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The Federalist Papers (1787-1788)

Additional text.

After the Constitution was completed during the summer of 1787, the work of ratifying it (or approving it) began. As the Constitution itself required, 3/4ths of the states would have to approve the new Constitution before it would go into effect for those ratifying states.

The Constitution granted the national government more power than under the Articles of Confederation . Many Americans were concerned that the national government with its new powers, as well as the new division of power between the central and state governments, would threaten liberty.

In order to help convince their fellow Americans of their view that the Constitution would not threaten freedom, James Madison , Alexander Hamilton , and John Jay teamed up in 1788 to write a series of essays in defense of the Constitution. The essays, which appeared in newspapers addressed to the people of the state of New York, are known as the Federalist Papers. They are regarded as one of the most authoritative sources on the meaning of the Constitution, including constitutional principles such as checks and balances, federalism, and separation of powers.

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Would you have been a Federalist or an Anti-Federalist?

Federalist or Anti-Federalist? Over the next few months we will explore through a series of eLessons the debate over ratification of the United States Constitution as discussed in the Federalist and Anti-Federalist papers. We look forward to exploring this important debate with you! One of the great debates in American history was over the ratification […]

Federalist No. 1 Excerpts Annotated

Federalist 10

Written by James Madison, this essay defended the form of republican government proposed by the Constitution. Critics of the Constitution argued that the proposed federal government was too large and would be unresponsive to the people.

Primary Source: Federalist No. 26

Primary Source: Federalist No. 33

Handout E: Excerpts from Federalist No. 39, James Madison (1788)

Primary Source: Excerpts from Federalist No. 44

Handout B: Excerpts from Federalist No 10, 51, 55, and 57

Handout I: Excerpts of Federalist No. 57

Primary Source: Federalist No. 39

Primary Source: Madison – Excerpts from Federalist No. 47 (1788)

Federalist 51

In this Federalist Paper, James Madison explains and defends the checks and balances system in the Constitution. Each branch of government is framed so that its power checks the power of the other two branches; additionally, each branch of government is dependent on the people, who are the source of legitimate authority.

Handout A: Excerpts from Federalist No 62

Primary Source: Excerpts from Federalist No. 63

Federalist 70

In this Federalist Paper, Alexander Hamilton argues for a strong executive leader, as provided for by the Constitution, as opposed to the weak executive under the Articles of Confederation. He asserts, “energy in the executive is the leading character in the definition of good government.

Primary Source: Federalist No. 78 Excerpts Annotated

Primary Source: Federalist No. 84 Excerpts Annotated

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Introductory note: the federalist, [27 october 1787–28 may 1788], introductory note: the federalist.

[New York, October 27, 1787–May 28, 1788]

The Federalist essays have been printed more frequently than any other work of Hamilton. They have, nevertheless, been reprinted in these volumes because no edition of his writings which omitted his most important contribution to political thought could be considered definitive. The essays written by John Jay and James Madison, however, have not been included. They are available in many editions, and they do not, after all, properly belong in the writings of Alexander Hamilton.

The Federalist , addressed to the “People of the State of New-York,” was occasioned by the objections of many New Yorkers to the Constitution which had been proposed on September 17, 1787, by the Philadelphia Convention. During the last week in September and the first weeks of October, 1787, the pages of New York newspapers were filled with articles denouncing the Constitution. 1 The proposed government also had its defenders, but their articles were characterized by somewhat indignant attacks on those who dared oppose the Constitution rather than by reasoned explanations of the advantages of its provisions. 2

The decision to publish a series of essays defending the Constitution and explaining in detail its provisions was made by Alexander Hamilton. Both the reasons for his decision and the date on which he conceived the project are conjecturable. Having gone to Albany early in October to attend the fall session of the Supreme Court, he was not in New York City during the early weeks of the controversy over the Constitution. 3 He must, nevertheless, have concluded that if it were to be adopted, convincing proof of its merits would have to be placed before the citizens of New York. His decision to write the essays may have been made before he left Albany, for according to tradition he wrote the first number of The Federalist in the cabin of his sloop on the return trip to New York. 4

At some time before the appearance of the first essay, written under the pseudonym “Publius,” Hamilton sought and found collaborators, for the first essay, published in The [New York] Independent Journal: or, the General Advertiser on October 27, 1787, was followed in four days by an essay by John Jay. Neither Hamilton nor Jay left a record of any plans they might have made, but the third collaborator, James Madison, later wrote that “the undertaking was proposed by Alexander Hamilton to James Madison with a request to join him and Mr. Jay in carrying it into effect. William Duer was also included in the original plan; and wrote two or more papers, which though intelligent and sprightly, were not continued, nor did they make a part of the printed collection.” 5 Hamilton also sought the assistance of Gouverneur Morris, who in 1815 remembered that he had been “warmly pressed by Hamilton to assist in writing the Federalist.” 6

In reprinting the text of The Federalist the original manuscripts have been approximated as nearly as possible. As the first printing of each essay, despite typographical errors, was presumably closest to the original, the text published in this edition is that which was first printed. The texts of those essays among the first seventy-seven which were written by Hamilton or are of doubtful authorship are taken from the newspapers in which they first appeared; the texts of essays 78–85 are taken from the first edition of The Federalist , edited by John and Archibald McLean. 7

With the exception of the last eight numbers, all the issues of The Federalist were first printed in the newspapers of New York City. The first essay was published on October 27, 1787, in The Independent Journal: or, the General Advertiser , edited by John McLean and Company. Subsequent essays appeared in The Independent Journal and in three other New York newspapers: New-York Packet , edited by Samuel and John Loudon; The Daily Advertiser , edited by Francis Childs; and The New-York Journal, and Daily Patriotic Register , edited by Thomas Greenleaf. 8

The first seven essays, published between October 27 and November 17, 1787, appeared on Saturdays and Wednesdays in The Independent Journal , a semiweekly paper, and a day or two later in both New-York Packet and The Daily Advertiser . At the conclusion of essay 7 the following announcement appeared in The Independent Journal: “In order that the whole subject of these Papers may be as soon as possible laid before the Public, it is proposed to publish them four times a week, on Tuesday in the New-York Packet and on Thursday in the Daily Advertiser.” The intention thus was to publish on Tuesday in New-York Packet , on Wednesday in The Independent Journal , on Thursday in The Daily Advertiser , and on Saturday in The Independent Journal .

The announced plan was not consistently followed. On Thursday, November 22, The Daily Advertiser , according to the proposed schedule, published essay 10, but after its publication no other essay appeared first in that newspaper. To continue the proposed plan of publication—a plan which occasionally was altered by publishing three instead of four essays a week—the third “Publius” essay of the next week appeared on Friday in New-York Packet . After November 30 the essays appeared in the following manner: Tuesday, New-York Packet , Wednesday, The Independent Journal , Friday, New-York Packet , and Saturday, The Independent Journal . The third essay of the week appeared either on Friday in the Packet or on Saturday in The Independent Journal . This pattern of publication was followed through the publication of essay 76 (or essay 77, in the numbering used in this edition of Hamilton’s works) on April 2, 1788. The remaining essays were first printed in the second volume of McLean description begins The Federalist: A Collection of Essays, Written in Favour of the New Constitution, As Agreed upon by the Federal Convention, September 17, 1787. In Two Volumes (New York: Printed and Sold by J. and A. McLean, 1788). description ends ’s edition of May 28, 1788, and beginning on June 14 were reprinted, at intervals of several days, first in The Independent Journal and then in New-York Packet .

The first edition, printed by J. and A. McLean 9 and corrected by Hamilton, is the source from which most editions of The Federalist have been taken. On January 1, 1788, McLean description begins The Federalist: A Collection of Essays, Written in Favour of the New Constitution, As Agreed upon by the Federal Convention, September 17, 1787. In Two Volumes (New York: Printed and Sold by J. and A. McLean, 1788). description ends , having observed “the avidity” with which the “Publius” essays had been “sought after by politicians and persons of every description,” announced plans for the publication of “The FEDERALIST, A Collection of Essays, written in favour of the New Constitution, By a Citizen of New-York , Corrected by the Author, with Additions and Alterations.” 10 The promised volume, including the first thirty-six essays, was published on March 22, 1788. Hamilton was not altogether pleased with the volume, for he stated in the preface 11 that it contained “violations of method and repetitions of ideas which cannot but displease a critical reader.” Despite such imperfections, he hoped that the essays would “promote the cause of truth, and lead to a right judgment of the true interests of the community.” Interested readers were promised a second volume of essays as soon as the editor could prepare them for publication.

“This Day is published,” The Independent Journal advertised on May 28, 1788, “The FEDERALIST, VOLUME SECOND.” This volume contained the remaining essays, including the final eight which had not yet appeared in the newspapers. As in the first volume, there were editorial revisions which probably were made by Hamilton. The final eight essays, which first appeared in this volume were reprinted in The Independent Journal and in New-York Packet between June 14, 1788, and August 16, 1788.

In addition to the McLean edition, during Hamilton’s lifetime there were two French editions 12 and two American editions of The Federalist . The second American edition, printed by John Tiebout in 1799, was not a new printing but a reissue of the remaining copies of the McLean edition with new title pages. The third American edition, published in 1802, not only was a new printing; it also contained revisions presumably approved by Hamilton. It is this, the Hopkins description begins The Federalist On The New Constitution. By Publius. Written in 1788. To Which is Added, Pacificus, on The Proclamation of Neutrality. Written in 1793. Likewise, The Federal Constitution, With All the Amendments. Revised and Corrected. In Two Volumes (New York: Printed and Sold by George F. Hopkins, at Washington’s Head, 1802). description ends edition, which must be taken as Hamilton’s final version of The Federalist . 13

George F. Hopkins announced his plan for a new edition of The Federalist in the January 13, 1802, issue of New-York Evening Post . “Proposals, By G. F. Hopkins, 118 Pearl Street,” read the advertisement in the Post , “For Publishing by Subscription, in Two handsome Octavo Volumes, THE FEDERALIST, ON THE CONSTITUTION, BY PUBLIUS Written in 1788. TO WHICH IS ADDED, PACIFICUS, ON THE PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY. Written in 1793. The whole Revised and Corrected. With new passages and notes .” Hopkins proposed not only to issue a revised text but to give the author of each essay; by naming Hamilton, Madison, and Jay as the authors of The Federalist , he publicly broke the poorly kept secrecy surrounding its authorship. Almost a year passed before Hopkins, on December 8, 1802, offered to the public “in a dress which it is believed will meet with general approbation” the new edition.

Although it is certain that Hamilton did not himself revise the text published in the Hopkins edition, available evidence indicates that he approved the alterations which were made. In 1847 J. C. Hamilton wrote to Hopkins requesting information on the extent to which Hamilton had made or approved the revisions. Hopkins replied that the changes had been made by a “respectable professional gentleman” who, after completing his work, had “put the volumes into the hands of your father, who examined the numerous corrections, most of which he sanctioned, and the work was put to press.” The editor, who was not named by Hopkins, was identified by J. C. Hamilton as John Wells, an eminent New York lawyer. The Hopkins edition, Hamilton’s son emphatically stated, was “ revised and corrected by John Wells … and supervised by Hamilton.” 14 Henry B. Dawson in his 1864 edition of The Federalist contested J. C. Hamilton’s conclusion and argued that the changes were made by William Coleman, editor of New-York Evening Post , and that they were made without Hamilton’s authorization or approval. According to Dawson, Hopkins declared on two different occasions in later years—once to James A. Hamilton and once to John W. Francis—that Hamilton refused to have any changes made in the essays. 15 Although it is impossible to resolve the contradictory statements on Hamilton’s participation in the revisions included in the 1802 edition of The Federalist , J. C. Hamilton presents the more convincing evidence. He, after all, quoted a statement by Hopkins description begins The Federalist On The New Constitution. By Publius. Written in 1788. To Which is Added, Pacificus, on The Proclamation of Neutrality. Written in 1793. Likewise, The Federal Constitution, With All the Amendments. Revised and Corrected. In Two Volumes (New York: Printed and Sold by George F. Hopkins, at Washington’s Head, 1802). description ends , while Dawson related only a conversation.

The McLean and Hopkins editions thus constitute Hamilton’s revision of the text of The Federalist . Hamilton made some minor changes in essays written by Jay and Madison—changes which in the McLean edition they presumably authorized. Jay never revised the essays he wrote, and it was not until 1818 that Madison authorized the publication of an edition which included his own corrections of his essays. This edition was published by Jacob Gideon, 16 a printer in Washington, D.C.

It is, then, from the newspapers of the day, the McLean edition of 1788, and the Hopkins edition of 1802 that a definitive text of Hamilton’s contribution to The Federalist must be reconstructed. In the present edition, as stated above, the texts of essays 1–77 have been taken from the newspapers in which they first appeared; the texts of essays 78–85 are from volume two of the McLean edition. All changes which Hamilton later made or approved in the texts of the essays he wrote have been indicated in notes. Thus in essays 1–77 all changes made in the McLean and Hopkins editions in Hamilton’s essays are given. In essays 78–85 all the changes which appeared in the Hopkins edition are noted. The edition in which a revision was made is indicated by a short title, either by the name “McLean” or “Hopkins.” To this rule there are, however, three exceptions: 1. When an obvious typographical error appears in the text taken from the newspaper, it has been corrected without annotation. 2. When in McLean there is a correction of a printer’s error which, if left unchanged, would make the text meaningless or inaccurate, that correction has been incorporated in the text; the word or words in the newspaper for which changes have been substituted are then indicated in the notes. 3. Obvious printer’s errors in punctuation have been corrected; a period at the end of a question, for example, has been changed to a question mark. When a dash is used at the end of a sentence, a period has been substituted.

Because of changes made in the McLean edition, the numbering of certain essays presents an editorial problem. When McLean, with Hamilton’s assistance, published the first edition of The Federalist , it was decided that the essay published in the newspaper as 35 should follow essay 28, presumably because the subject matter of 35 was a continuation of the subject treated in 28. It also was concluded, probably because of its unusual length, that the essay which appeared in the newspapers as essay 31 should be divided and published as two essays. When these changes were made, the original numbering of essays 29–36 was changed in the following way:

Essays 36–78 in the McLean edition thus were one number higher than the number given the corresponding essay in the newspaper.

Because McLean changed the numbers of some of the essays, later editors have questioned whether there were 84 or 85 essays. This is understandable, for there were only 84 essays printed in the newspapers, the essays 32 and 33 by McLean having appeared in the press as a single essay. The last essay printed in The Independent Journal accordingly was numbered 84. The last eight essays published in New-York Packet , on the other hand, were given the numbers used in the second volume of McLean’s edition. The last number of The Federalist printed by New-York Packet in April had been numbered “76”; the following essay, published in June, was numbered “78.” By omitting the number “77,” the editor of New-York Packet , like McLean, numbered the last of the essays “85.”

Later editions of The Federalist , except for that published by Henry B. Dawson, have followed the numbering of the McLean edition. Since no possible purpose would be served and some confusion might result by restoring the newspaper numbering, the essays in the present edition have been given the numbers used by McLean in 1788, and the newspaper number has been placed in brackets.

Almost a century and a half of controversy has centered on the authorship of certain numbers of The Federalist . Similar to most other eighteenth-century newspaper contributors, the authors of The Federalist chose to write anonymously. When The Federalist essays appeared in the press, many New Yorkers probably suspected that Hamilton, if not the sole author of the “Publius” essays, was the major contributor. Friends of Hamilton and Madison, and perhaps those of Jay, certainly knew that this was a joint enterprise and who the authors were. 17 The number of essays written by each author, if only because the question probably never arose, aroused no curiosity. The Federalist , after all, was written for the immediate purpose of persuading the citizens of New York that it was to their interest to adopt the Constitution; certainly not the authors, and probably few readers, realized that the essays which in the winter of 1788 appeared so frequently in the New York press under the signature of “Publius” would become a classic interpretation of the Constitution of the United States. In 1802, George F. Hopkins proposed to publish a new edition of The Federalist in which the authors would be identified; but because of Hamilton’s “decided disapprobation” 18 no identification of the authors was made in that edition. It was not until three years after Hamilton’s death that The Port Folio , a Philadelphia weekly, published a list of the authors of the essays, thus opening a controversy which still remains unsettled. 19

The evidence on the authorship of several of the essays is contradictory because both Hamilton and Madison made, or allegedly made, several lists in which they claimed authorship of the same essays. It is neither necessary nor instructive to discuss the minor discrepancies found in the claims by the two men in their respective lists. 20 The whole problem is simplified by keeping in mind that of the eighty-five essays the authorship of only fifteen is disputed. Despite contrary claims in several of the least credible lists published during the first two decades of the nineteenth century, it has long been accepted that Hamilton wrote essays 1, 6–9, 11–13, 15–17, 21–36, 59–61, and 65–85; that Madison was the author of essays 10, 14, 37–48; and that Jay contributed essays 2–5 and 64. 21 The authorship of only essays 18–20, 49–58, and 62–63 is therefore debatable.

The number of disputed essays can be reduced by examining the reliability of the several Madison and Hamilton lists. There are four reputed Madison lists: 1. An article, signed “Corrector,” which appeared in the National Intelligencer on March 20, 1817, and which, according to the anonymous author, was copied from “a penciled memorandum in the hand of Madison.” 22 2. A statement of authorship, supposedly endorsed by Madison, made by Richard Rush, a member of Madison’s cabinet, in his copy of The Federalist . 23 3. An article in the City of Washington Gazette , December 15, 1817, claiming to set forth a list “furnished by Madison himself.” 24 4. The edition of The Federalist published by Jacob Gideon in 1818, which based its attribution of authorship on Madison’s own “copy of the work which that gentleman had preserved for himself.” 25 There is no evidence that Madison approved the first three lists; the fourth, the Gideon edition, was not only based on Madison’s copy, but it was endorsed by him as correct.

