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The Foreign policy of Pakistan: issues, challenges, and solutions

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Introduction

With various issues: political instability, less coordination among state institutions, and poor economy, it can be contesting for Pakistan to manage its internal and external challenges, like the Kashmir problem, the US-India nexus, the arm-race in South Asia and establishing peace in Afghanistan. However, to make itself influential based on its foreign policy in the competitive world, Pakistan has to maintain good relations with its neighbours, confidence in all super-powers, and curb non-state actors.

What is meant by the foreign policy?

The foreign policy of Pakistan

Fundamental principles of Pakistan’s foreign policy

• To protect its sovereignty
• To maintain good relations with the Muslim world
• To observe the principle of non-interference
• To implement the UN Charter
• To support self-determination

Current scenario of Pakistan foreign policy

Challenges to Pakistan’s foreign policy

• Existing political instability
• Increasing Balochistan conundrum
• Prevailing terrorism and sectarianism
• Non-solving Kashmir problem
• Growing nexus of US-India
• Hanging sword of FATF
• Defaming the international Image of Pakistan
• Establishing peace in Afghanistan

Issues in Pakistan foreign policy

• The minimum coordination among state institutions
• The issue of incompetent policymakers
• The presence of inept leadership
• The burden of geographical location
• The enigma of religious fundamentalism

Way forward

• To maintain good relations with all neighbours
• To initiate a balanced approach toward the Middle East countries
• To give equal weightage to all superpowers
• To refrain from interference in internal affairs of other countries
• To promote political stability
• To boost the economic condition
• To curb non-state actors

Critical analysis

Conclusion 

Answer to the Question

Nothing in this globalized world for a modern country is as important as sound foreign relations to secure its geographical, economic, and ideological interests. Living in isolation is no more in the interests of a country. Therefore, every developed or developing country has to formulate a peaceful and objective-oriented foreign policy keeping in view its national interests. Being a developing country, Pakistan enjoys its own effective and productive foreign policy based on its security and economic motives. It entertains cordial relations with all countries of the world. However, Pakistan faces several challenges regarding its foreign relations regarding the Kashmir issue, Indian aggressiveness, war-torn Afghanistan, the Middle East crisis, and a few more. These hurdles seem impossible to be managed by Pakistan in the presence of multiple issues such as fragile policies, a weak economy, a vulnerable geographical location, and the presence of non-state actors. In short, if Pakistan intends to formulate a successful foreign policy and manage its internal and external impediments, it has to eradicate all issues related to its economic, political, and ideological interests.

“Domestic policy can only defeat us; foreign policy can kill us.”  John F. Kennedy

Foreign policy is the total of objectives, principles, and interests that a state keeps in view establishing its peaceful relations with other countries. Professor Joseph Frankel has aptly said, “Foreign policy consists of decisions and actions that involve relations between one state and others to some appreciable extent.” Moreover, it reflects domestic policies by which a country extends its relations to other sovereign nations. That is why the foreign policy of one state has profound effects on the neighbouring countries. Hence, Pakistan should make itself a stable country economically and politically to establish sound interactions with other countries.  

Having hostile neighbours on both eastern and western sides, Pakistan’s foreign policy is mainly revolved around its key concerns, such as preserving its sovereignty, protecting its territorial integrity, and promoting the well-being of its people through economic development. Besides, Pakistan believes in maintaining good relations with all other countries on the basis of equality. Moreover, Pakistan has been the focal point of international politics owing to its geographical location. Being a gateway connecting many countries, Pakistan’s foreign policy can determine the fate of the region and affect international stability. Hence, Pakistan should formulate a peaceful foreign policy to secure its national interests in the best possible way.

“Success in foreign policy, as in carpentry, requires the right tool for the job.” Richard N. Haass

Fundamental principles of Pakistan’s foreign policy 

Being a self-reliant state, the foreign policy of Pakistan is based on some essential principles. In the first place, Pakistan’s foreign policy at all costs ensures the sovereignty and independence of the country. Pakistan is the outcome of the great sacrifices of millions of Muslims, and that is why freedom of the country has become an integral part of its foreign policy. Second, Pakistan always seeks to maintain strong relations with all Muslim countries. For this very purpose, Pakistan has joined many organizations of Muslim countries to enhance its relationship with them. Third, Pakistan’s foreign policy is based on the principle of non-interference; thus, it never meddles in the internal affairs of other countries unless they invite it. Fourth, Pakistan does not ignore the UN Charter while formulating its foreign policy. It always supports all the moves of the UN in true essence. Lastly, Pakistan’s foreign policy is based on the principle of self-determination. Hence, it fights orally for the independence of Kashmir and Palestine based on this very principle.   

