNB youths.

Participants included a national quota sample of 1231 youths aged 10 to 17 years obtained using a Qualtrics panel and collected between May and August 2021. The panel consisted of youths from all 50 states. We gave Qualtrics quotas for race and ethnicity based on recent US Census data, and they recruited based on those estimates. We chose this age group to examine because many youths begin using social media during this age. Additionally, there is substantial gender identity development during adolescence.

Race and ethnicity were self-reported; categories included American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Black, Hispanic or Latinx, Pacific Islander, White, and mixed or another race or ethnicity. Self-reported gender categories included cisgender female, cisgender male, and transgender, nonbinary, or other. Household income data were also collected.

The data were skewed for outcome measures. Descriptions of transformations and reliability statistics are included in Table 1 .

The patient health questionnaire (PHQ-8) measured participant depression. 43 Youths reported how frequently they experienced 8 symptoms within the last 2 weeks. A sample item of the PHQ-8 included “Feeling down, depressed, or hopeless.” Responses ranged from 1 (not at all) to 4 (nearly every day).

Five items measuring emotional problems were completed from the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ). 44 Items were rated on a 3-point scale, 1 (not true) to 3 (certainly true), and a sample item included “I worry a lot.”

Five items measuring conduct problems from the SDQ were also completed. The same rating scale was used, and a sample item included, “I take things that are not mine.”

Youths reported how often they agreed with 3 statements about body image 45 using a 5-point Likert-scale: 1 (never) to 5 (always). A sample item included, “I’m pretty happy about the way I look.”

Participants were first asked if they had ever used social media. Seventy-two participants (5.8%) reported they had never used social media and were omitted from all future analyses. Participants who reported they used social media estimated the hours they spent on social media in a typical day. This was measured on a scale of 1 (none) to 8 (more than 8 hours). Though only moderate indicators of SMU, self-reports of screen time provide information about youths’ perceptions of their screen time and differentiates between light and heavy users. 46

For youths who had a smartphone, they were asked how old they were when they got their first smartphone. These answers ranged from age 5 to 17 years.

Youths were asked how often they participated in certain habits while on social media to determine if they were active or passive social media users. Three items measured active use (eg, “Make comments or like other people’s posts”), while 1 item measured passive use (“Mostly scroll through other people’s posts without commenting or posting myself”). Responses were measured on a 5-point Likert scale, 1 (never) to 5 (all the time).

Youths were asked to report the frequency of 3 social comparison behaviors when visiting their most used social media site 47 on a 5-point Likert-type scale, 1 (never) to 5 (always). A sample item included, “Compare my life with other people’s lives.”

Youths were asked how often they take intentional breaks from their smartphones (eg, by putting their smartphone on airplane mode or leaving it in another room). Responses were measured on a 6-point Likert scale, 1 (never or rarely) to 6 (every day or almost every day).

Youths were first asked if they used either social media or video games more frequently. Then, youths who reported that they used social media more responded how much they agreed with 7 items related to their social media habits (those who chose video games were excluded from this scale only). This scale was adapted 48 from a scale that originally assessed problematic cell phone use. 49 Participants were asked to rate how much they agreed with a series of statements regarding their SMU (eg, “When I am not using social media, I am thinking about using it or planning the next time I can use it”). Items were rated using a 5-point Likert scale, 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree).

Youths rated on a 5-point Likert scale how much they agreed with the statement, “My school tries to help us learn how to use our phones or social media in healthy ways.” Items were rated from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree).

A modified Mindfulness Attention Awareness Scale 50 was used to measure mindfulness around SMU. Youths were asked to think about the last time they were on social media and how much certain behaviors were present (eg, “I was engaging with social media without really paying attention”). Items were rated on a 6-point Likert scale, 1 (not at all) to 6 (very much). This was recoded so a higher score indicated more mindful media use.

Participants were asked 2 items about how regularly they cleaned or curated their social media feed or followers (eg, by muting or unfollowing certain accounts). Items were rated on a 6-point Likert scale, 1 (never) to 6 (about once a week).

Member checking is often considered a hallmark of careful and culturally considerate research. 35 To aid with interpretation of the quantitative results, 7 adolescents were recruited as an advisory board via 2 focus groups centered on cointerpreting the findings. The advisory group was not designed for further data collection nor to change study results. Rather, the process emphasized cointerpretation with adolescents who have relevant lived experience, allowing insider perspectives to expand the interpretation and potential directions for future research.