Hamilton’s claims to authorship are more complicated. Despite statements by his partisans, there are only three Hamilton lists that merit the serious attention of the historian who applies any known tests for evaluating historical evidence. They are the so-called “Benson list,” the list allegedly preserved by Hamilton in his own copy of The Federalist , and the “Kent list.”

The Benson list, according to a story first related by William Coleman in March, 1817, was left by Hamilton, shortly before his death, between the pages of a book in the library of his long-time friend, Judge Egbert Benson. Arriving at Benson’s office, Hamilton was told by Robert Benson, Jr., Egbert’s nephew and clerk, that the Judge and Rufus King had gone to Massachusetts for a few days. As Hamilton conversed with the law clerk, he idly handled one of the volumes on the shelves in the office. After Hamilton’s death which occurred two days later, Benson remembered the incident and, looking in the book Hamilton had picked up, he found a scrap of paper, unsigned but in Hamilton’s hand, listing the essays he had written. 26 Judge Benson, according to the traditional account, pasted it on the inside cover of his copy of The Federalist but somewhat later, fearing that he might lose such a valuable document, deposited it in the New York Society Library. The memorandum was presumably stolen in 1818. 27

The existence of the Benson list was corroborated by two witnesses, Robert Benson and William Coleman. Coleman, editor of New-York Evening Post , is the less credible authority; he may have seen the Benson list, but it is significant that he never definitely stated that he did. The most emphatic statement that he made, elicited by the demands for proof made by an antagonist in a newspaper controversy over the authorship of The Federalist , was as follows:

“I, therefore, for the entire satisfaction of the public, now state, that the memorandum referred to is in General Hamilton’s own hand writing, was left by him with his friend judge BENSON, the week before his death, and was, by the latter, deposited in the city library, where it now is, and may be seen, pasted in one of the volumes of The Federalist .” 28

The statement of Robert Benson, the law clerk to whom Hamilton spoke on the day before his encounter with Burr, is more convincing, but it was made many years after the event, and it is far from being conclusive. “I was then a student in the office,” Benson recalled “and well known to the General” who called and enquired for Judge Benson.

“I replied that he had left the city with Mr. King. The General in his usual manner then went to the book case and took down a book which he opened and soon replaced, and left the office. Some time after the General’s death, a memorandum in his handwriting was found in a volume of Pliny’s letters, I think , which, I believe , was the book he took down, and which memorandum was afterwards wafered by the Judge in the inside cover of the first volume of the Federalist, and where it remained for several years. He subsequently removed it, and, as I understand , gave it to some public library.… The marks of the wafers still remain in the volume, and above them in Judge Benson’s handwriting is, what is presumed, and I believe to be , a copy of the General’s memorandum above referred to.” 29

The Benson list is suspect, then, because the claim for its authenticity is based on the evidence of two men neither of whom stated that he actually saw it. If there had not already been too much fruitless speculation on Hamilton’s thoughts and intentions, it would be interesting to explain why Hamilton chose such a roundabout method to make certain that future generations would recognize his contribution to such a celebrated book. Perhaps he knew that Robert Benson would search all the volumes in his uncle’s office on the suspicion that Hamilton, however uncharacteristically, had concealed a note on some important subject; or perhaps he thought that Benson frequently read Pliny’s Letters and thus could be sure the note would be found. One can speculate endlessly on the motives for Hamilton’s extraordinary behavior, but the significant fact is that the Benson list is inadequate as historical evidence.

Evidence of the existence of Hamilton’s own copy of The Federalist in which he supposedly listed the essays he wrote comes from a notice which appeared on November 14, 1807, in The Port Folio . “The Executors of the last will of General Hamilton,” the Philadelphia weekly announced, “have deposited in the Publick Library of New-York a copy of ‘ The Federalist ,’ which belonged to the General in his lifetime, in which he has designated in his own handwriting, the parts of that celebrated work written by himself, as well as those contributed by Mr. JAY and Mr. MADISON.” No one has seen Hamilton’s copy in the last 150 years; whether it existed or what happened to it, if it did exist, cannot now be known. 30

While the numbers claimed by Hamilton in the Benson list and in his own copy of The Federalist are the same, the list by Chancellor James Kent disagrees in several particulars from the other two. The Kent list, in the Chancellor’s own writing, was found on the inside cover of his copy of The Federalist , now in the Columbia University Libraries. Because of differences in the ink and pen he used, Kent’s statement may be divided into three parts, each of which was written at a different time. In the following copy of Kent’s notes the three parts are indicated by Roman numerals:

The numbers which were written over the numbers Kent first wrote are not in Kent’s writing. However familiar one is with the handwriting of another, it is difficult to determine if a single numeral is in his writing. But despite the impossibility of positive identification, a close comparison of numerals made by Hamilton with the numerals which were added to the Kent list strongly indicates that the changes are in the writing of Hamilton. The Kent list thus becomes the only evidence in Hamilton’s writing which now exists. See also James Kent to William Coleman, May 12, 1817 ( ALS , Columbia University Libraries).

Certain reasonable deductions can be made from the evidence presented by Kent’s notes. The ink clearly reveals that the three notes were made at different times. The information in part I of the notes was obtained from someone other than Hamilton, for otherwise Kent would not have written in part II “that Mr. Hamilton told me.” The information in part II must have been given to Kent in a conversation, for it is evident that Kent was not sure that he remembered what Hamilton had said or that Hamilton could remember, without reference to a copy of The Federalist , which essays he had written.

Part III—because it refers to Hamilton as “general” (a rank which he attained in 1798), and because the conversation alluded to took place in Albany—must have been made between 1800, the year in which Hamilton resumed his law practice after completing his duties as inspector general of the Army, and his death in 1804. The third section of Kent’s memorandum also indicates that Hamilton corrected and approved the Kent list. It constitutes, therefore, the most reliable evidence available on Hamilton’s claims of authorship. It should be noted, however, that Kent later doubted the accuracy of Hamilton’s memory, for on the page opposite his memorandum he pasted a copy of the article from the City of Washington Gazette , which stated that Madison had written essays 10, 14, 17, 18, 19, 21, 37–58, 62–63, and that Jay was the author of essays 2, 3, 4, 5, 64. Underneath this clipping Kent wrote:

“I have no doubt Mr. Jay wrote No 64 on the Treaty Power—He made a Speech on that Subject in the NY Convention, & I am told he says he wrote it. I suspect therefore from internal Ev. the above to be the correct List, & not the one on the opposite page.” 31

A comparison of the Kent list (for those essays claimed by Hamilton) with the Gideon edition (for those essays claimed by Madison) makes it clear that there is room for doubt only over the authorship of essays 18, 19, 20, 50, 51, 52, 54–58, and 62–63. About three of these—18, 19, and 20—there should be no dispute, for there is a statement by Madison which Hamilton’s claim does not really controvert. On the margin of his copy of The Federalist opposite number 18 Madison wrote:

“The subject matter of this and the two following numbers happened to be taken up by both Mr. H and Mr. M. What had been prepared by Mr. H who had entered more briefly into the subject, was left with Mr. M on its appearing that the latter was engaged in it, with larger materials, and with a view to a more precise delineation; and from the pen of the latter, the several papers went to the Press.”

The problem of determining the authorship of these three essays is merely one of deciding on the comparative contributions of the two men. Although there are several sentences which are very similar to remarks Hamilton recorded in the outline for his speech of June 18, 1787, on the Constitution, most of the material was undoubtedly supplied by Madison who without doubt wrote these essays. Essay 20, for example, is virtually a copy of notes which Madison had taken in preparation for the Constitutional Convention. 32 On the other hand, Hamilton, however slight his contribution, did contribute to these essays. The authorship of 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 62, and 63 is more difficult to determine, 33 but Madison’s claim as represented by the Gideon edition appears more convincing than Hamilton’s claim as represented by the Kent list.

Internal evidence has proved to be of little assistance in determining the authorship of The Federalist . The ablest studies in this field are those by Edward G. Bourne 34 and J. C. Hamilton. 35 Bourne attributes all disputed essays to Madison; J. C. Hamilton asserts that they were written by his father. Bourne and J. C. Hamilton attempt to prove their respective cases by printing excerpts from the disputed essays parallel to similar, and sometimes identical, passages from other writings by each man. Bourne presents very convincing evidence for Madison’s authorship of numbers 49, 51, 53, 62, 63, and a fair case for Madison having written numbers 50 and 52; his case for 54, 55, 56, 57, and 58 is particularly weak as he offers no evidence from Madison’s other writings and relies on the argument that, as essays 48–58 are a group, the author who wrote the earlier essays must also have written the later ones in the group. J. C. Hamilton, on the other hand, produces some evidence that Hamilton wrote essays 55–58, and he offers contrived and unconvincing arguments in support of Hamilton’s authorship of the remaining disputed essays. The significant point, however, is that each man was able to find evidence that his candidate wrote all the disputed essays. The contradictory conclusions of these two men—one of whom studied intensively the previous writings of Madison and the other whose life-long study of his father gave him a knowledge of Hamilton’s writings which never has been excelled—point up the difficulties of deciding this dispute on the basis of internal evidence.

The problems posed by internal evidence are made even more difficult by the fact that both Hamilton and Madison defended the Constitution with similar arguments and by the fact that they both had a remarkably similar prose style. To attempt to find in any of the disputed essays words which either man used and which the other never employed is futile, if only because the enormous amount which each wrote allows the assiduous searcher to discover almost any word in the earlier or subsequent writings of both. 36 The search for parallel statements in the disputed essays and in earlier writings is also an unrewarding enterprise. Madison doubtless did not approve of the ideas expressed in Hamilton’s famous speech on June 18, 1787, to the Convention; but before 1787 both men agreed on the weaknesses of the Confederation and the necessity of a stronger central government. 37 The similarity of their thinking is particularly apparent to one who examines their collaboration when they were both members of the Continental Congress in 1783. Their later political differences prove little about what they wrote in 1787–88.

If one were to rely on internal evidence, it would be impossible to assign all the disputed essays to either Hamilton or Madison. While such evidence indicates that Madison surely wrote numbers 49–54 and probably 62–63, it also suggests that Hamilton wrote 55–58. In this edition of Hamilton’s writings, however, greater weight is given to the claims made by the disputants than to internal evidence. Madison’s claims were maturely considered and emphatically stated; Hamilton, on the other hand, showed little interest in the question, and he died before it had become a matter of acrimonious controversy. But the fact remains that Hamilton’s claims have never been unequivocally refuted, and the possibility remains that he could have written essays 50–52, 54–58, 62–63. As a consequence, these essays have been printed in this edition of Hamilton’s writings. Madison’s adherents may, however, derive some consolation from the fact that in the notes to each of these essays it is stated that Madison’s claims to authorship are superior to those of Hamilton.

1 .  The most important of these was by “Cato,” presumably George Clinton. The first “Cato” letter was published in The New-York Journal, and Weekly Register on September 27, 1787.

2 .  See, for example, the two articles by “Caesar” ( September 28 and October 15, 1787 ), which erroneously have been attributed to H.

3 .  An anonymous newspaper article, signed “Aristides” and published in The [New York] Daily Advertiser on October 6, stated that H’s absence from the city prevented him from defending himself against newspaper attacks. An entry in H’s Cash Book dated November 4 (see “Cash Book,” March 1, 1782–1791 ) indicates that he attended the October session of the Supreme Court in Albany.

4 .  The story was first related in Hamilton, History description begins John C. Hamilton, Life of Alexander Hamilton, a History of the Republic of the United States of America (Boston, 1879). description ends III, 369, and has been repeated in most works on The Federalist .

5 .  A memorandum by Madison entitled “The Federalist,” quoted in J. C. Hamilton, ed., The Federalist: a Commentary on the Constitution of the United States. A Collection of Essays by Alexander Hamilton, Jay, and Madison. Also, The Continentalist and Other Papers by Hamilton (Philadelphia, 1865), I, lxxxv.

The essays by William Duer, signed “Philo-Publius,” are published at the end of the second volume of J. C. Hamilton’s edition of The Federalist .

6 .  Morris to W. H. Wells, February 24, 1815, in Sparks, The Life of Gouverneur Morris description begins Jared Sparks, The Life of Gouverneur Morris (Boston, 1832). description ends , III, 339.

7 .  Drafts of only two essays, 5 and 64, both of which were written by John Jay, have been found. The draft of essay 5 is in the John Jay Papers, Columbia University Libraries. The draft of essay 64 is in the New-York Historical Society, New York City. The draft of essay 3 is now owned by Mr. Ruddy Ruggles of Chicago.

8 .  Most writers have stated that all the essays first appeared in The Independent Journal: or, the General Advertiser or New-York Packet . Others (J. C. Hamilton and Henry B. Dawson, for example) were aware that they appeared first in different newspapers, but they did not determine accurately the newspaper in which each essay first appeared.

The Independent Journal and New-York Packet carried the entire series of essays, while The Daily Advertiser ceased to print them after essay 51. The New-York Journal carried only essays 23 through 39. At no time, however, did an essay appear in The New-York Journal without appearing in at least one of the three other papers at the same time. On January 1, 1788, Thomas Greenleaf, editor of the Journal and supporter of George Clinton, printed a letter signed “45 Subscribers” which complained about Greenleaf’s publication of “Publius,” which was already appearing in three newspapers. Shortly after this, on January 30, 1788, Greenleaf discontinued publication of the essays with number 39 (numbered by him 37).

9 .  The full title is The Federalist: A Collection of Essays, Written in Favour of the New Constitution, As Agreed Upon by the Federal Convention, September 17, 1787. In Two Volumes (New York: Printed and Sold by J. and A. McLean, No. 41, Hanover-Square. MDCCLXXXVIII). This is referred to hereafter as the “McLean edition.”

10 .  The Independent Journal: or, the General Advertiser January 1, 1788.

11 .  There is no question that H was the author of the preface and that he corrected the essays. Not only was this stated by McLean’s advertisement, but Madison, writing years later, said that the essays “were edited as soon as possible in two small vols. the preface to the 1st. vol. drawn up by Mr. H., bearing date N. York Mar. 1788” ( Hunt, Writings of Madison description begins Gaillard Hunt, ed., The Writings of James Madison (New York, 1902). description ends , VIII, 411).

12 .  The first French edition, published in two volumes in 1792, listed the authors as “MM. Hamilton, Madisson et Gay, Citoyens de l’Etat de New-York.” The second edition, published in 1795 and also in two volumes, named “MM. Hamilton, Madisson et Jay” as the authors. For a description of these editions, see The Fœderalist: A Collection of Essays, Written in Favor of the New Constitution, as Agreed upon by the Fœderal Convention, September 17, 1787. Reprinted from the Original Text . With an Historical Introduction and Notes by Henry B. Dawson. In Two Volumes (Morrisania, New York, 1864), I, lxiv–lxvi.

13 .  The FEDERALIST, On the New Constitution. By Publius. Written in 1788. To Which is Added, PACIFICUS, On the Proclamation of Neutrality. Written in 1793. Likewise, The Federal Constitution, With All the Amendments. Revised and Corrected. In Two Volumes (New York: Printed and Sold by George F. Hopkins, At Washington’s Head, 1802). Cited hereafter as the “Hopkins edition.”

14 .  J. C. Hamilton, The Federalist description begins John C. Hamilton, ed., The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States. A Collection of Essays by Alexander Hamilton, Jay, and Madison. Also, The Continentalist and Other Papers by Hamilton (Philadelphia, 1865). description ends , I, xci, xcii.

15 .  Henry B. Dawson, The Fœderalist , I, lxx–lxxi.

16 .  The Federalist, on The New Constitution, written in the year 1788, By Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Jay with An Appendix, containing The Letters of Pacificus and Helvidius, on the Proclamation of Neutrality of 1793; Also the Original Articles of Confederation, and The Constitution of the United States, with the Amendments Made Thereto. A New Edition. The Numbers Written by Mr. Madison corrected by Himself (City of Washington: Printed and Published by Jacob Gideon, Jun., 1818). Cited hereafter as the “Gideon edition.”

17 .  Three days after the publication of the first essay, Hamilton sent George Washington a copy of it. Hamilton wrote that the essay was “the first of a series of papers to be written in its [the Constitution’s] defense.” Washington, of course, knew that H was the author, for H customarily sent to Washington anonymous newspaper articles which he wrote. On December 2, 1787, Madison wrote to Edmund Randolph:

“The enclosed paper contains two numbers of the Federalist. This paper was begun about three weeks ago, and proposes to go through the subject. I have not been able to collect all the numbers, since my return to Philad, or I would have sent them to you. I have been the less anxious, as I understand the printer means to make a pamphlet of them, when I can give them to you in a more convenient form. You will probably discover marks of different pens. I am not at liberty to give you any other key, than, that I am in myself for a few numbers; and that one, besides myself was a member of the Convention.” ( Hunt, Writings of Madison description begins Gaillard Hunt, ed., The Writings of James Madison (New York, 1902). description ends , V, 60–61.)

18 .  The first edition of The Federalist which attributed specific essays to individual authors appeared as the second and third volumes of a three-volume edition of H’s writings published in 1810 ( The Federalist, on the new constitution; written in 1788, by Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Madison … A new edition, with the names and portraits of the several writers . In Two Volumes [New York, published by Williams & Whiting, 1810]).

19 .  The letter in The Port Folio of November 14, 1807, reads as follows:

“Mr. OLDSCHOOL,

“The Executors of the last will of General HAMILTON have deposited in the Publick Library of New-York a copy of ‘ The Federalist ,’ which belonged to the General in his lifetime, in which he has designated, in his own hand-writing, the parts of that celebrated work written by himself, as well as those contributed by Mr. JAY and Mr. MADISON. As it may not be uninteresting to many of your readers, I shall subjoin a copy of the General’s memorandum for publication in ‘The Port Folio.’   M.

“Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 54 Mr. JAY. Nos. 10, 14, 37, to 48 inclusive, Mr. MADISON. Nos. 18, 19, 20, Mr. HAMILTON and Mr. MADDISON jointly—all the rest by Mr. HAMILTON.”

20 .  There are several lists other than those subsequently discussed in the text. On the flyleaf of volume 1 of his copy of The Federalist , Thomas Jefferson wrote the following: “No. 2. 3. 4. 5. 64 by Mr. Jay. No. 10. 14. 17. 18. 19. 21. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 62. 63. by Mr. Madison. The rest of the work by Alexander Hamilton.” Jefferson’s copy of The Federalist , now in the Rare Book Room of the Library of Congress, came to him indirectly from H’s wife, Elizabeth. It bears the inscription: “For Mrs. Church from her Sister . Elizabeth Hamilton.” The words, “For Mrs. Church from her Sister ,” are in the handwriting of Elizabeth Hamilton. Angelica Schuyler Church, despite her admiration for her brother-in-law, had long been a friend of Jefferson and must have sent her copy of The Federalist to him. It is not known from whom Jefferson got his information on the authorship of the essays, but presumably it was from Madison. It will be noted that there is only one minor difference between Jefferson’s attribution of the essays and that made by Madison: Jefferson attributed essay 17 to Madison. A facsimile is printed in E. Millicent Sowerby, Catalog of the Library of Thomas Jefferson (Washington, D.C., 1953), III, 228.

On the title page of George Washington’s copy of The Federalist there is an assignment of authorship which reads as follows: “Jay author—1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 54. Madison—10, 14, 37–48 exclusive of last. 18, 19, 20, productive of Jay, AH and Madison. All rest by Gen’l Hamilton.” This memorandum is in an unidentified handwriting. Except for two differences it conforms to the Benson list. Without more information on the source of the list, its reliability is highly suspect (Washington’s copy of The Federalist is in the National Archives).

Henry Cabot Lodge in his edition of The Federalist ( HCLW description begins Henry Cabot Lodge, ed., The Works of Alexander Hamilton (New York, 1904). description ends , XI, xxvii), placed in evidence lists of authors which he found in copies of The Federalist owned by Fisher Ames and George Cabot. Both correspond to the Benson list.

21 .  Jay’s authorship of these essays is incontestable. H supposedly stated in the Benson list that he wrote 64 and that Jay was the author of 54. The draft of 64, in the writing of Jay, is in the New-York Historical Society, New York City. Both H and Madison agreed that Jay wrote 2, 3, 4, and 5.

That Jay contributed only five essays was due to an attack of rheumatism which lasted through the winter of 1787. It was not due, as his earlier biographers stated, to an injury which he received in the “Doctors’ Riot” in New York. The riot did not occur until April, 1788, by which time most of the “Publius” essays had been written (Frank Monaghan, John Jay [New York, 1935], 290).

22 .  “I take upon me to state from indubitable authority,” Corrector wrote “that Mr. Madison wrote Nos. 10, 14, 18, 19, 20, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 62, 63, and 64. Mr. Jay wrote Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5; and Mr. Hamilton the residue” ([Washington] National Intelligencer , March 20, 1817).

23 .  Benjamin Rush, the oldest son of Richard, sent Henry B. Dawson the following description of the notes in the edition of The Federalist owned by his father: “On a fly-leaf of the second volume there is the following memorandum in my father’s handwriting. I copy it exactly as it appears: ‘The initials, J.M. J.J. and A.H. throughout the work, are in Mr. Madison’s hand, and designate the author of each number. By these it will be seen, that although the printed designations are generally correct, they are not always so’” (Benjamin Rush to Dawson, August 29, 1863, New-York Historical Society, New York City).

Madison’s attribution of authorship, according to Benjamin Rush, was exactly the same as that which the Virginian authorized in the Gideon edition.

24 .  The anonymous author of the article in the City of Washington Gazette stated that Madison wrote essays 10, 14, 17, 18, 19, 21, 37–58, 62–63, that Jay was the author of essays 2, 3, 4, 5, and 64, and that H wrote the rest.

25 .  Gideon, p. 3. In this edition, essays 10, 14, 18–20, 37–58, 62–63 are assigned to Madison; 2, 3, 4, 5, and 64 to Jay; and the remainder to H. Madison’s copy of The Federalist , with corrections in his handwriting, is in the Rare Book Room of the Library of Congress.

26 .  The memorandum by H, as printed by William Coleman, reads as follows: “Nos. 2. 3. 4. 5. 54, Mr. Jay; Nos. 10, 14, 37 to 48 inclusive, Mr. Madison; Nos. 18, 19, 20, Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Madison jointly; all the rest by Mr. Hamilton” ( New-York Evening Post , March 25, 1817).

27 .  According to Coleman the memorandum was deposited by Egbert Benson in “the city library,” as the New York Society Library was then sometimes known. The remainder of the story related in this paragraph is taken from J. C. Hamilton’s account of a “ Copy of a statement in my possession made for me by Egbert Benson, Esq., a nephew of Judge Benson.” It is quoted in Hamilton, The Federalist description begins John C. Hamilton, ed., The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States. A Collection of Essays by Alexander Hamilton, Jay, and Madison. Also, The Continentalist and Other Papers by Hamilton (Philadelphia, 1865). description ends , I, xcvi–xcvii.

28 .  New-York Evening Post , January 23, 1818.

The volume from which the memorandum was stolen may have been at one time in the New York Society Library; however, it is no longer there. That library has no McLean edition of The Federalist that bears any marks which indicate that a piece of paper once had been pasted on the inside cover.

29 .  Hamilton, The Federalist description begins John C. Hamilton, ed., The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States. A Collection of Essays by Alexander Hamilton, Jay, and Madison. Also, The Continentalist and Other Papers by Hamilton (Philadelphia, 1865). description ends , I, xcvi–xcvii. The italics have been inserted.

J. C. Hamilton did not get this statement from Robert Benson. It was, as has been stated, from the “ Copy of a statement in my possession made for me by Egbert Benson, Esq., a nephew of Judge Benson” ( ibid. , xcvii).

30 .  For the attribution of authorship which H made in his copy of The Federalist , see note 20.

H’s copy is now in neither the New York Society Library, the New-York Historical Society, nor the New York Public Library, and those libraries have no record of ever having owned it. G. W. Cole, ed., A Catalogue of Books Relating to the Discovery and Early History of North and South America, The E. D. Church Library (New York, 1907), V, Number 1230, lists an item purporting to be H’s copy of The Federalist with notes in his writing. According to the librarian of the Huntington Library, San Marino, California, which acquired the Church library, the notes were not in the writing of H. The book, which is no longer in the Huntington Library, was sold to an unknown purchaser.

J. C. Hamilton, probably unintentionally, contradicts the statement that the names of the authors in his father’s copy of The Federalist were in H’s handwriting. He stated that his father dictated to him the authors of the essays which he then copied into H’s copy ( The Federalist description begins John C. Hamilton, ed., The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States. A Collection of Essays by Alexander Hamilton, Jay, and Madison. Also, The Continentalist and Other Papers by Hamilton (Philadelphia, 1865). description ends , I, xcvi–xcvii).

31 .  Not too much reliance should be placed on Kent’s endorsement of the Madison list in the City of Washington Gazette . According to that list, Madison wrote not only all the disputed essays but also essay 17. As Madison’s most ardent defenders assign this essay to H, it seems that Kent’s statement indicated nothing more than his suspicion that H may have made errors in his assignment of authors of the essays.

While Kent’s statement shows that he doubted the accuracy of the attribution of essays made by H, it raises several questions that cannot satisfactorily be answered. The clipping from the City of Washington Gazette was dated December 15, 1817, and the notes on the opposite page of the flyleaf, as stated in the text, could not have been written later than 1804. How, then, could Kent have written that he doubted that Jay wrote essay 64 when the essay was attributed to Jay on a page which was in front of Kent as he wrote? The only possible answer is that Kent, when writing in 1817 or later, failed to look carefully at the changes which had been made in his earlier memorandum and had his uncorrected list in mind. Whatever the explanation for his later statement, it is at least certain that he did not change the earlier list after he saw the article in the City of Washington Gazette .

32 .  “Notes of Ancient and Modern Confederacies, preparatory to the federal Convention of 1787” ( Madison, Letters description begins James Madison, Letters and Other Writings of James Madison (Philadelphia, 1867). description ends , I, 293–315).

33 .  A favorite argument of those who support Madison’s claim to essays 49–58 of The Federalist is that since those essays constitute a unit, one man must have written all of them. The essays deal with: 1. the necessity of the departments of government having checks on each other, and 2. the House of Representatives. Madison’s defenders, in their desire to prove his authorship, forget that essays 59, 60, and 61, essays which they attribute to H, also deal with the House of Representatives. There are, furthermore, several obvious breaks in continuity among the essays from 48 to 58, at which a change of authors could have taken place. Essay 51, for example, ends the discussion of the necessity that “these departments shall be so far connected and blended as to give to each a constitutional control over the others,” and essay 52 begins the discussion of the House of Representatives. A change could also have occurred after essay 54 or essay 57. This is not to say that changes in authorship did occur; it is to indicate that the “unit” argument will not stand up under scrutiny.

34 .  “The Authorship of the Federalist,” The American Historical Review , II (April, 1897), 443–60.

35 .  The fact that only Bourne and J. C. Hamilton are cited does not mean that other studies of the authorship of The Federalist have been ignored or overlooked. It means rather that other authors, while sometimes introducing new arguments, have relied heavily on the research of Bourne and J. C. Hamilton. To cite all those who have agreed with Bourne or Hamilton would be redundant; to summarize all the arguments of the numerous students of The Federalist —based for the most part on Bourne and Hamilton’s original research—is a task best left to the historiographer of that work.

There have been, of course, other able studies of the authorship of the disputed essays. Among the defenders of H’s claim, Henry Cabot Lodge (“The Authorship of the Federalist,” HCLW description begins Henry Cabot Lodge, ed., The Works of Alexander Hamilton (New York, 1904). description ends , XI, xv–xlv) and Paul L. Ford (“The Authorship of The Federalist,” The American Historical Review , II [July, 1897], 675–82) have been the most able advocates. The most convincing exponent of Madison’s claim since Bourne is Douglass Adair (“The Authorship of the Disputed Federalist Papers,” The William and Mary Quarterly , 3rd. ser., Vol. I, Numbers 2 and 3 [April and July, 1944], 97–122, 235–64). In two essays which brilliantly summarize the century-old controversy over the authorship of the disputed essays, Adair amplifies the research of Bourne and attempts to assign the disputed essays on the basis of the political philosophy which they reveal.

36 .  See, for example, S. A. Bailey, “Notes on Authorship of Disputed Numbers of the Federalist,” Case and Comment , XXII (1915), 674–75. Bailey credits Madison with sole authorship of the disputed essays on the basis of the use of the word “while” by H and “whilst” by Madison. Although the evidence for Bailey’s conclusion is convincing—and there is far more evidence than he produces—his argument is destroyed by H’s occasional use of “whilst.” In essay 51, for example, H, who himself edited the essays for publication by McLean, substituted “whilst” for “and.” In essay 81, certainly written by H, the word “whilst” is used. Edward G. Bourne (see note 35), to give another example, offers as evidence for Madison’s authorship of essay 56 his use of the word “monitory,” which, according to Bourne, was “almost a favorite word with Madison.” Yet in essay 26, H, in revising the essays for publication in the McLean edition, changed “cautionary” to “monitory.” Similarly, to assign authorship on the basis of differences in the spelling of certain words in different essays—for example, “color” or “colour,” “federal” or “fœderal”—would be hazardous. The editors of the various newspapers in which the essays appeared obviously changed the spelling of certain words to conform to their individual preferences.

37 .  Similarity between a statement in one of the disputed essays and an earlier remark in the writings of either Madison or H is perhaps valid evidence. It does not seem relevant, however, to attempt to prove authorship by reference to the later writings of either of the men. As both presumably read all the essays, they might later have borrowed a statement from a number of The Federalist written by the other without being aware of its source.

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The Federalist Papers

By alexander hamilton , james madison , john jay, the federalist papers summary and analysis of essay 51.

James Madison begins his famous federalist paper by explaining that the purpose of this essay is to help the readers understand how the structure of the proposed government makes liberty possible. Each branch should be, in Madison's opinion, mostly independent. To assure such independence, no one branch should have too much power in selecting members of the other two branches. If this principle were strictly followed, it would mean that the citizens should select the president, the legislators, and the judges. But the framers recognized certain practical difficulties in making every office elective. In particular, the judicial branch would suffer because the average person is not aware of the qualifications judges should possess. Judges should have great ability, but also be free of political pressures. Since federal judges are appointed for life, their thinking will not be influenced by the president who appoints them, nor the senators whose consent the president will seek.

The members of each branch should not be too dependent on the members of the other two branches in the determination of their salaries. The best security against a gradual concentration of power in any one branch is to provide constitutional safeguards that would make such concentration difficult. The constitutional rights of all must check one man's personal interests and ambitions. We may not like to admit that men abuse power, but the very need for government itself proves they do: "if men were angels, no government would be necessary." Unfortunately, all men are imperfect, the rulers and the ruled. Consequently, the great problem in framing a government is that the government must be able to control the people, but equally important, must be forced to control itself. The dependence of the government on the will of the people is undoubtedly the best control, but experience teaches that other controls are necessary.

Dividing power helps to check its growth in any one direction, but power cannot be divided absolutely equally. In the republican form of government, the legislative branch tends to be the most powerful. That is why the framers divided the Congress into two branches, the House of Representatives and the Senate, and provided for a different method of election in each branch. Further safeguards against legislative tyranny may be necessary.

In a representative democracy it is not only important to guard against the oppression of rulers, it is equally important to guard against the injustice which may be inflicted by certain citizens or groups. Majorities often threaten the rights of minorities. There are only two methods of avoiding evil. The first is to construct a powerful government, a "community will." Such a "will' is larger than, and independent of, the simple majority. This "solution" is dangerous because such a government might throw its power behind a group in society working against the public good. In our country, the authority to govern comes from the entire society. In addition, under the Constitution society is divided into many groups of people who hold different views and have different interests. This makes it very difficult for one group to dominate or threaten the minority groups.

Justice is the purpose of government and civil society. If government allows or encourages strong groups to combine together against the weak, liberty will be lost and anarchy will result. And the condition of anarchy tempts even strong individuals and groups to submit to any form of government, no matter how bad, which they hope will protect them as well as the weak.

Madison concludes that self-government flourishes in a large country containing many different groups. Some countries are too large for self-government, but the proposed plan modifies the federal principle enough to make self-government both possible and practical in the United States.

In this essay, Madison's thoughts on factionalism are delineated clearly. As we observed earlier, he assumed that conflicts of interests are inherent in human nature, and he recognized that, as a consequence, people fall into various groups. He wanted to avoid a situation in which any one group controlled the decisions of a society. Free elections and the majority principle protected the country from dictatorship, that is, the tyranny of a minority. However, he was equally concerned about the greater risk of tyranny of the majority. A central institutional issue for him was how to minimize this risk.

Madison's solution characteristically relied not only on formal institutions, which could be designed, but also on the particular sociological structure of American society, which he took as a fortunate starting point for the framers of the new constitution. The institutional component in his solution was checks and balances, so that there were multiple entry points into the government and multiple ways to offset the power that any one branch of the government might otherwise acquire over another. In this system, "the constant aim is to divide and arrange the several offices in such a manner as that each may be a check on each other."

These institutional arrangements were reinforced by the sociological fact that the Republic contained a multiplicity of interests that could, and did, offset one another: "While all authority in it will be derived from and dependent on the society, the society itself will be broken into so many parts, interests and classes of citizens that the rights of individuals, or of the minority, will be in little danger from interested combinations of the majority." It is good that there are many group interests; that they be numerous is less important than that they be impermanent and shifting alliances whose components vary with the specific policy issue.

Madison commenced the statement of his theory in Federalist 51 with an acknowledgement that the "have nots" in any society are extremely likely to attack the "haves." Like Hamilton, the Virginian believed class struggle to be inseparable from politics. "It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard against the oppression of its rulers," Madison writes, "but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other. Different interests necessarily exist in different classes of citizens. If a majority be united by a common interest the rights of the minority will be insecure."

Madison, it is clear, had emancipated himself from the sterile dualistic view of society that was so common in the eighteenth century and that so obsessed Hamilton. Madison was one of the pioneers of "pluralism" in political thought. Where Hamilton saw the corporate spirit of the several states as poisonous to the union, Madison was aware that the preservation of the state governments could serve the cause of both liberty and union. Finally, the vastness of the United States, a fact that Hamilton considered the prime excuse for autocracy, was recognized by Madison as the surest preservative of liberty. To assert after reading this passage that Alexander Hamilton wrote Federalist 51 is to imply, first, that he was a magician in mimicking Madison's very words and tone of vote, and second that he was the most disingenuous hypocrite that ever wrote on politics. No unprejudiced or informed historian would accept this latter charge against Hamilton.

It is interesting to note that the Federalist papers are unique, as shown in this paper, because of the extreme amount of thought that was put into the design of the Constitution, as shown in Madison's original thought process that were penned in 51. Many, if not most, changes in institutional design, occur as the reactions of shortsighted people to what they perceive as more-or-less short-range needs. This is one reason the Constitutional Convention was a remarkable event. The Founding Fathers set out deliberately to design the form of government that would be most likely to bring about the long-range goals that they envisaged for the Republic. What is most unusual about Madison, in contrast to the other delegates, is the degree to which he thought about the principles behind the institutions he preferred. Not only did he practice the art of what nowadays is deemed institutional design, but he developed, as well, the outlines of a theory of institutional design that culminated in this essay.