The first group consisted of 4 cisgender adolescents aged 14 to 17 years and the second of 3 TGNB adolescents aged 14 to 16 years, all residing in the US. Both focus groups took place over a video call and were led by 1 cisgender and 2 TGNB adults while a team of 4 individuals assisted in note taking. After brief introductions, group facilitators presented the survey findings and asked the participants to provide their interpretations and asked follow-up questions for clarity.

Basic descriptive statistics were first conducted for all major variables based on gender identity. This was done using multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA). We then conducted 4 logistic regressions, with outcomes being emotional problems, depression, conduct problems, and body image. Independent variables assessed included social media time and the aforementioned contextual social media factors. Covariates included race, age, income, and family structure. We also explored gender identity as a moderator in each model. Sex as a biological variable correlated highly with gender identity and was not included as a covariate. Statistical significance was determined at 2-sided P  < .05. Missing data were handled using the maximum likelihood method in Mplus (Muthén & Muthén). Statistical analysis was performed from February to April 2022 using Stata version 17 (StataCorp).

Participants included 1231 youths from a national quota sample from the United States; 675 (54.8%) identified as cisgender female, 479 (38.9%) as cisgender male, and 77 (6.3%) as transgender, gender nonbinary, or other; 4 (0.3%) identified as American Indian or Alaska Native, 111 (9.0%) as Asian, 185 (15.0%) as Black, 186 (15.1%) as Hispanic or Latinx, 1 (0.1%) as Pacific Islander, 703 (57.1%) as White, and 41 (3.3%) as mixed and/or another race or ethnicity; age ranged from 10 to 17 years with a mean (SD) of 14.5 (2.0) years. Average household income was between $60 000 and $75 000 per year (with 308 [25.0%] below $50 000 per year and 431 [35.0%] above $100 000 per year).

A series of MANOVAs explored gender identity differences in outcomes and SMU. There was a significant multivariate effect of gender identity differences for all outcomes measured in the study ( F 8, 2452  = 30.32; P  < .001; η 2  = 0.09). TGNB youths had the highest levels of depression, emotional problems, conduct problems, and the worst body image compared with other youths (eg, mean [SD] depression measures were 2.22 [0.87] for female, 2.07 [0.93] for male, and 2.80 [0.91] for TGNB; P  < .001). See Table 1 for full statistics and mean comparisons.

For media variables, cisgender male youths tended to have higher levels of active SMU, problematic SMU, and social comparisons than cisgender female youths or TGNB youths (eg, mean [SD] active SMU measures were 2.97 [0.95] for female, 3.45 [1.00] for male, and 2.98 [0.90] for TGNB; P  < .001); they also perceived having schools with stronger digital literacy programs. Additionally, TGNB youths reported higher levels of cleaning or curating their social media feed than other youths (mean [SD] level of cleaning and/or curating social media feeds were 3.29 [1.40] for female, 3.41 [1.50] for male, and 3.70 [1.39] for TGNB; P  < .001) ( Table 1 ).

In general, time spent on social media and age at receiving first smartphone were not associated with any outcomes. Attending a school with what students perceived as strong digital literacy training, active SMU, low levels of social comparisons, and low levels of problematic SMU (eg, depression: B  = 1.02; 95% CI, 0.66-1.38; P  < .001) were associated with lower risk of mental health problems ( Table 2 ). Four results were significantly moderated by gender identity; given the focus of the study, we focus on these 4 results.