The Federalist Papers Questions and Answers

The Question and Answer section for The Federalist Papers is a great resource to ask questions, find answers, and discuss the novel.

how are conflictstoo often decided in unstable government? Whose rights are denied when this happens?

In a typical non-democratic government with political instability, the conflicts are often decided by the person highest in power, who abuse powers or who want to seize power. Rival parties fight each other to the detriment of the country.

How Madison viewed human nature?

Madison saw depravity in human nature, but he saw virtue as well. His view of human nature may have owed more to John Locke than to John Calvin. In any case, as Saul K. Padover asserted more than a half-century ago, Madison often appeared to steer...

How arguable and provable is the author of cato 4 claim

What specific claim are you referring to?

Study Guide for The Federalist Papers

The Federalist Papers study guide contains a biography of Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and James Madison, literature essays, a complete e-text, quiz questions, major themes, characters, and a full summary and analysis.

• About The Federalist Papers
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Essays for The Federalist Papers

The Federalist Papers essays are academic essays for citation. These papers were written primarily by students and provide critical analysis of The Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and James Madison.

• A Close Reading of James Madison's The Federalist No. 51 and its Relevancy Within the Sphere of Modern Political Thought
• Lock, Hobbes, and the Federalist Papers
• Comparison of Federalist Paper 78 and Brutus XI
• The Paradox of the Republic: A Close Reading of Federalist 10
• Manipulation of Individual Citizen Motivations in the Federalist Papers

Lesson Plan for The Federalist Papers

• About the Author
• Study Objectives
• Common Core Standards
• Introduction to The Federalist Papers
• Relationship to Other Books
• Bringing in Technology
• Notes to the Teacher
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• The Federalist Papers Bibliography

E-Text of The Federalist Papers

The Federalist Papers e-text contains the full text of The Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and James Madison.

• FEDERALIST. Nos. 1-5
• FEDERALIST. Nos. 6-10
• FEDERALIST. Nos. 11-15
• FEDERALIST. Nos. 16-20
• FEDERALIST. Nos. 21-25

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The first amendment, historic document, essay no. 1 (1787).

Brutus | 1787

“Brutus” was the pseudonym for one of the most forceful Anti-Federalist voices during the ratification debates over the U.S. Constitution.  While scholars still debate the author of the Brutus Essays , most believe that they were written by New York Anti-Federalist Robert Yates.  Yates was a New York state judge.  He was a close ally of powerful New York Governor George Clinton.  He represented New York at the Constitutional Convention, but he left early because he opposed the new Constitution emerging in secret in Philadelphia.  Later, he served as a leading Anti-Federalist delegate in the New York state ratifying convention.  Brutus published his essays during the debates over ratification the Constitution—expressing a range of doubts.  For Brutus, the ratification debates turned on one key question: do the American people want a system driven by the states or one organized around a powerful national government?  Echoing influential political theorists like Montesquieu, Brutus feared that a republican form of government could not succeed in a large nation like America.  As a result, he favored placing most key powers in the governments closest to the American people: their state and local governments.  Brutus’s essays were so incisive that they helped spur Alexander Hamilton to organize (and co-author) The Federalist Papers in response.

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Let us now proceed to enquire, as I at first proposed, whether it be best the thirteen United States should be reduced to one great republic, or not? It is here taken for granted, that all agree in this, that whatever government we adopt, it ought to be a free one; that it should be so framed as to secure the liberty of the citizens of America, and such a one as to admit of a full, fair, and equal representation of the people. The question then will be, whether a government thus constituted, and founded on such principles, is practicable, and can be exercised over the whole United States, reduced into one state?

If respect is to be paid to the opinion of the greatest and wisest men who have ever thought or wrote on the science of government, we shall be constrained to conclude, that a free republic cannot succeed over a country of such immense extent, containing such a number of inhabitants, and these increasing in such rapid progression as that of the whole United States. Among the many illustrious authorities which might be produced to this point, I shall content myself with quoting only two. The one is the baron de Montesquieu . . . . “It is natural to a republic to have only a small territory, otherwise it cannot long subsist. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes, and consequently of less moderation; there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject; he has interest of his own; he soon begins to think that he may be happy, great and glorious, by oppressing his fellow citizens; and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country. In a large republic, the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views; it is subordinate to exceptions, and depends on accidents. In a small one, the interest of the public is easier perceived, better understood, and more within the reach of every citizen; abuses are of less extent, and of course are less protected.” Of the same opinion is the marquis Beccarari. . . .

In a free republic, although all laws are derived from the consent of the people, yet the people do not declare their consent by themselves in person, but by representatives, chosen by them, who are supposed to know the minds of their constituents, and to be possessed of integrity to declare this mind.

In every free government, the people must give their assent to the laws by which they are governed. This is the true criterion between a free government and an arbitrary one. The former are ruled by the will of the whole, expressed in any manner they may agree upon; the latter by the will of one, or a few. If the people are to give their assent to the laws, by persons chosen and appointed by them, the manner of the choice and the number chosen, must be such, as to possess, be disposed, and consequently qualified to declare the sentiments of the people; for if they do not know, or are not disposed to speak the sentiments of the people, the people do not govern, but the sovereignty is in a few. Now, in a large extended country, it is impossible to have a representation, possessing the sentiments, and of integrity, to declare the minds of the people, without having it so numerous and unwieldy, as to be subject in great measure to the inconveniency of a democratic government.

The territory of the United States is of vast extent; it now contains near three millions of souls, and is capable of containing much more than ten times that number. Is it practicable for a country, so large and so numerous as they will soon become, to elect a representation, that will speak their sentiments, without their becoming so numerous as to be incapable of transacting public business? It certainly is not.

In a republic, the manners, sentiments, and interests of the people should be similar. If this be not the case, there will be a constant clashing of opinions; and the representatives of one part will be continually striving, against those of the other. This will retard the operations of government, and prevent such conclusions as will promote the public good. If we apply this remark to the condition of the United States, we shall be convinced that it forbids that we should be one government. . . .

In despotic governments, as well as in all the monarchies of Europe, standing armies are kept up to execute the commands of the prince or the magistrate, and are employed for this purpose when occasion requires: But they have always proved the destruction of liberty, and [are] abhorrent to the spirit of a free republic. In England, where they depend upon the parliament for their annual support, they have always been complained of as oppressive and unconstitutional, and are seldom employed in executing of the laws; never except on extraordinary occasions, and then under the direction of a civil magistrate. . . .

The confidence which the people have in their rulers, in a free republic, arises from their knowing them, from their being responsible to them for their conduct, and from the power they have of displacing them when they misbehave: but in a republic of the extent of this continent, the people in general would be acquainted with very few of their rulers; the people at large would know little of their proceedings, and it would be extremely difficult to change them. . . In a republic of such vast extent as the United-States, the legislature cannot attend to the various concerns and wants of its different parts. It cannot be sufficiently numerous to be acquainted with the local condition and wants of the different districts, and if it could, it is impossible it should have sufficient time to attend to and provide for all the variety of cases of this nature, that would be continually arising.

In so extensive a republic, the great officers of government would soon become above the control of the people, and abuse their power to the purpose of aggrandizing themselves, and oppressing them. The trust committed to the executive offices, in a country of the extent of the United-States, must be various and of magnitude. The command of all the troops and navy of the republic, the appointment of officers, the power of pardoning offences, the collecting of all the public revenues, and the power of expending them, with a number of other powers, must be lodged and exercised in every state, in the hands of a few. When these are attended with great honor and emolument, as they always will be in large states, so as greatly to interest men to pursue them, and to be proper objects for ambitious and designing men, such men will be ever restless in their pursuit after them. They will use the power, when they have acquired it, to the purposes of gratifying their own interest and ambition, and it is scarcely possible, in a very large republic, to call them to account for their misconduct, or to prevent their abuse of power.

These are some of the reasons by which it appears that a free republic cannot long subsist over a country of the great extent of these states. If then this new constitution is calculated to consolidate the thirteen states into one, as it evidently is, it ought not to be adopted.

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Democracy as the Best Form of Government Essay

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A democracy is a form of governance characterized by power sharing. The implication of this is that all the citizens have an equal voice in the way a nation is governed. This often encompasses either direct or indirect involvement in lawmaking. “Democracy” can be a very delicate subject for any writer.

Throughout history, various scholars, including ancient philosophers, have had a divergent view on whether democracy is the best form of governance (Kelsen 3). Some of these arguments are discussed in this essay. Democracy appears to go hand in hand with national unity.

This is particularly true because this form of governance is all about people, and these people are working together towards attainment of national goals. The cohesiveness also results from the freedom prevailing in a democratic environment. Unity and liberty in a nation lay a fertile ground for economic and social growth (Weatherford 121).

In a democratic form of government, the entire citizenry is cushioned against exploitation and all form of abuse. As opposed to other governance approaches (for instance monarchy and dictatorship), democracy engages the people in decision-making processes. This ensures efficient delivery of basic services such as education, health care, and security.

Moreover, these services will be of high quality. Having people govern themselves significantly minimizes the risk of running a nation into chaos. In operational democracies, policies must undergo thorough scrutiny by many organs of government and stakeholders before they are made laws. The modalities of implementing the laws are also carefully determined.

In such a corporate system, it would be rare for all the involved people to be wrong. Therefore democracy protects a nation against the consequences of human errors. As a consequence of reduced possibility for human errors, people will experience a nation devoid of civil wars and strife. This atmosphere, in turn, perpetuates the general growth of a nation.

Democracy acts as a framework within which the law about the basic human rights operates (Barak 27). In a democratic environment, the law gives equal entitlement to the bill of rights with total disregard of race, ethnicity or economic class.

On the other hand, democracy may not be worth the high status it has been accorded for centuries by many schools of thought. Democracy gives an opportunity for all citizens to vote (Williamson 36). This can be technically hazardous to a nation. An average voter is not adequately equipped with the necessary information on the economic and political aspects of a nation.

The direct implication is that a fairly large percentage of voters will base their choice on limited and incorrect information. This situation can greatly impair development. Democratic approaches tend to slow down the process of policy-making and implementation (Dahl 49). This is due to the bureaucracies associated with democracy.

For example, it may take twelve months for parliament to debate over a bill, pass it into law and fully enforce it. In a dictatorial system, however, the same process would take utmost one day. For many years, democracy has been synonymous with political instability (Snell 18). The high turnover rate of governments comes with drastic changes in national and international policies.

New governments tend to attract much criticism from the media and non-governmental bodies. This criticism and alteration of international relations policies keep off foreign investors, something that can have immense economic implications to a nation.

The seemingly most feared danger of democracy relates to the basic rights of the minority. A case in point is the Netherlands. The Dutch parliament enacted a law against female genital mutilation. The Somali living in the Netherlands could not have a say in this because they are a small group.

In conclusion, the name a government gives itself is immaterial. Whether a government calls itself democratic, anarchy, monarchy, or dictatorial, the most important question should be “Are the people getting back what they deserve?”

Works Cited

Barak, Aharon. The Judge in a Democracy . New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2006. Print.

Dahl, Robert. Democracy and its Critics. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989. Print.

Kelsen, Hans. “Foundations of Democracy.” Ethics 66.1 (1955):1–101.

Snell, Daniel. Flight and Freedom in the Ancient Near East . Leiden: Brill Publishers, 2001. Print.

Weatherford, McIver. Indian givers: how the Indians of the America transformed the world . New York: Fawcett Columbine, 1988. Print.

Williamson, Thames. Problems in American Democracy . Montana: Kessinger Publishing, 2004. Print.

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ESSAYS ON GOVERNMENT, JURISPRUDENCE, LIBERTY OF THE PRESS, AND LAW OF NATIONS

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Bibliographic Information :

This comment covers the publishing years and sequence of publication of the three editions of James Mill’s collected ‘Political Essays. Introductory literature to these Essays is provided in the section ‘Notes & Literature’. Comments covering the 1824 and (the rather unlikely) 1828 editions of J. Mill’s ‘Political Essays’ are available in this collection at - https://archive.org/details/MILLJames1828EssaysonI.GovernmentII.JurisprudenceIII.LibetyofthePress.../page/n8

When Archibald Constable (1774-1827) – “ the prince of booksellers ” (letter by J. Mill to A. Constable dated Oct. 18 th 1825) - appointed Macvey Napier (1776–1847) in 1814 to edit the Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica he contacted James Mill – among many leading scientists of the time.

The result of the ensuing cooperation between J. Mill and M. Napier were 12 essays – listed below - which were first published in the Supplement to the fourth, fifth, and sixth editions of the Encyclopædia Britannica , London, 1824 (SupplEB) [1] :

• "Banks for Saving," vol. 2, pp. 91-101, Dec. 1816
• "Beggar," vol. 2, pp. 231-48, Dec. 1816
• "Benefit Societies," vol. 2, pp. 263-69, Dec. 1816
• "Caste," vol. 2, pp. 674-54, June 1817
• " Colony ," vol. 3, pp. 257-73, Feb. 1818
• "Economists," vol. 3, pp. 708-24, Jan. 1819
• " Education ," vol. 4, pp. 11-33, Dec. 1819
• " Government ," vol. 4, pp. 491-505, Sept. 1820
• " Jurisprudence ," vol. 5, pp. 143-161, July 1821
• " Liberty of the Press ," vol. 5, pp. 258-72, July 1821
• " Nations, Law of ," vol. 6, pp. 6-23, April 1823
• " Prisons and Prison Discipline ," vol. 6, pp. 385-95, April 1823     [2]

All original articles in the SupplEB written by J. Mill, as well as those reprinted during his lifetime, carry at the end of each Essay the token signature (F.F.) as designated for James Mill in the fifth Volume of the SubEB on p. 587 [3]. All individually or collectively reprinted articles during the lifetime of J. Mill from the SupplEB have a printer reference usually on the title page and the verso of the title page as well as on the last page of each Essay which reads: “ J[ohn] Innes, Printer, 61, Wells-street, Oxford-street, London. ” All Essays in the three lifetime editions of the ‘Political Essays’ have individually numbered pages. None of the collectively reprinted articles from the SupplEB and published during the lifetime of J. Mill show a printing year. In addition two editions of the ‘Political Essays’ by J. Mill have the same title-page . Needless to say, that the two latter facts have contributed significantly to the confusion about the timeline of the publications of the ‘Political Essays’ by J. Mill. (The articles addressed as ‘Political Essays’ are underlined in the list depicted above.)

The story of the reprints of the ‘Political Essays’ begins with a request by J. Mill addressed to the editor of the SupplEB, Macvey Napier, dated May 11th, 1820 cited by Alexander Bain [4] we read: " I have yet to speak to you about an application which has been made to me as to the article on Government from certain persons, who think it calculated to disseminate very useful notions, and wish to give a stimulus to the circulation of them. Their proposal is, to print (not for sale, but gratis distribution) a thousand copies [sic!]. I have refused my consent till I should learn from you, whether this would be considered an impropriety with respect to the Supplement - To me it appears the reverse, as the distribution would in some degree operate as an advertisement ." In addition Bain writes: “ Napier must have given consent to the re-printing of the article "Government” Hume, Grote, and I don't know how many others, subscribed for this reprint; and there were ultimately included all Mill's greater articles, which were bound in a volume, and privately disseminated. ”   (Bain, p. 191 )                                        According to the above text provided by Bain, Mill’s permission was literally only requested for the Essay ‘Government’ – but Bain has not cited a few important additional lines of Mill’s letter of May 11 th 1820 to Napier: Mill’s letter continues with the leveraging idea: “ If your [Napier’s] consent is with[h]eld, I shall be induced, I dare say, to throw the ideas into a different form, & allow the same parties to put publish them as a pamphlet.” [5]                                              With this ‘threat’ up in the air, it appears that Mill nudged Napier towards a symbiotic copyright relationship. Consequently all of Mill’s ‘Collected Political Essays’ contain a title page reference to the SupplEB: In the edition 1823 : “ Written for The Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica, and Printed by Permission of the Proprietors of the Encyclopædia . In the editions of 1824/5 & 1828 : “ Reprinted, by Permission, From the Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica .”

Turning to the edition presented here, it is easy to identify just by the distinct title page.                                                                                                                    It contains just four of J. Mill’s essays listed in the title and was published in 1823 . [6] In the list of articles in the SupplEB shown above the articles contained in this edition are boldly printed and underlined. Variant issues containing the ‘Colony’ are known but extremely rare.

Further evidence of the publishing date before the end of 1824 is the copy presented here. The copy shows on the title page the 1824 dated ownership inscription by Reverend James Edward Gambier (1759-1839) – more detail on Gambier online at - https://www.johnnewton.org/Groups/291422/The_John_Newton/new_menus/Journals/Eclectic_Society/1787_1789/members.aspx .

Additional support for the publication before the end of 1823 is provided by the generosity of Joseph HUME M.P., V.P. (1777-1855) (Biography at - https://www.britannica.com/biography/Joseph-Hume ). Joseph Hume - a Montrose Academy acquaintance of James Mill, (Bain , p. 7 ) - donated between December 1822 and December 1823 to the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce , among other titles, Mill’s – “ Essays on Government, Jurisprudence, Liberty of the Press, and Law of Nations, by James Mill, Esq. (a Pamphlet).” The record can be found in Transactions of the Society, Instituted at London, for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce , Vol. 41 (1823), pp. 295-306, here p. 299 – online at https://books.google.de/books?id=WFM1AAAAMAAJ&pg=PA295&dq=PRESENTS+RECEIVED+BY+THE+SOCIETY,+FROM+DECEMBER,+1822,+TO+DECEMBER,+1823&hl=de&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwil8ruX29XcAhVCyKQKHeCGAZ8Q6AEIJzAA#v=onepage&q=Joseph%20Hume&f=false                                                                                                        Last not least we find in The Selected Writings of John Ramsay M.A. [ 1799-1870] with Memoir and Notes , by Alexander Walker (his literary executor), Edinburgh, Aberdeen and London, 1871 we find in the part ‘MEMOIR’ the following notes: p. xx, MEMOIR. - “Mr. Joseph Hume, noting the capacity of the man, engaged him [John Ramsay] as his private secretary.”   On p. xxi of MEMOIR dated Seven Oaks, Kent, 2d April 1823 [A list of instructions] : - “ Let me know whether you have received any of the Essays from the binder, that I may give you directions respecting them . ” - “Open the desk at which I sit (the fir one), and in the left hand corner you will find a list of sub­scribers to Mill’s Essays . Send that list to me in course of post“. -“Put up 10 copies of the Essays in a parcel, addressed to Alex. Bannerman, Esq., Aberdeen”.   - “Also 20 copies addressed to Mr. James Glen, Montrose.” - “Also 5 copies addressed to James Goodall, Esq., Arbroath, and put up with Mr. Glen’s.” - “Also 10 copies to Mr. Francis Allan, Hanover Street, Edinburgh; and on every one of them write, with Mr. Hume’s compliment .” [This commentators emphasis] …. The text can be found online at - ­ https://archive.org/download/selectedwriting00walkgoog/selectedwriting00walkgoog.pdf

Thus, the four-essayedition presented here must have been published before the end of 1823 .

The printing-signatures of this edition are as follows: ( Convention :Separated by commas the first alphanumerical expression is the printing-signature followed by a hyphen and the respective page number.)

• Government :   B - 9, C - 17, D - 25;
• Jurisprudence :   F - 9, G - 17, H - 25, I - 33, K - 41;
• Liberty of the Press : L- title page, L 2 - 3, M - 9, N - 17, 0 - 25, P - 33;  
• Law of Nations :   Q 2 - 3, R - 9, S - 17, T - 25, U - 33.           [7]

Notes & Literature

[1] More information online at - https://www.britannica.com/topic/Encyclopaedia-Britannica-English-language-reference-work/Supplement-to-the-fourth-fifth-and-sixth-editions ; The six volumes of the SupplEB are available online at - https://archive.org/search.php?query=Supplement%20to%20the%20fourth%2C%20fifth%2C%20and%20sixth%20editions%20of%20the%20Encyclop%C3%A6dia%20Britannica%2C%20London%2C%201824

[2] This list – modified – is sourced from: A Project of Liberty Fund, Inc., Online Library of Liberty , The Political Writings of James Mill 1815-1836 , available online at - http://oll.libertyfund.org/pages/james-mills-political-writings .

A similar list can be found in Robert A(nthony) FENN, LSE Dissertation. (1972), James Mill's Political Thought , Vol. II – Appendix, p. 46.

A compilation by David Hart of all the original articles by James Mill from the SupplEB can be found online at - http://davidmhart.com/liberty/EnglishClassicalLiberals/MillJames/EncycBritannica/MillArticles-Supp_Encyclopaedia_Britannica-1824.pdf )

[3] Available as Community Text at - https://archive.org/details/gri_33125011196868  

[4] Alexander BAIN, James Mill, A Biography, London: Longmans, Green and CO., 1882, p. 191. Cited as “Bain”. Available as Community Text at - https://ia801604.us.archive.org/20/items/in.ernet.dli.2015.263197/2015.263197.James-Mill.pdf

[5] Robert A. FENN (ed.),   A Textbook for Utilitarians - James Mill's Articles in the Encyclopædia Britannica , 1816-1823, second revised draft edition, second printing, privately printed, Dec. 1991, Toronto University , Appendices, p . 503

[6] ibid under the heading SIGLA, ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS, first page, R.A. Fenn writes: “Published sometime about mid-1823.” ( Law of Nations, contained in this edition, was only published in April 1823 in in the SupplEB.)

[7] Robert A(nthony) FENN, LSE Dissertation 1972, James Mill's Political Thought , Vol. II – Appendix, p. 81, verified by commentators copies.

Literature :

Historical Background to J. Mill’s ‘Political Essays’

EVANS , Eric, (2011) A British Revolution in the 19th Century? Available online at -  http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/empire_seapower/revolution_01.shtml

Life and Work of James Mill

BALL , Terence, James Mill , The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2018 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.) , available online at - https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2018/entries/james-mill/

BRINK , David, Mill’s Moral and Political Philosophy , The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2018 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), available online at - https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2018/entries/mill-moral-political/

Other Works by James Mill online

Online Library of Liberty - James Mill , available online at - https://oll.libertyfund.org/people/james-mill

FENN, Robert A(nthony) ed., (2010), James Mill's Common Place Books , available online at - http://www.intellectualhistory.net/mill/contents.html

HAMBURGER , Joseph, (1965), James Mill and the Art of Revolution , New Haven, Yale University Press

Bibliography of James Mill

An exhaustive Bibliography of James Mill’s writings can be found in

Robert Anthony FENN , 1987, James Mill’s Political Thought , New York, Garland Publishing Inc., titled: Concise list of the works of James Mill p. 156-186. A surprising aspect of this bibliography is that R. A. FENN (1934-1993) in his unusually extensive research never stumbled upon the fact that the 1828 edition of James Mill’s ‘Political Essays’ did actually exist. FENN attributed the library dates 1828 attributed to some editions of J. Mill’s ‘Political Essays’ in part “…from the fact that T.B. Macaulay launched his famous attack on the four essay edition in 1829. This has led many commentators to believe that this edition was published in 1828.” (*) And indeed, the title of the famous contribution by Macaulay in The Edinburgh Review (March – June, 1829, pp. 159-189) supports this impression. The title reads:

“ART. VII.—.Essays on Government, Jurisprudence, The Liberty of the Press, Prisons and Prison Discipline, Colonies, The Law of Nations, and Education. By JAMES MILL, Esq. author of the History of British India. Reprinted by permission from the Supplement to the Encyclopaedia Britannica. (Not for sale.) London, 1828.”

Available online at - https://books.google.de/books?id=GEk7AQAAMAAJ&pg=PA159&lpg=PA159&dq=%22Of+those+philosophers+who+call+themselves+Utilitarians%22&source=bl&ots=kLiQyTjX0S&sig=ACfU3U0X5lwPbMqaOBqR2pMxsYgsRm2YLQ&hl=de&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjardTe5angAhUFLlAKHVmuDKQQ6AEwAXoECAgQAQ#v=onepage&q=%22Of%20those%20philosophers%20who%20call%20themselves%20Utilitarians%22&f=false

(*) FENN, Robert A(nthony), LSE Dissertation. (1972), James Mill's Political Thought , Vol. II – Appendix, p. 80.

  All internet-links in this comment have been accessed in February 2019.

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Essay on Government

Students are often asked to write an essay on Government in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Government

What is government.

Government is a group of people who make decisions and laws for a country. They are responsible for providing services like education, healthcare, and security to the public.

Types of Government

There are different types of governments, such as democracy, monarchy, dictatorship, and communism. In a democracy, people choose their leaders through voting.

Roles of Government

Governments have many roles. They protect citizens, make laws, and manage the economy. They also provide public services like schools and hospitals.

Importance of Government

Government is important because it maintains order, protects citizens, and provides necessary services. Without it, society would be chaotic.

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250 Words Essay on Government

Introduction.

The term ‘Government’ fundamentally signifies the governing body of a nation or state that exercises authority, controls, and administers public policy. It is the political direction and control exercised over the actions of the members, citizens, or inhabitants of communities, societies, and states.

The Role of Government

The government plays a crucial role in society by ensuring the smooth functioning of the nation. It is responsible for maintaining law and order, protecting citizens’ rights, and providing public services. The government also shapes the economy by implementing policies that either stimulate or slow down economic growth.

Governments can be categorized into several types based on their structure and the extent of power they exercise. These include democracy, where power is vested in the people; monarchy, where power is held by a single ruler; and autocracy, where a single person holds unlimited power.

Government and Democracy

In democratic governments, citizens have the right to elect their representatives who make decisions on their behalf. This system promotes accountability, transparency, and the protection of individual rights. However, democracy’s success hinges on an informed and active citizenry that can hold the government accountable.

In conclusion, the government is a fundamental institution in any society. It plays a pivotal role in maintaining societal order, ensuring the welfare of its citizens, and driving the nation’s growth and development. The efficiency of a government is largely determined by its structure, the extent of its powers, and the level of citizen participation.

500 Words Essay on Government

Introduction to government.

Government, a fundamental construct of societal organization, is an institution that enforces rules and regulations, maintains order, and facilitates the smooth functioning of a country. It’s a complex mechanism that encompasses myriad aspects from legislation to implementation, and from diplomacy to defense.

The government’s primary role is to safeguard the rights and freedoms of its citizens. This involves ensuring the security of the people, maintaining law and order, and providing public goods and services. A government has the responsibility to protect its citizens from internal and external threats, which is why it maintains law enforcement agencies and a military.

The government also plays a crucial role in economic regulation and stabilization. By controlling monetary and fiscal policies, it can influence the country’s economic trajectory, ensuring growth, stability, and equity. Furthermore, the government is responsible for the provision of public goods and services such as education, healthcare, infrastructure, and social welfare programs.

Forms of Government

In between these extremes, there are numerous variations, such as constitutional monarchies, where a monarch shares power with a constitutionally organized government, or oligarchies, where power rests with a small number of people.

The Importance of Good Governance

Good governance is integral to the effective functioning of a government. It is characterized by transparency, accountability, efficiency, and adherence to the rule of law. Good governance ensures that the government’s actions benefit the majority of the population and that public resources are used efficiently and ethically.

Conclusion: The Evolving Role of Government

In today’s rapidly changing world, the role of government is evolving. With the advent of technology and globalization, governments are not just confined to traditional roles but are increasingly involved in areas such as digital infrastructure, climate change, and global health crises.

As we move forward, the challenge for governments worldwide will be to adapt to these changes and continue to serve their citizens effectively. Understanding the nature, role, and complexities of government is crucial for us as we navigate the political landscape of the 21st century.

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Introductory essay

Written by the educators who created Cyber-Influence and Power, a brief look at the key facts, tough questions and big ideas in their field. Begin this TED Study with a fascinating read that gives context and clarity to the material.

Each and every one of us has a vital part to play in building the kind of world in which government and technology serve the world’s people and not the other way around. Rebecca MacKinnon

Over the past 20 years, information and communication technologies (ICTs) have transformed the globe, facilitating the international economic, political, and cultural connections and exchanges that are at the heart of contemporary globalization processes. The term ICT is broad in scope, encompassing both the technological infrastructure and products that facilitate the collection, storage, manipulation, and distribution of information in a variety of formats.

While there are many definitions of globalization, most would agree that the term refers to a variety of complex social processes that facilitate worldwide economic, cultural, and political connections and exchanges. The kinds of global connections ICTs give rise to mark a dramatic departure from the face-to-face, time and place dependent interactions that characterized communication throughout most of human history. ICTs have extended human interaction and increased our interconnectedness, making it possible for geographically dispersed people not only to share information at an ever-faster rate but also to organize and to take action in response to events occurring in places far from where they are physically situated.

While these complex webs of connections can facilitate positive collective action, they can also put us at risk. As TED speaker Ian Goldin observes, the complexity of our global connections creates a built-in fragility: What happens in one part of the world can very quickly affect everyone, everywhere.

The proliferation of ICTs and the new webs of social connections they engender have had profound political implications for governments, citizens, and non-state actors alike. Each of the TEDTalks featured in this course explore some of these implications, highlighting the connections and tensions between technology and politics. Some speakers focus primarily on how anti-authoritarian protesters use technology to convene and organize supporters, while others expose how authoritarian governments use technology to manipulate and control individuals and groups. When viewed together as a unit, the contrasting voices reveal that technology is a contested site through which political power is both exercised and resisted.

Technology as liberator

The liberating potential of technology is a powerful theme taken up by several TED speakers in Cyber-Influence and Power . Journalist and Global Voices co-founder Rebecca MacKinnon, for example, begins her talk by playing the famous Orwell-inspired Apple advertisement from 1984. Apple created the ad to introduce Macintosh computers, but MacKinnon describes Apple's underlying narrative as follows: "technology created by innovative companies will set us all free." While MacKinnon examines this narrative with a critical eye, other TED speakers focus on the ways that ICTs can and do function positively as tools of social change, enabling citizens to challenge oppressive governments.

In a 2011 CNN interview, Egyptian protest leader, Google executive, and TED speaker Wael Ghonim claimed "if you want to free a society, just give them internet access. The young crowds are going to all go out and see and hear the unbiased media, see the truth about other nations and their own nation, and they are going to be able to communicate and collaborate together." (i). In this framework, the opportunities for global information sharing, borderless communication, and collaboration that ICTs make possible encourage the spread of democracy. As Ghonim argues, when citizens go online, they are likely to discover that their particular government's perspective is only one among many. Activists like Ghonim maintain that exposure to this online free exchange of ideas will make people less likely to accept government propaganda and more likely to challenge oppressive regimes.

A case in point is the controversy that erupted around Khaled Said, a young Egyptian man who died after being arrested by Egyptian police. The police claimed that Said suffocated when he attempted to swallow a bag of hashish; witnesses, however, reported that he was beaten to death by the police. Stories about the beating and photos of Said's disfigured body circulated widely in online communities, and Ghonim's Facebook group, titled "We are all Khaled Said," is widely credited with bringing attention to Said's death and fomenting the discontent that ultimately erupted in the 2011 Egyptian Revolution, or what Ghonim refers to as "revolution 2.0."

Ghonim's Facebook group also illustrates how ICTs enable citizens to produce and broadcast information themselves. Many people already take for granted the ability to capture images and video via handheld devices and then upload that footage to platforms like YouTube. As TED speaker Clay Shirky points out, our ability to produce and widely distribute information constitutes a revolutionary change in media production and consumption patterns. The production of media has typically been very expensive and thus out of reach for most individuals; the average person was therefore primarily a consumer of media, reading books, listening to the radio, watching TV, going to movies, etc. Very few could independently publish their own books or create and distribute their own radio programs, television shows, or movies. ICTs have disrupted this configuration, putting media production in the hands of individual amateurs on a budget — or what Shirky refers to as members of "the former audience" — alongside the professionals backed by multi-billion dollar corporations. This "democratization of media" allows individuals to create massive amounts of information in a variety of formats and to distribute it almost instantly to a potentially global audience.

Shirky is especially interested in the Internet as "the first medium in history that has native support for groups and conversations at the same time." This shift has important political implications. For example, in 2008 many Obama followers used Obama's own social networking site to express their unhappiness when the presidential candidate changed his position on the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. The outcry of his supporters did not force Obama to revert to his original position, but it did help him realize that he needed to address his supporters directly, acknowledging their disagreement on the issue and explaining his position. Shirky observes that this scenario was also notable because the Obama organization realized that "their role was to convene their supporters but not to control their supporters." This tension between the use of technology in the service of the democratic impulse to convene citizens vs. the authoritarian impulse to control them runs throughout many of the TEDTalks in Cyber-Influence and Power.

A number of TED speakers explicitly examine the ways that ICTs give individual citizens the ability to document governmental abuses they witness and to upload this information to the Internet for a global audience. Thus, ICTs can empower citizens by giving them tools that can help keep their governments accountable. The former head of Al Jazeera and TED speaker Wadah Khanfar provides some very clear examples of the political power of technology in the hands of citizens. He describes how the revolution in Tunisia was delivered to the world via cell phones, cameras, and social media outlets, with the mainstream media relying on "citizen reporters" for details.

Former British prime minister Gordon Brown's TEDTalk also highlights some of the ways citizens have used ICTs to keep their governments accountable. For example, Brown recounts how citizens in Zimbabwe used the cameras on their phones at polling places in order to discourage the Mugabe regime from engaging in electoral fraud. Similarly, Clay Shirky begins his TEDTalk with a discussion of how cameras on phones were used to combat voter suppression in the 2008 presidential election in the U.S. ICTs allowed citizens to be protectors of the democratic process, casting their individual votes but also, as Shirky observes, helping to "ensure the sanctity of the vote overall."

Technology as oppressor

While smart phones and social networking sites like Twitter and Facebook have arguably facilitated the overthrow of dictatorships in places like Tunisia and Egypt, lending credence to Gordon Brown's vision of technology as an engine of liberalism and pluralism, not everyone shares this view. As TED speaker and former religious extremist Maajid Nawaz points out, there is nothing inherently liberating about ICTs, given that they frequently are deployed to great effect by extremist organizations seeking social changes that are often inconsistent with democracy and human rights. Where once individual extremists might have felt isolated and alone, disconnected from like-minded people and thus unable to act in concert with others to pursue their agendas, ICTs allow them to connect with other extremists and to form communities around their ideas, narratives, and symbols.

Ian Goldin shares this concern, warning listeners about what he calls the "two Achilles heels of globalization": growing inequality and the fragility that is inherent in a complex integrated system. He points out that those who do not experience the benefits of globalization, who feel like they've been left out in one way or another, can potentially become incredibly dangerous. In a world where what happens in one place very quickly affects everyone else — and where technologies are getting ever smaller and more powerful — a single angry individual with access to technological resources has the potential to do more damage than ever before. The question becomes then, how do we manage the systemic risk inherent in today's technology-infused globalized world? According to Goldin, our current governance structures are "fossilized" and ill-equipped to deal with these issues.

Other critics of the notion that ICTs are inherently liberating point out that ICTs have been leveraged effectively by oppressive governments to solidify their own power and to manipulate, spy upon, and censor their citizens. Journalist and TED speaker Evgeny Morozov expresses scepticism about what he calls "iPod liberalism," or the belief that technology will necessarily lead to the fall of dictatorships and the emergence of democratic governments. Morozov uses the term "spinternet" to describe authoritarian governments' use of the Internet to provide their own "spin" on issues and events. Russia, China, and Iran, he argues, have all trained and paid bloggers to promote their ideological agendas in the online environment and/or or to attack people writing posts the government doesn't like in an effort to discredit them as spies or criminals who should not be trusted.