First, there was a significant interaction between gender identity and active SMU for emotional problems ( B  = 1.82; 95% CI, 0.16 to 3.49; P  = .03). Specifically, active media use was more associated with lower emotional problems for TGNB youths than for cisgender youths ( Figure 1 ). Second, there was a significant moderation between gender identity and taking intentional breaks for depression ( B  = 1.03; 95% CI, 0.14 to 1.92; P  = .02) and emotional problems ( B  = 1.51; 95% CI, 0.37 to 2.65; P  = .009). Taking intentional social media breaks was positively associated with depression for TGNB, but negatively associated with cisgender participants ( Figure 2 ). Third, there was a significant moderation between gender identity and cleaning or curating feeds for depression ( B  = −0.91; 95% CI, −1.98 to −0.09; P  = .03) and conduct problems ( B  = −0.64; 95% CI, −1.18 to −0.11; P  = .02). Specifically, depression and conduct problems were lower for TGNB youths when they reported regularly cleaning or curating their social media feed, but both depression and conduct disorders were higher for cisgender youths when they engaged in this same activity ( Figure 3 ). Finally, we found a significant interaction between school media literacy and gender identity for depression ( B  = −1.07; 95% CI, −1.98 to −0.15; P  = .02) with school media literacy being more associated with lower rates of depression for TGNB youths vs cisgender youths.

There were significant gender identity differences for all health outcomes measured in the study. TGNB youths had the highest levels of depression, emotional problems, conduct problems, and negative body image compared with cisgender youths. However, TGNB youths’ use of social media was differentially associated with mental health.

Aligning with previous research on SMU, 51 , 52 this study found that active media use was associated with lower rates of mental health problems, especially for TGNB youths. As our advisory board suggested, TGNB youths may be more intentional about creating online spaces that are free from the negative interactions that can plague them in school 53 or at home. 9 One TGNB youth shared, “On social media, I am able to choose to be around the people that don’t make me uncomfortable, that don’t make me hate myself.” TGNB youths can actively be themselves (present themselves) in a way that aligns with their identity via pictures and pronouns.

Relatedly, cleaning and/or curating feeds was associated with lower levels of depression for TGNB youths but higher levels for cisgender youths. TGNB youths are more likely to be bullied or harassed online and offline and may therefore have a greater need to curate safe spaces for themselves on social media. Illustrating this point, one TGNB youth said, “Real life isn’t safe for LGBTQ people, but online there is more control where I can find people who have similar beliefs.” Conversely, cleaning and/or curating feeds appeared to have an opposite pattern for cisgender youths, a finding which merits further investigation: perhaps cisgender youths fear offending peers by unfollowing those in their social circle, and thus benefit from a social media break by uninstalling apps entirely rather than curating feeds.

Taking intentional technology breaks was significantly associated with increases in depression and emotional problems for TGNB youths but not for cisgender youths, again suggesting the balance of risks and benefits of youths’ SMU differs by gender identity. For TGNB youths for whom social media is a key venue for social acceptance, breaks could cut this off and potentially be detrimental to health. 9 As a TGNB advisory board adolescent explained, “I’m fine taking breaks because I already have a support group that is super nice to me. For others, when they delete it, [they delete] their safe place. That’s why they feel bad…they don’t have that community anymore.”

Attending a school with a perceived strong media literacy program was also associated with positive outcomes for all youths, 54 , 55 and again particularly so for TGNB youths. Given the apparent importance of online spaces for TGNB youths, these programs may contribute to protective practices and facilitate even greater intentionality around SMU. 38

Parents could be less concerned about screen time potentially causing mental health struggles in their TGNB youth and instead focus on how social media may be a resource for their children in the face of everyday minority stress. Policy makers and school officials worried about the link between social media and mental health should consider the differential associations of social media by gender identity and take a more person-centered approach. Blanket policies that severely limit SMU among youths may have different (and more negative) impacts for TGNB youths. We encourage policies (at school, state, and national levels) that focus on supporting school media literacy programs as opposed to only limiting screen time. Pediatricians might consider asking detailed questions around media use beyond screen time at well-child checkups. Clinical and medical professionals treating adolescents might consider discussing social media practices and may take a more nuanced approach depending on patient gender identity.

This study had limitations. Major limitations included the self-report and cross-sectional nature of the data, and there were a relatively low number of TGNB youths.

The association between social media and mental health is complex and nuanced. The present findings indicate that TGNB youths are at an elevated risk for negative health outcomes compared with cisgender youths. 56 , 57 These differences do not seem to reflect their time on social media. Rather, SMU appears to be associated with lower levels of mental health problems for TGNB youths, 9 reaffirming that person-specific differences are key when examining social media and health and pointing to the importance of deliberate attention to gender identity. 58 Although TGNB youths are among the highest risk for mental health struggles and suicidality, social media might be protective for some TGNB youths, particularly when used in protective ways.

Accepted for Publication: May 31, 2023.