Morozov also points out that social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter are tools not only of revolutionaries but also of authoritarian governments who use them to gather open-source intelligence. "In the past," Morozov maintains, "it would take you weeks, if not months, to identify how Iranian activists connect to each other. Now you know how they connect to each other by looking at their Facebook page. KGB...used to torture in order to get this data." Instead of focusing primarily on bringing Internet access and devices to the people in countries ruled by authoritarian regimes, Morozov argues that we need to abandon our cyber-utopian assumptions and do more to actually empower intellectuals, dissidents, NGOs and other members of society, making sure that the "spinternet" does not prevent their voices from being heard.

The ICT Empowered Individual vs. The Nation State

In her TEDTalk "Let's Take Back the Internet," Rebecca MacKinnon argues that "the only legitimate purpose of government is to serve citizens, and…the only legitimate purpose of technology is to improve our lives, not to manipulate or enslave us." It is clearly not a given, however, that governments, organizations, and individuals will use technology benevolently. Part of the responsibility of citizenship in the globalized information age then is to work to ensure that both governments and technologies "serve the world's peoples." However, there is considerable disagreement about what that might look like.

WikiLeaks spokesperson and TED speaker Julian Assange, for example, argues that government secrecy is inconsistent with democratic values and is ultimately about deceiving and manipulating rather than serving the world's people. Others maintain that governments need to be able to keep secrets about some topics in order to protect their citizens or to act effectively in response to crises, oppressive regimes, terrorist organizations, etc. While some view Assange's use of technology as a way to hold governments accountable and to increase transparency, others see this use of technology as a criminal act with the potential to both undermine stable democracies and put innocent lives in danger.

ICTs and global citizenship

While there are no easy answers to the global political questions raised by the proliferation of ICTs, there are relatively new approaches to the questions that look promising, including the emergence of individuals who see themselves as global citizens — people who participate in a global civil society that transcends national boundaries. Technology facilitates global citizens' ability to learn about global issues, to connect with others who care about similar issues, and to organize and act meaningfully in response. However, global citizens are also aware that technology in and of itself is no panacea, and that it can be used to manipulate and oppress.

Global citizens fight against oppressive uses of technology, often with technology. Technology helps them not only to participate in global conversations that affect us all but also to amplify the voices of those who have been marginalized or altogether missing from such conversations. Moreover, global citizens are those who are willing to grapple with large and complex issues that are truly global in scope and who attempt to chart a course forward that benefits all people, regardless of their locations around the globe.

Gordon Brown implicitly alludes to the importance of global citizenship when he states that we need a global ethic of fairness and responsibility to inform global problem-solving. Human rights, disease, development, security, terrorism, climate change, and poverty are among the issues that cannot be addressed successfully by any one nation alone. Individual actors (nation states, NGOs, etc.) can help, but a collective of actors, both state and non-state, is required. Brown suggests that we must combine the power of a global ethic with the power to communicate and organize globally in order for us to address effectively the world's most pressing issues.

Individuals and groups today are able to exert influence that is disproportionate to their numbers and the size of their arsenals through their use of "soft power" techniques, as TED speakers Joseph Nye and Shashi Tharoor observe. This is consistent with Maajid Nawaz's discussion of the power of symbols and narratives. Small groups can develop powerful narratives that help shape the views and actions of people around the world. While governments are far more accustomed to exerting power through military force, they might achieve their interests more effectively by implementing soft power strategies designed to convince others that they want the same things. According to Nye, replacing a "zero-sum" approach (you must lose in order for me to win) with a "positive-sum" one (we can both win) creates opportunities for collaboration, which is necessary if we are to begin to deal with problems that are global in scope.

Let's get started

Collectively, the TEDTalks in this course explore how ICTs are used by and against governments, citizens, activists, revolutionaries, extremists, and other political actors in efforts both to preserve and disrupt the status quo. They highlight the ways that ICTs have opened up new forms of communication and activism as well as how the much-hailed revolutionary power of ICTs can and has been co-opted by oppressive regimes to reassert their control.

By listening to the contrasting voices of this diverse group of TED speakers, which includes activists, journalists, professors, politicians, and a former member of an extremist organization, we can begin to develop a more nuanced understanding of the ways that technology can be used both to facilitate and contest a wide variety of political movements. Global citizens who champion democracy would do well to explore these intersections among politics and technology, as understanding these connections is a necessary first step toward MacKinnon's laudable goal of building a world in which "government and technology serve the world's people and not the other way around."

Let's begin our exploration of the intersections among politics and technology in today's globalized world with a TEDTalk from Ian Goldin, the first Director of the 21st Century School, Oxford University's think tank/research center. Goldin's talk will set the stage for us, exploring the integrated, complex, and technology rich global landscape upon which the political struggles for power examined by other TED speakers play out.

Navigating our global future

i. "Welcome to Revolution 2.0, Ghonim Says," CNN, February 9, 2011. http://www.cnn.com/video/?/video/world/2011/02/09/wael.ghonim.interview.cnn.

Relevant talks

Clay Shirky

How social media can make history.

Evgeny Morozov

How the net aids dictatorships.

Gordon Brown

Wiring a web for global good.

Global power shifts

Julian Assange

Why the world needs wikileaks.

Maajid Nawaz

A global culture to fight extremism.

Rebecca MacKinnon

Let's take back the internet.

Shashi Tharoor

Why nations should pursue soft power.

Wadah Khanfar

A historic moment in the arab world.

Wael Ghonim

Inside the egyptian revolution.

25 Essay Topics for American Government Classes

Writing Ideas That Will Make Students Think

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If you are a teacher searching for essay topics to assign to your U.S. government or civics class or looking for ideas, do not fret. It is easy to integrate debates and discussions into the classroom environment. These topic suggestions provide a wealth of ideas for written assignments such as  position papers , compare-and-contrast essays , and  argumentative essays . Scan the following 25 question topics and ideas to find just the right one. You'll soon be reading interesting papers from your students after they grapple with these challenging and important issues.

• Compare and contrast what is a direct democracy versus representative democracy. 
• React to the following statement: Democratic decision-making should be extended to all areas of life including schools, the workplace, and the government. 
• Compare and contrast the Virginia and New Jersey plans. Explain how these led to the Great Compromise .
• Pick one thing about the U.S. Constitution including its amendments that you think should be changed. What modifications would you make? Explain your reasons for making this change.
• What did Thomas Jefferson mean when he said, "The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants?" Do you think that this statement still applies to today's world? 
• Compare and contrast mandates and conditions of aid regarding the federal government's relationship with states. For example, how has the Federal Emergency Management Agency delivered support to states and commonwealths that have experienced natural disasters?
• Should individual states have more or less power compared to the federal government when implementing laws dealing with topics such as the legalization of marijuana  and abortion ? 
• Outline a program that would get more people to vote in presidential elections or local elections.
• What are the dangers of gerrymandering when it comes to voting and presidential elections?
• Compare and contrast the major political parties in the United States. What policies are they preparing for upcoming elections?
• Why would voters choose to vote for a third party, even though they know that their candidate has virtually no chance of winning? 
• Describe the major sources of money that are donated to political campaigns. Check out the Federal Election Regulatory Commission's website for information.
• Should corporations be treated as individuals regarding being allowed to donate to political campaigns?  Look at the 2010 Citizens United v. FEC ruling on the issue. Defend your answer. 
• Explain the role of social media in connecting interest groups that have grown stronger as the major political parties have grown weaker. 
• Explain why the media has been called the fourth branch of government. Include your opinion on whether this is an accurate portrayal.
• Compare and contrast the campaigns of U.S. Senate and House of Representatives candidates.
• Should term limits be instituted for members of Congress? Explain your answer.
• Should members of Congress vote their conscience or follow the will of the people who elected them into office? Explain your answer.
• Explain how executive orders have been used by presidents throughout the history of the U.S. What is the number of executive orders issued by the current president?
• In your opinion, which of the three branches of the federal government has the most power? Defend your answer.
• Which of the rights guaranteed by the First Amendment do you consider the most important? Explain your answer. 
• Should a school be required to get a warrant before searching a student's property? Defend your answer. 
• Why did the Equal Rights Amendment fail? What kind of campaign could be run to see it passed?
• Explain how the 14th Amendment has affected civil liberties in the United States from the time of its passage at the end of the Civil War.
• Do you think that the federal government has enough, too much or just the right amount of power? Defend your answer.
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Writing in Government

How do i write a gov paper .

Expos teaches you about the fundamentals of writing an analytical argument. As you write papers in Gov, you are adapting the elements of argument to a particular audience: readers in the social sciences. These readers have specific expectations about how to present arguments and supporting evidence. Writing successfully in Gov requires you to identify those expectations in assignment prompts and then  respond to them by making well-supported and clearly reasoned arguments.

__________________________________

"Everybody's work has to stand or fall on the basis of the arguments presented and the evidence." - Prof. Eric Nelson

Do the Exercise

In these exercises, you have two goals: to identify the common elements of essay prompts, and to learn strategies for developing arguments that respond effectively to the expectations presented by a given prompt. 

Decoding Prompts

Developing a thesis.

What to Do:

• Prepare  by reading about the elements of paper prompts in the "Tips" tool to the right.
• Read  the three sample prompts below and select one to work with.
• Answer  the questions in the text boxes below the sample prompts.
• Write  a 1-sentence version in your own words of the prompt you have selected. You can do this in the first “Re-write” box below the questions.
• Try re-writing  the other two prompts in a single sentence. 

Please note that these forms are not monitored; no feedback will be sent at this time.

Sample Prompts

1. The traditional definition of democracy is captured by Schumpeter’s statement that democracy is the “institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the people’s vote.” Is Schumpeter’s “free competition for the free vote” a sufficient conceptual and normative definition of “democracy”? What else, if anything, would you add to this definition?

2. The majority of Gov 97 has focused on state actors, but the Internet is a whole new non-state world that currently has little to no formal governance. Should the Internet be governed democratically? What does it mean to have democratic governance of the Internet? (Will there be elected bodies? Will the Internet be governed by democratic principles?) If you were on a committee to develop Internet governance, what democratic processes (if any) would you recommend? Why?

3. How do new technologies affect democratic politics? We have read a number of accounts of traditional forms of democratic participation and democratic institutions – choose one topic or outcome (e.g. elections, campaign finance, regime change, economic institutions, the welfare state, democratic peace etc.) that we have read about, and think about how new technologies challenge or add to traditional theories about that outcome.

( Taken from Gov 97, Spring 2015)

Understanding Prompts

Design and purpose.

Instructors have two main goals with most prompts: First, they want to test how well you’ve understood assigned material for the course and gauge your progress over the term. Second, they want to encourage you to think about certain questions in a way that may not be directly covered in the course materials themselves. In this way, prompts facilitates guided learning through writing.

In most cases, the instructor will have both of these goals in mind. Depending on the assignment, though, one goal may carry greater emphasis than the other. 

Central Question

This is the main question that the instructor wants you to answer. It may be a yes/no question, where you need to agree or disagree with a given statement. Or it may be an open-ended question, where you need to develop your own line of argument. Either way, the central question is the core of the paper, i.e., the question your instructor is asking in order to test your knowledge about material from the course or to encourage you to develop a reasoned opinion based on that material. Your thesis statement should respond directly to this central question.

Example of a central question:

What do you think is Aristotle’s strongest justification for participatory citizenship?

Example of a multi-part central question:

What do you think is Aristotle’s strongest justification for participatory citizenship? Does it translate from ancient democracy to the present; does it apply today?

Supporting Questions

In addition to the central question, prompts typically include additional points to consider as you write your paper, and these points often come in the form of secondary or supporting questions. Supporting questions are meant to prompt your thinking and can help remind you of important debates that may exist within the topic you are writing about.  

That being said, prompts made up of more than one question can be harder to decode. For one thing, the first question in the prompt is not always the central question, and it might be possible to interpret more than one of the questions as the central question. This ambiguity might be intentional (to allow students to write a range of essays), or it might be unintentional. For these reasons, it is always helpful to try putting the prompt in your own words. What is the central question being asked? And what is the central question your paper is answering with its thesis? What are the supporting questions being asked? And how will your paper answer those questions in relation to your thesis?

In the following example prompt, notice how the first set of questions (greyed out and in italics) form a multi-part central question about an idea of Aristotle and its relevance to the present day. The subsequent supporting questions provide a number of possible directions in which to elaborate on this question, but none of these supporting questions should be the main focus of an argument responding to this particular prompt.  

Example:        

What do you think is Aristotle’s strongest justification for participatory citizenship? Does it translate from ancient democracy to the present; does it apply today? How do modern democracies define citizenship? Do modern democratic institutions (representation, voting and elections, political parties) and/or the organized groups of civil society (voluntary associations, demonstrations, social movements) provide arenas for political participation? If so, how and why is participation valued? If not, why not, and how is the division of political labor justified?

Additional Cues

Prompts often provide cues about what should or shouldn't be the focus of a writing assignment. For instance, there may be debates or themes that have been raised in the course, but which are not meant to be the particular focus of the paper at hand. In the following excerpt from a prompt, you can see that Aristotle's definition of "citizen" is crucial, but the goal of the essay is to  use  the definition to make a further point, rather than getting bogged down in the definition itself. 

Example from a Gov prompt:

In the Politics , Aristotle defined a citizen as someone who takes turns in ruling and being ruled, identified who was eligible (and ineligible) for citizenship, gave an account of citizens’ judgment, and set out reasons for popular political participation.

Restrictions

Prompts often include additional requirements that either guide or limit a writing assignment. These restrictions are usually straightforward requirements for the essay's form (how long it should be) or for its content (what question(s) it should answer and which sources or cases it should use). 

• You must analyze Aristotle’s text
• You may pick just one or two government institutions or civil society groups to 
illustrate your answer.
• You must refer to at least two authors (in addition to Aristotle) in composing your 
response. 
• Prepare by reading about the elements of thesis statements in the "Tips" tool to the right.
• Read the sample prompt below.
• Answer the questions in the text boxes below the sample prompts.  

Sample Prompt & Theses

Making reference to the cases of Rwanda and Yugoslavia, construct an argument that addresses the following questions: When you consider the various theories you've encountered about the emergence of ethnic politics in your readings as well as in lecture, how well (or how poorly) do specific elements of these two cases fit those theories? What is the strongest explanation overall for why ethnic violence broke out in these two cases and eventually assumed the proportions it did? Does the same answer apply to both cases, or do different answers best explain Rwanda and Yugoslavia separately?

• The Rwandan and Yugoslav genocides were similar in some ways. In other ways, though, they were different. 
• Ethnic politics leads to the emergence of ethnic violence.
• I argue that ethnic politics is important for understanding violence in Rwanda and Yugoslavia and for explaining the genocides there.
• Rwanda and Yugoslavia both experienced similar levels of ethnic politics and ethnic violence during the 1990s and followed similar paths to genocide.
• Ethnic politics does not always lead to ethnic violence, but in cases where the state collapses like it did in Rwanda and Yugoslavia, the path from ethnic politics to genocide will be similar.

Taken from Gov 20, Fall 2015

What is an Argument?

In the social sciences, an argument typically make claims about the way the world works. It argues that the world is one way rather than another, and explains why it is that way .

The first part of the bolded statement above is really important. In social science courses, you will rarely be asked to just summarize a set of facts. You will instead be asked to make assertions about how something came to be or how some phenomenon caused another.

This implies a counterfactual , which is a statement about how the world would have been, if something else had happened. For example, you might argue that polarization in American politics is caused by people moving to areas where most people share their political beliefs. This implies that if people didn't move to neighborhoods or cities with like-minded people, there wouldn't be polarization. But they do , so there is .

The first part of the bolded statement above also implies that you will give evidence to show us that your argument is correct.

The latter part of the statement, in turn, implies that you will show us the "why" of the phenomenon you're looking at: how exactly does it work?

Thesis Requirements

A thesis statement will be in response to a specific question, whether that question is explicitly asked in a prompt or is a question you have yourself developed in response to course readings or class discussions. Therefore, your thesis statement should clearly be an answer to a question!

Your answer should not just contain a "what is" statement, but a statement of "how" your argument works. What is the "mechanism" of your argument? If you say that wealth causes democracy, make sure the “how” or “because” is also clearly previewed in your thesis.

This is also your introduction to the reader of what the paper’s really about, and it is your chance to explain how the paper will work. It should prepare them for the direction the paper is going, so they know what kinds of evidence they should expect.

In college-level papers, thesis statements can be more than one sentence long. Being concise is good, but it's ok to have a slightly longer thesis statement if your thesis is somewhat complex, e.g., if there are two or three steps in the "how" part of your paper. 

Scope Conditions

Most papers are not about making universal arguments that showcase  everything you know, but about making an valid argument within a set of parameters that are either provided by the assignment itself, or that you decide to keep your argument clear and effective.

In writing, be clear: what are the “scope conditions” of your argument? In other words, under what conditions or in which cases is your argument valid?

Example: “In democracies,” i.e., not for every country we’ve looked at, but only for democracies.

Example: “Among late developers” i.e., only in those countries that developed recently.

Make sure your these boundaries are clearly stated in your thesis statement . Do you think it will be intuitive to the reader why you used these scope conditions in particular? If not, you may need to briefly explain why you're using them, either in the thesis statement itself or just before (or after) your thesis statement.

Evaluating Theses

Can readers take your thesis statement and test it like they would a hypothesis? Would they know what to look for in order to evaluate how well your argument is made? If so, it's probably a strong thesis.

A hypothesis is a statement that can be tested . For example, in the statement "wealth leads to democracy," we can imagine testing it by looking for wealthy countries that aren't democratic.

If readers can look at your thesis statement and come up new evidence to refute your claim, it might mean there's room for healthy debate on the topic--and it might mean there's a genuine weakness in your argument--but it also means you probably have a clearly written thesis statement! 

A really common thesis-related problem for students is that readers don't know how to evaluate whether the argument is right or wrong . This idea of being able to test arguments against new evidence is what makes political science "scientific."

Additional Tips

Be direct, and own your answer. Don’t say, “The purpose of my paper is to show that economic development causes democracy.” Say, “Economic development causes democracy, because…”

But it is OK to use the first-person voice in political science! (Example: "Wealth is a necessary condition for democracy. I show this by examining all countries with an average GDP above $6,000 per year")

Make it clear where your thesis statement is. You don’t have to put the thesis statement at the end of a short, first paragraph...but this is common, because it keeps you from writing too much/too little introduction, and it’s often where your reader will look first (because it is so common!)

Avoid the word “prove,” which implies definitive proof (which is rarely possible in social sciences)

Avoid overly stylized language in your thesis statement, and keep it as clear, specific, and unambiguous as possible.

It’s ok to argue that sometimes things work one way, and sometimes another. For example, “wealthy countries are usually democratic, but sometimes they aren’t.” However, it’s much stronger to try and make this difference part of your argument---”Wealthy countries are usually democratic because [reason], but oil-rich countries are an exception because [reason].”

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Home Essay Samples

Essay Samples on Government

The subject of government is often approached by college students majoring in Law and Political Sciences. At the same time, when you check various government essay examples, you will instantly notice that journalists, psychologists, historians, and even healthcare majors often have to deal with governmental processes and related studies. The complex part of such essays is a necessity of prior exploration and analysis of the information that you have. Remember that the federal laws differ between the states, which is an important point to consider. As you work on your sources, always take notes and write down important names and the laws to provide your readers with at least one piece of evidence per claim. It will help you to keep your writing focused and precise. Successful government essays must operate with the facts and sum things up again in the conclusion part regardless of your essay type. The only difference is posed by the governmental case study writing. The structure requires an introduction part where you explain the problem or an issue researched, three to five body paragraphs that provide analysis, and the conclusion part that should be like an executive summary where you list and explain your findings.

Importance of Entrepreneurship: Economic Growth and Societal Transformation

Importance of entrepreneurship transcends its role as a mere business activity; it stands as a driving force behind innovation, economic growth, and societal transformation. Entrepreneurship fosters the creation of new products, services, and industries, while also generating employment opportunities and catalyzing economic development. This essay...

• Economic Growth
• Entrepreneurship

Escalating Water Crisis: Scarcity, Sustainability, and Global Collaboration

The global water crisis is an urgent and complex issue that threatens the well-being of humanity and the health of our planet. This essay delves into the multifaceted dimensions of the water crisis, investigating its causes, the wide-ranging impacts it generates, and the imperative of...

Rohingya Crisis: A Call for International Action

The Rohingya crisis is a deeply distressing and ongoing humanitarian catastrophe that demands global attention and immediate action. This essay delves into the complexities of the Rohingya crisis, examining its historical context, the harrowing consequences faced by the Rohingya people, the role of international actors,...

Unmasking the Opioid Crisis: Causes, Consequences, and Paths to Recovery

The opioid crisis is a harrowing and multifaceted public health emergency that has left a profound impact on communities worldwide. This essay delves into the intricate layers of the opioid crisis, exploring its origins, the devastating consequences it has wrought, and the potential pathways towards...

Navigating the Housing Crisis: Challenges and Implications

The housing crisis is a pressing issue that reverberates across the globe, impacting individuals, families, and communities. This essay delves into the complexities surrounding the housing crisis, investigating its root causes, the far-reaching consequences, and the potential strategies to alleviate the challenges and ensure access...

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Government Surveillance in George Orwell's "1984": The Illusion of Security

George Orwell's novel "1984" serves as a haunting portrayal of a dystopian society dominated by government surveillance and control. The government's use of surveillance technologies to monitor and manipulate citizens is presented as a mechanism for maintaining power and suppressing dissent. In this essay, we...

• Government Surveillance

The 2008 Financial Crisis: the Causes and Unraveling the Effects

The financial crisis of 2008 remains etched in history as a watershed moment that shook the global economy to its core. Its causes were intricate, and its effects, profound. This essay embarks on a journey to dissect the intricate web of causation behind the financial...

• Financial Crisis

Unraveling the Ukraine Crisis: Geopolitical Tensions and Regional Dynamics

The Ukraine crisis of recent years has captivated the world's attention, bringing to the forefront complex geopolitical issues, regional dynamics, and the quest for stability. This essay delves into the multifaceted layers of the Ukraine crisis, exploring its historical context, the role of major global...

Addressing the Rape Crisis: Advocacy, Awareness, and Empowerment

The issue of sexual violence and rape is a grave societal concern that demands urgent attention. This essay delves into the complexities surrounding the rape crisis, exploring its root causes, the impact on survivors and society, and the crucial role of advocacy, awareness, and empowerment...

Unveiling the Dynamics of Economic Crises

Economic crises are recurrent phenomena that have the power to disrupt entire economies, destabilize financial systems, and affect the lives of millions. This essay delves into the multifaceted aspects of economic crises, exploring the root causes, their far-reaching impacts, and the strategies that governments, institutions,...

Effective Dispute Resolution and Crisis Management

In the realm of complex human interactions, conflicts and crises are inevitable. Dispute resolution and crisis management play crucial roles in maintaining stability, fostering collaboration, and preventing situations from spiraling out of control. This essay delves into the strategies and principles that underpin effective dispute...

The Cuban Missile Crisis: Lessons in Diplomacy and Deterrence

The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 stands as one of the most intense and dangerous episodes of the Cold War era. This essay delves into the multifaceted aspects of the crisis, exploring the causes, the decisions made by key players, and the lessons that have...

• Cuban Missile Crisis

The Impact and Lessons of the 2008 Financial Crisis

The 2008 financial crisis stands as one of the most significant and disruptive events in modern economic history. Its reverberations were felt globally, causing widespread economic turmoil and prompting critical evaluations of financial systems. This essay delves into the causes and consequences of the crisis,...

What is Patriotism: Exploring the Essence of Love for One's Country

Patriotism, a sentiment deeply ingrained in the human spirit, is often described as the love, loyalty, and devotion one feels towards their homeland. It is an emotion that transcends geographical boundaries, uniting individuals under the banner of shared identity and pride. Patriotism has been the...

• Citizenship

The Cold War: A Comprehensive Examination (DBQ)

The Cold War, a geopolitical and ideological conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union, left an indelible mark on the 20th century. This essay employs a Document-Based Question (DBQ) approach to delve into the multifaceted aspects of the Cold War, analyzing its origins,...

• International Politics

Ronald Reagan and the Cold War: A Transformational Era

Amidst the intense geopolitical rivalry of the 20th century, ronald reagan cold war emerged as a central figure whose strategic policies and leadership greatly influenced the course of the Cold War. As the 40th President of the United States, Reagan played a pivotal role in...

• Ronald Reagan

NATO, the Cold War, and Civil Rights: Struggles and Achievements

NATO, the Cold War, and civil rights are three interconnected threads that defined the latter half of the 20th century. This essay delves into the complex interplay between these forces, exploring how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) influenced the global landscape during the Cold...

• Civil Rights

NATO in the Cold War: Unity, Security, and Strategic Alliance

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) emerged as a central pillar of stability and cooperation during the tumultuous era of the Cold War. As a military and political alliance formed in the aftermath of World War II, NATO played a crucial role in shaping the...

Why the Tuskegee Study was Unethical: A Dark Chapter in Medical History

"Why the Tuskegee Study Was Unethical" is a question that delves into one of the most infamous and morally reprehensible experiments in medical history. The Tuskegee Study, officially known as the "Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male," was a research project conducted...

• Tuskegee Airmen

Why Prisoners Should Be Allowed to Vote: a Debate

The question of whether prisoners should be allowed to vote is a contentious issue that touches upon principles of democracy, rehabilitation, and social reintegration. The denial of voting rights to prisoners raises ethical and legal concerns about disenfranchisement and the potential impact on both the...

Why Is the Second Amendment Important: Examining the Right to Bear Arms

The Second Amendment of the United States Constitution, often a topic of intense debate, holds a pivotal place in American history and culture. Enshrined within the Bill of Rights, this amendment protects the right of citizens to bear arms. This essay delves into the reasons...

• Gun Control
• Second Amendment

Why Do We Celebrate Veterans Day: Honoring Those Who Serve

Why do we celebrate Veterans Day? Veterans Day, observed on November 11th each year, is a significant holiday in the United States that honors the brave men and women who have served in the armed forces. This day holds deep meaning and serves as a...

Why Assault Weapons Should Be Banned

Assault weapons have become a topic of intense debate in recent years due to their potential for mass destruction and the devastating impact they can have on communities. This essay delves into the pressing issue of why assault weapons should be banned, considering their lethal...

Who Was the Best US President: Assessing the Legacy of the American Presidents

The question of who was the best US president is a subject of spirited debate and reflection. The history of the United States is marked by a lineage of leaders who have left lasting impacts on the nation and the world. This essay examines the...

• President of The United States

What Are Our Modern Day Patriots

Who are our modern day patriots? This question invites us to recognize the individuals whose actions, values, and commitments contribute to the betterment of society. While historical figures like the Founding Fathers continue to be celebrated, it is essential to acknowledge that modern patriots also...

Was the Reign of Terror Justified: An Examination

The Reign of Terror, a tumultuous period during the French Revolution, has been a subject of historical debate for centuries. Marked by widespread political violence, executions, and radical measures, this era prompts the question of whether the Reign of Terror can be deemed justified. This...

• American History
• Reign of Terror

Was Andrew Jackson a Good President for the US

Was Andrew Jackson a good president? Andrew Jackson, the seventh President of the United States, is a controversial figure in American history. His presidency, marked by significant achievements and divisive policies, prompts the question of whether he can be considered a good president. This essay...

• Andrew Jackson

Understanding Why Do We Need a Government

The question of why we need a government has been at the heart of political and philosophical debates for centuries. The concept of governance and organized authority plays a crucial role in maintaining order, protecting rights, and promoting the common good within a society. This...

• Role of Government

The Role of Media in Democracy: Navigating Information and Accountability

The role of media in democracy is pivotal, serving as a cornerstone of informed citizenship and accountable governance. In democratic societies, media plays a multifaceted role — informing the public, scrutinizing those in power, and fostering open discourse. This essay will delve into the intricate...

Should the Minimum Wage be Raised: Analysis of Arguments

The question of whether the minimum wage should be raised is a topic that ignites passionate discussions about economic fairness, workers' well-being, and business viability. Advocates argue that a higher minimum wage can reduce poverty, improve living standards, and address income inequality. Opponents, on the...

• Minimum Wage

Should Prisoners Be Allowed to Vote: An Examination of the Debate

The question of whether prisoners should be allowed to vote has sparked significant debate and controversy in many countries around the world. The issue raises complex ethical, legal, and practical considerations that need to be carefully evaluated. In this essay, we will explore both sides...

Should Police Officers Wear Body Cameras

The question of whether police officers should wear body cameras is a topic that resonates with discussions about accountability, transparency, and the relationship between law enforcement and the community. Advocates argue that body cameras can enhance trust, provide an unbiased record of incidents, and improve...

• Body Camera
• Police Officer

Police Brutality in the Black Community: Addressing Injustice

The issue of police brutality, particularly within the context of the black community, has ignited passionate debates and prompted urgent calls for reform. The alarming frequency of violent encounters between law enforcement and black individuals has raised concerns about systemic racism, excessive use of force,...

• Police Brutality
• Racial Profiling

Is the Constitution a Living Document: A Document with Enduring Relevance

The Constitution of a nation serves as its foundational legal framework, shaping the governance and rights of its citizens. One ongoing debate revolves around whether the Constitution should be interpreted as a static document with fixed meanings or as a living document that evolves with...

• Constitution

Abigail Adams' Letter to John Adams: A Glimpse into History

Abigail Adams' letter to her husband John Adams is a remarkable piece of historical correspondence that provides valuable insights into the thoughts and perspectives of women during the early years of the United States. Written in 1776, amidst the revolutionary fervor and discussions about the...

• Abigail Adams
• John Quincy Adams

Why Student Loans Should be Forgiven: A Path to Economic Relief and Opportunity

The burden of student loans has become a pressing issue for countless individuals pursuing higher education. As tuition costs rise and the job market becomes increasingly competitive, many graduates find themselves weighed down by student debt. In this essay, we will explore the reasons why...

• Student Loan Debt
• Student Loans

Upholding Integrity: Exploring the Importance of Accountability in the Army

Accountability in the army is a cornerstone of discipline, efficiency, and trust within military organizations. Whether on the battlefield or in administrative duties, the concept of accountability is deeply embedded in the ethos of the armed forces. This essay delves into the importance of accountability...

• Army Values

Qualities of a Good Police Officer as the Backbone of Community Safety

A good police officer plays a vital role in maintaining law and order, ensuring the safety of the community, and upholding the principles of justice. This essay explores the essential qualities of a good police officer, shedding light on the characteristics that contribute to their...

My Pledge to Our Veterans: Honoring Sacrifice and Service

Our veterans have dedicated their lives to protecting our nation, defending our freedoms, and upholding the values we hold dear. As a citizen, I am deeply grateful for their sacrifices and unwavering commitment. This essay serves as a reflection of my pledge to our veterans,...

Examining the Pros and Cons of Gun Control

The debate surrounding gun control has been a longstanding and contentious issue, with proponents and opponents presenting valid arguments from their respective standpoints. This essay delves into the multifaceted discussion by exploring the pros and cons of gun control policies, shedding light on the complexities...

• Gun Violence

Kamala Harris Challenges Florida's Education Changes: A Battle Over History and Truth

Vice President Kamala Harris recently traveled to Jacksonville, Florida to speak out against the state's controversial changes to its African American history curriculum. In a speech at the Ritz Theatre and Museum, Harris criticized Florida Governor Ron DeSantis and the state Board of Education for...

• Kamala Harris

Biden and Longoria: A Heartwarming Friendship in Celebrating Latino Contributions

In June 2023, actress and activist Eva Longoria visited the White House for a meeting with President Joe Biden. Photos from the visit showed Biden warmly embracing Longoria, sparking amused reactions on social media. The image of the 46th President enveloping the petite Desperate Housewives...

Behind Biden's "God Save the Queen" Comment: Innocent Slip or Inappropriate Remark

President Joe Biden recently left some in the audience confused when he concluded a speech on gun control in Connecticut with the phrase "God Save the Queen." The comment came just months after Queen Elizabeth II passed away in September 2022 at the age of...

How President Biden's Joke on State Secrets Sparked Controversy and Criticism

A recent joke made by President Joe Biden about selling state secrets has sparked controversy and accusations from critics. During an event with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Biden quipped "I started off without you, and I sold a lot of state secrets and a...

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.'s Controversial Views on Race

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. hails from one of the most illustrious political lineages in the annals of American history, yet his personal legacy remains a tapestry of intricacies. As the nephew of the former President, John F. Kennedy, and the son of the ex-Attorney General...

• John F. Kennedy
• Politicians

What Is the Deep State: Shadowy Influencers or Conspiracy Theory

What is the Deep State? The notion of the "abyssal authority" alludes to a conjectured assemblage of influential and unelected government dignitaries who clandestinely operate to manipulate politics and policy, often to serve their personal interests. Though interpretations may diverge, the abyssal authority is generally...

• Conspiracy Theory

Unbreakable Spirit: Challenges and Achievements of Malala Yousafzai

This is a 5-paragraph essay about Malala, where we will briefly explore her extraordinary courage, inspiring advocacy for education, and the global impact of her unwavering determination. Malala Yousafzai was born on July 12th, 1997 in Mingora, which happens to be the largest city in...

• Famous Person

He Named Me Malala': Inspiring Hope, Courage, and Education

Malala is a campaigner for girls' education from Pakistan. On the 9th of October Malala was shot in the head by Taliban gunmen because she spoke up for the rights of girls to be educated. Malala survived being shot in the head and is continuing...

• Film Analysis
• Movie Review

How to Reduce Inflation: the Role of Monetary Policy and Measures

Inflation, the persistent rise in the general price level, poses challenges for individuals, businesses, and economies as a whole. Controlling and reducing inflation is a crucial objective for policymakers seeking to maintain stable economic conditions. There are several ways how to reduce inflation and this...

• Monetary Policy

Unraveling Theories of Inflation in Economics and Its Problem Nature

Inflation is the continual rise in prices, this is also known as a monetary problem. There are different monetary policies in order to keep inflation below a certain level one of these consist of inflation targeting which allows banks to keep a good stability on...

• Economic Problem

Malala Yousafzai's Speech: Analysis of Its Global Impact on Society

“I tell my story not because it is unique, but because it is the story of many girls.” Malala Yousafzai, a woman who was shot in the face by a gunman at just 15 years old. Despite facing immense adversity, including a targeted attack by...

The Problem of Police Brutality and Racism in Britain

Introduction Police racism in Britain dates back notably to April 1981 in the Brixton riots where black men were reportedly being maltreated by police (BBC News,2020). Police racism in Britain is understood to be manifested by police discretion that is inevitable in policing- where police...

Integrity and Service Before Self: the Air Force's Core Values

Integrity first, service before self and excellence in all we do are the three pillars of an Air Force airman. Many people embody these values before they know anything about an organization such as the United States Air Force. The civilians who live by the...