Published: July 24, 2023. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.24389

Open Access: This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC-BY License . © 2023 Coyne SM et al. JAMA Network Open .

Corresponding Author: Sarah M. Coyne, PhD, School of Family Life, Brigham Young University, JFSB 2086C, Provo, UT 84602 ( [email protected] ).

Author Contributions: Drs Coyne and James had full access to all of the data in the study and take responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the data analysis.

Concept and design: Coyne, Weinstein, James, Ririe, Monson.

Acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data: All authors.

Drafting of the manuscript: Coyne, Sheppard, Van Alfen, Ririe, Monson, Ashby, Weston, Banks.

Critical revision of the manuscript for important intellectual content: Coyne, Weinstein, Sheppard, James, Gale, Van Alfen, Ashby.

Statistical analysis: Coyne, James.

Obtained funding: Coyne.

Administrative, technical, or material support: Coyne, Sheppard, James.

Supervision: Coyne, Van Alfen, Ririe.

Conflict of Interest Disclosures: Dr Coyne reported being retained as an expert witness by Meta for future court proceedings (based on her existing research). Dr Weinstein reported that she has previously received payment for invited presentation(s) to TikTok, as well as for consulting work with Common Sense Media. No other disclosures were reported.

Funding/Support: This project was funded by the Wheatley Institute at Brigham Young University.

Role of the Funder/Sponsor: The Wheatley Institute helped with the design and conduct of the study and paid for data collection. Dr Weinstein was paid a stipend from the Wheatley Institute for her involvement in the study. Dr James and Dr Coyne are both fellows of the Wheatley Institute and were paid for data management, analysis, interpretation of the data, preparation, review, and approval of the manuscript; and decision to submit the manuscript for publication. Ms Van Alfen was a student fellow of the Wheatley Institute and received a scholarship for her involvement in the study.

Disclaimer: All information and materials in this manuscript are original. Portions of this manuscript were published as a public scholarship report on the Wheatley Institute website. However, this report focused on social media in general and not on TGNB youths.

Meeting Presentation: A version of this paper was presented at the Society for Research on Adolescence (SRA) Conference; April 13, 2023; San Diego, California.

Data Sharing Statement: See the Supplement .

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Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Gender Roles — The Portrayal of Gender Roles in the Media

The Portrayal of Gender Roles in The Media

• Categories: Gender Roles

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Published: Apr 11, 2019

Words: 518 | Page: 1 | 3 min read

Gender roles in the Media

Works cited.

• Bartsch, A., & Schneider, F. (2014). Gender representation in advertising. In The International Encyclopedia of Language and Social Interaction (pp. 1-9). Wiley.
• Bussey, K., & Bandura, A. (2004). Social cognitive theory of gender development and functioning. In A. H. Eagly, A. E. Beall, & R. J. Sternberg (Eds.), The psychology of gender (2nd ed., pp. 92-119). Guilford Press.
• Dill, K. E., & Thill, K. P. (2007). Video game characters and the socialization of gender roles: Young people's perceptions mirror sexist media depictions. Sex Roles, 57(11-12), 851-864.
• Glick, P., & Fiske, S. T. (1996). The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory: Differentiating hostile and benevolent sexism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70(3), 491-512.
• Lueck, T. L., & Wilson, M. R. (2010). Gender role portrayals in children's literature: An update. Sex Roles, 62(3-4), 242-255.
• Myers, K. K., & Sadaghiani, K. (2010). Millennials in the workplace: A communication perspective on millennials' organizational relationships and performance. Journal of Business and Psychology, 25(2), 225-238.
• Paek, H. J., Nelson, M. R., & Vilela, A. M. (2011). The effects of magazine advertising on young women's body image concerns and weight-related attitudes and behaviors. Journal of Health Communication, 16(8), 791-811.
• Reinhard, C. D., Konrath, S. H., & Lopez, M. A. (2012). Gender differences in narcissism: A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 138(2), 300-313.
• Signorielli, N. (2004). Reflections of girls in the media. In D. G. Singer & J. L. Singer (Eds.), Handbook of children and the media (pp. 235-248). Sage.
• Ward, L. M. (2016). Media and sexualization: State of empirical research, 1995-2015. Journal of Sex Research, 53(4-5), 560-577.

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