• United States Army

Analysis of President Barack Obama as a Leader

Successful leaders possess distinct traits and qualities that set them apart. One such leader is Barack Obama, who exemplifies several key leadership characteristics. Inspirational communication, unwavering conviction, and a willingness to take risks are among the qualities that have contributed to Obama's success. Furthermore, Obama's...

• Barack Obama

Examining Totalitarianism: Control and Governance Exposed

Theo Finigan starts by establishing an innocent relationship alongside readers in his persuasive argument. He wants to show a writing style that is meant to show credibility toward his readers as well as establish his credentials as an author. He focuses on totalitarianism, which can...

• Totalitarianism

Totalitarian Regimes of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union

Introduction This paper talks about the similarities and differences in the totalitarian elements of rule between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Totalitarianism is defined as a form of government in which all societal resources are monopolized by the state to control all aspects of...

• Adolf Hitler
• Joseph Stalin

Comparing Autocracy, Totalitarianism, and Democracy: Strengths and Weaknesses

Introduction There have been many forms of government, some more popular than others, that have been tried and tested globally throughout history. Winston Churchill, a former British prime minister once said, “… democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms...

• Dictatorship

Exploring Perspectives in the Memoir, 'My Father's Daughter'

Introduction In Shelia Fitzpatrick’s memoir ‘My Fathers Daughter’, the subtleties of the Fitzpatrick family dynamics are quite unusual, and throughout the memoir, they strive to be a “normal” family. We learn about these dynamics through the eyes of Fitzpatrick as she takes the reader through...

Public Debt and its Sustainability: Literature Analysis

Introduction The global financial crisis of 2008 triggered a shockwave of sudden awareness amongst all who were able to jump the metaphorical sinking ship in time. Others weren’t as lucky; Lehman Brothers sunk with a bang of almost $US 800billion and shocked the world quite...

• Gross Domestic Product
• Literature Analysis

Historiographical Discourse Around Marxism and Marx's Ideas

Introduction This essay will discuss a gobbet written by Karl Marx in the Communist Manifesto in 1848. It is a very short gobbet, but the subject matter is incredibly loaded and the historiographical discourse that surrounds the notion presented by Marx here is very wide....

• Historiography

Transitioning to a Cashless Economy: Challenges, Opportunities, and the Path Ahead

The world is now moving on from Paper Currency based economy to Cashless economy. By embracing Alternate Delivery Channels and other Cashless modes of payment which include old ones like NEFT,RTGS etc. to newer one’s like POS, e-wallets, debit and credit cards, UPI, BHIM etc....

Europe: Navigating Identity through Politics, Culture, and Economy

We can understand the term Europe from many different perspectives. There are four main definitions of Europe: Geographic, Political, Cultural and Socio-Economic. In my opinion, all of these definitions partially relate to each other. Despite that, the political definition is the most useful because it...

• European Union

Exploring the Relationship Between Sociological and Social Theory

Marxists stated that ‘’it is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but on the contrary, their social being determines their consciousness.’’ Marxist view of human consciousness is transforming false consciousness to true consciousness which people become aware of their human needs only...

• Critical Theory
• Sociological Theory

Economic Problems and Nationalism: Exploring the Relationship

Introduction when we speak about nationalism the first thought that comes to our mind is that it is a plan which includes some undesirable policies against other nations. From this aspect of the phenomenon, there is no any doubt that to use of aggressive policies...

• Nationalism

The Controversial Potential of Social Media Before Elections

With the rise of social media in recent years, it has slowly become a tool to utilise in democratic elections throughout the world. In this essay I will arguing that politicians participating in these elections are not utilising it to its full potential. I will...

• Effects of Social Media

The Sharing Economy - a New Paradigm in Consumerism

With the rise in technology, people are able to communicate and conduct business through the use of the Internet and social networks. This has led to a sharing economy, where consumers can connect and exchange goods and services. Starting a company in a shared economy...

• Consumer Behavior
• Effects of Industrialization

Joe Biden's Life and Political Activities: a Comprehensive Analysis

Who Is Joe Biden? Joe Biden immediately worked as an attorney preceding going to authoritative issues. He transformed into the fifth-most energetic U.S. senator in history as well as Delaware's longest-serving delegate. His 2008 authority mission never gotten a move on, but Equitable applicant Barack...

• Influential Person

Urban Infrastructure and Its Relation to Modern Living

Urban infrastructure is the networks of systems in a city that aid the running of the city and the people in it. It is a very broad term that refers to the framework that provides operation and organisation which in turn makes economic development possible...

• Infrastructure
• New Urbanism

Introduction to Urban Infrastructure: Transport Sector Development

Urban infrastructure defines the framework of a city and its inhabitants and is an important factor in the outcome of a city’s economic growth. To keep up with GDP growth, it is estimated that $17 trillion is required for the Asia-Pacific region to meet this...

• Transportation

Politicians as the Decision Makers Must Share the Blame

Throughout world war 1, 1914, there were several campaigns fought by the ANZAC’s. The most well-known was the Gallipoli campaign of 1914 fought by the British allies against the Turkish forces. The campaign caused several heavy casualties. Most individuals now days would say that these...

• World History

Racial Inequality: the Changing Role of American Federal Government

Throughout history, our country has faced one problem - Racial inequality. From the very beginning, our country has been built on immigration, but we as a nation tend to forget that. With time has been proven that white male supremacy is one of the oldest...

• African American
• American Government
• Federal Government

The Political Theory of John Locke: a Critical Analysis

This essay aims to discuss John Locke's political theory within the Two Treatises of Government, particularly in regards to the State of Nature due to its imperative role within the foundations of the Social Contract between the legislative and the sovereign (the citizens). The Social...

• Political theories

Two Main Differences Between Conservatives and Socialism

There are numerous contrasts among Conservatives and Socialism, one of them being their perspectives on human instinct. In a socialist's view, individuals are social creatures who flourish best when they are associated with one another. People are not driven exclusively by self-centred interests however can...

• Conservatism

Teen Activists: Great Examples of Youth Bravery

There are innumerable teen activists in the world. Some are famous. Others - unknown. Notwithstanding, they all work to make the world a better place. Three activists are extremely prominent. These three are Malala Yousafzai on education, Alex Lin on e-waste, and Iqbal Masih on child...

Influence and Role of Transportation Infrastructure on Urban Scale

The spatial type of urban areas is obviously impacted by a scope of social, political, institutional and administrative conditions in different settings, and these should be comprehended in considering city structure. Low-thickness urban communities organized around the engine vehicle are frequently hard to access for...

• Public Transport

Federal Government Responsibility for Issues in HealthCare

The health care system in America today is at best a failing system. One both ends of the spectrum we have people who are unable to pay for incilen, prescriptions, and the pharmaceutical companies who abuse the free market and can charge any price they...

• Healthcare Crisis

Factors Leading to Frequent Military Interventions in Pakistan

The evolution of the civil-military relations in Pakistan was affected by many factors that were unique to the developing world. The political and administration infrastructures of Pakistan have to be built from the scratch is one these factors. Like Indian Army, Pakistan army originated from...

• Armed Forces

Comparison of Activism in the 60-70's and Nowadays

The activist during the 60’s and 70’s had different ways of doing things from now on. During the 60’s there was an upsurge in civil rights and promoting freedom and equality. The way that activist do things now are different, they use Twitter or Instagram...

Explanation of the Inconclusiveness of the 1979 Elections in Ghana

The 1925 election made way for subsequent elections to take place in the Gold Coast now known as Ghana. Before, voting was restricted to just a few people mostly chiefs, property owners and others. The beginning of the first proper elections in the then Gold...

• Political Party

The Sharing Economy in Australia and the Associated Tax Obstacles

The 'sharing economy' is a term that describes individuals utilizing web applications to lease their property, assets, time and skills. Sharing economy stages enable users to monetise the estimation of surplus limit in the utilization of advantages or work, for instance, vehicles or transportation administrations....

Vulnerability of Stock Markets During Elections Times

Stock Markets around Elections Surging on waves of excitement and sliding under burdens of panic, Stock Markets are precarious indicators of the economies of nations but accurate reflections of people’s sentiments. They’re shaken by any unexpected event that may or may not affect company fundamentals....

• Stock Market

Politicians and Comedians: It's Time to Change the Voice

Sociopolitical jokes circulated on social media are frequently irreverent and sometimes reflect ignorance. But those that center on issues that are emotive, unpleasant or confusing are often wildly popular. That is because the humor provides comic relief that temporarily defuses the tense feeling evoked by...

A Comparative Analysis: Gunpowder and Nuclear Weapons in Military History

Since the establishment of civilizations, man has been interested in inventing simple tools to defend himself, but with the development of lifestyles and the rise of nations. The interest has become greater in developing military methods and developing weapons. In this article I will discuss...

• Nuclear Weapon

Analysis of the Controversy Surrounding Military Spending

Should the government decrease military spending, or should it increase military spending? This is a question that many Americans wrestle with, and politically speaking, is a point of great contention since to many, military might evoke a sense of security. However, when considering this question...

Formation of Political Theories Using Ideas of Great Philosophers

Politics aid in shaping decisions that affect all aspects of our lives. To begin with, political theory is the study of concepts that have shaped our politics and the enduring questions that individuals are concerned about within society. Some of the issues usually addressed in...

A Story of Pearl Mary Gibbs: Fighting for Equality and Justice

Pearl Mary Gibbs, an Aboriginal Activist, Born in Botany Bay, in 1901, did many things in her lifetime defending indigenous Australians, Gibbs especially focussed her efforts on ATSI women’s rights, particularly regarding their slavery in domestic service and their sexual exploitation, this was inspired by...

The Indian Economy: the Main Changes in the Last 55 Years

On 14 August 1947, Nehru had declared: “Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge. The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the great triumph and...

Joe Biden's Impact on US Politics: Past, Present, and Future

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Establishing a Shadow Great British Railways

Government will begin delivering improvements for rail passengers and freight users straight away.

Today (3 September 2024) I am announcing that I will be instructing the CEO of Network Rail, the Director General for Rail Services in the Department for Transport, and the CEO of DfT OLR Holdings Ltd ( DOHL ) to establish a Shadow Great British Railways. As the main organisations responsible for the operational railway, they will be working in closer collaboration, bringing together track and train to deliver for passengers and freight users, ahead of legislation to create Great British Railways ( GBR ) as an arm’s length body.

Our manifesto committed to putting passengers at the heart of the service by reforming the railways and bringing them into public ownership. Great British Railways will be created to deliver a unified system that focuses on reliable, affordable, high-quality, and efficient services; along with ensuring safety and accessibility.

GBR will put passengers back at the heart of the railways and introduce new measures to protect their interests. This will include paving the way for a powerful new passenger watchdog, the Passenger Standards Authority, to independently monitor standards and champion improvement in service performance against a range of measures. Great British Railways will reform the ticketing system, to make it simpler for passengers, drive innovation across the network, replace the current myriad of ticket types and maximise passenger growth.

There will be a statutory duty on GBR to promote the use of rail freight, alongside an overall growth target set by the Secretary of State. The government will include safeguards to ensure that freight operators continue to receive fair access to the network. Open access operators have a proven track record in driving competition and better passenger outcomes, and where there is a case that open access operators can add value and capacity to the network, they will be able to.

While primary legislation is required to initiate the change to public ownership and establish GBR , this government will begin delivering improvements for passengers and freight users straight away. That is why I am taking the immediate step of standing up Shadow Great British Railways today. The 3 organisations will work collaboratively, taking a whole-system approach to decision-making and driving improvement, whilst retaining their existing accountabilities and duties.

We can achieve change on how organisations work together quickly. But change on the ground, for those who use the railway, will take time. Our railways are fragmented and have been for decades, suffering from a short-sighted investment approach and not providing the services passengers and freight customers need. Delivering change for passengers will rely on building new levels of trust, openness and transparency across the industry, with diverse teams brought together that reflect the customers and communities we serve – setting the tone for reform and enabling us to create a modern and affordable railway for everyone in Britain.

I will expect Shadow Great British Railways to be passenger focused and unlock barriers to delivery. I will also expect it to work alongside my team and I with rail stakeholders and partners across Great Britain, including national and regional governments, mayors, the trade unions, train operators, passenger and freight representative groups, the supply chain, the regulator and railway staff to deliver improvements. As part of the plans for reform, this includes the need to speed up training for drivers and collaborate with the sector to build resilience and improve productivity.

I will be writing to the Chief Executives and the Director General to set their initial priorities and how I expect them to work together as Shadow Great British Railways.

Transport Secretary fires the starting gun on rail reform as Public Ownership Bill reaches final stages in Commons , press notice.

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What It’s Like to Respond to Mpox in Africa Right Now

I t was early morning in Burundi when one of our patients set out for the hospital, her baby strapped to her back and her sick four-year-old son cradled in her arms. When her little boy’s itchy sores started to weep and he would not stop crying, she knew she had to get him there as quickly as possible. They trekked for miles up a dusty red path, passing palm groves and rice fields as they made their way. When she finally arrived, the doctors told her they’d have to move her son to a separate building. “He has mpox,” they said.

Scenes like this are playing out daily all over Burundi—and in other Central African countries—as thousands of people are falling sick with a new strain of mpox that is ravaging the region. On Aug. 14, 2024, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared that the multiple mpox outbreaks occurring on the African continent were a Public Health Emergency of International Concern. Although mpox has been around for decades, a new strain known as clade Ib has led to thousands of infections and hundreds of deaths in countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Burundi, Rwanda, and the Central African Republic.

The WHO declaration was meant to spur an international response. But what has this looked like on the ground? As doctors who have treated dozens of mpox patients in Burundi over the past four weeks, take it from us: the response has been passive at best. People are in desperate need of both medical care and basic resources.

Read More : What to Know About Mpox in 2024

The limited funding is largely being directed toward improving mpox diagnosis and surveillance. Almost nothing is left over to care for the sick or prevent the continued spread of mpox in communities most at risk. This is especially heartbreaking since this outbreak seems to preferentially strike vulnerable groups, including women, children, people with HIV, and those who face food insecurity. This gap in mpox prevention and care is especially acute in countries like Burundi, where the health system is already strained after decades of civil war and where diseases like cholera, measles, malaria, and malnutrition are all too common.

One of our other patients came to the hospital with her newborn whom she was breastfeeding. She had walked for hours to reach us, seeking help for the numerous painful lesions that now covered most of her skin. She was diagnosed with mpox, and we recommended that she stop breastfeeding to avoid the skin-to-skin contact by which mpox spreads. Having no other way to nourish her child, she became distraught at being asked to choose between the baby going hungry or the baby developing mpox. There were no vaccines to protect the baby and no other resources available to provide a safe feeding alternative for this family.

Read More : It’s Time to Start Taking Mpox and Bird Flu Seriously

This lack of care-focused resources for people with mpox is not a failure of science. Mpox is not a new disease, and there are vaccines and medications that can greatly alter its course. But these tools are not available in the hospitals and health centers that are tasked with caring for a growing number of people with mpox every day. A scant 250,000 courses of the only effective vaccine have been earmarked for DRC, when tens of millions of doses are actually needed to curb mpox’s spread. And smaller counties like Burundi have no access at all. By contrast, when one patient with the clade Ib strain was diagnosed in Sweden, the European Centers for Disease Control decided to recommend that travelers to Africa now consult their physicians about receiving shots.

Governments in the region are trying valiantly to respond to the mpox crisis. In Burundi, the government has developed a comprehensive national plan for managing mpox. But they should not have to shoulder the burden alone—and these regions desperately need partners who can immediately step up and provide:

• Dignified services to those already sick with mpox, including care in the community for people who are stable and at the hospital for those who have severe disease or who are at high risk for it. Such care would include access to proven strategies for decreasing the sickness and suffering associated with mpox, such as antivirals, antibiotics, and anti-inflammatory eye drops to prevent the blindness sometimes seen when mpox affects the eye. It would also address the socioeconomic needs of families: hunger, housing, childcare, and management of common comorbidities, including HIV.
• Localized, preventive care . This works best when it originates within the community and could include adapting standard health-education messaging so that it is relevant for those most at risk. Epidemics exploit fractures in society and can escalate pre-existing tensions. Mpox mitigation measures should be paired with activities meant to foster collaboration and address other community needs.
• Immediate vaccination in places where the epidemic is concentrated. Because most impacted regions face challenges with overcrowding and limited access to water, other preventive measures will be less effective. Releasing existing vaccines for use in Central Africa and making sure they can be imported, stored, and administered safely should be a priority.
• Investment in strengthening health systems , since infectious diseases will always prey upon people whose health is most precarious. Instead of providing the bare minimum necessary to respond to mpox, donors should see this outbreak as a call for backing solid and lasting investments in building resilient health systems.

Models of mpox care that embrace these pillars have been developed in countries like Burundi. When the first patients with mpox began appearing in the rural areas, our team at Village Health Works—an organization founded by a Burundian to provide high-quality health care to those with limited access—launched a holistic response program called Halting the Mpox Outbreak with Equity (HOME). We stand ready to support the government regionally and nationally but need to mobilize resources to do so effectively.

There is a global sense of fatigue when it comes to outbreaks, and mpox is no exception. What is happening to families in Central Africa can seem very far away. People reaching for their smartphones or laptops to Google where countries like Burundi are located should realize, however, that they already have a connection to Central Africa. The minerals that power these technologies have been extracted from the area by companies that have reaped billions of dollars in profit. Very little of this capital has been reinvested for the betterment of people living there.

The weak mpox response on the ground shows that governments and their international collaborations are impotent in the face of an outbreak like this. And really, it shouldn’t just be their responsibility: companies that get rich by taking materials out of this region of the world should have to reinvest in building sustainable health systems.

We are used to hearing the word “outbreak” in conjunction with the spread of an infectious disease. But an alternative meaning of the term is “a sudden increase in activity.” We urgently need an outbreak of solidarity and resource mobilization to end mpox in Central Africa.

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