Various internal and external challenges surround the foreign policy of Pakistan. Political instability in the country implements Pakistan’s foreign policy problematic for political stability is the hallmark of vibrant and efficient foreign policy. Moreover, the Balochistan issue is another internal hurdle in the way of Pakistan’s foreign policy. It limits the thinking capacity of policymakers because their minds stick to internal affairs only. Moreover, terrorism, extremism and sectarianism in the country have further jeopardized Pakistan’s foreign policy. Besides internal ones, external challenges are more dangerous as they directly influence Pakistan’s foreign policy development. The most crucial challenge among them is the Kashmir problem, for this very issue has been complicating the foreign relations of Pakistan and India since their independence. No one is ready to compromise on their interests related to Kashmir because it is the best water source for both of them. Furthermore, the US-India nexus and culture of the arms race in South Asia are giving a tough time to Pakistan’s foreign policy. Additionally, the sword of FATF, along with a bad image of Pakistan, are creating more impediments in the way of Pakistan’s foreign policy. Lastly, establishing peace in Afghanistan is the most exciting challenge for the Foreign Ministry of Pakistan. Hence, all these internal and external challenges contain the smooth progress of Pakistan’s foreign policy.

“How can I play baseball when I’m worried about foreign policy.” Charles M. Schulz

Issues in the foreign policy of Pakistan 

The foreign policy of Pakistan cannot protect the national interests of Pakistan properly in the presence of various issues. First, less or no coordination among the state institutions and intelligence agencies leaves Pakistan’s foreign policy at the mercy of the Foreign Ministry only. Thus, there remain many loopholes while formulating it. Second, incompetent policymakers and inept leadership frame opportunistic foreign policies that are not long-lasting; therefore, these policies are insufficient to attain the country’s national interests. Third, the geographical location of Pakistan makes it more complicated for the Foreign Ministry of Pakistan to analyze satisfactory regional and global changing interests. Lastly, religious fundamentalists inside the country influence Pakistan’s foreign policy for their vicious interests. In short, all these issues play a significant role in making Pakistan’s foreign policy directionless and problematic.  

Way forward 

Pakistan must take concrete measures to make its foreign policy vibrant and effective. In the first place, Pakistan should maintain better relations with all its neighbouring countries, especially India and Afghanistan. For this reason, Pakistan must at all costs resolve all its problems with these countries like the issue of Kashmir. Next to it, Pakistan has to adopt a balanced approach toward all Middle East countries. Therefore, it must engage itself with all these countries equally. Besides, Pakistan must take all superpowers of the world, especially the US, China, and Russia. All of them are equally important for preserving the national interests of Pakistan. Apart from it, Pakistan should not meddle in the internal affairs of other countries and always stick to the UN Charter.

Additionally, Pakistan has to improve its political stability to give extra focus to internal affairs. Furthermore, moving ahead, Pakistan must improve its economic condition to pursue good relations with other countries equally. Lastly, Pakistan must take stringent actions against all non-state actors roaming inside the country so that they cannot degrade the international image of Pakistan. In this way, Pakistan can make itself influential with the help of a vibrant and well-organized foreign policy in this competitive world.

“Here is my first principle of foreign policy: good governance at home.” William E. Gladstone

The foreign policy works as a building block for a country to initiate good relations with other countries. Without a durable and effective foreign policy, a country can’t engage itself successfully with other countries. Every country must change its foreign policy with time as there is no permanent friends or foe in the international arena. That is why Pakistan should maintain exemplary relations with other countries based on an objective-oriented foreign policy. In this way, Pakistan can secure its national interest abroad effectively.

To conclude, the foreign policy of Pakistan is surrounded by multiple challenges. These challenges make it difficult for Pakistan’s foreign policy to preserve the country’s national interest. That is why Pakistan is at loggerheads with many nations due to its short-sighted foreign policy. These hurdles cannot be managed fruitfully by Pakistan unless the existing issues related to foreign policy are resolved. Only then Pakistan can live peacefully with other nations based on its durable foreign policy, and it can protect its national interest in the best possible way.

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Pakistan and international relations ( english ).

Q.1:- What is meant by Foreign Policy? Explain the basic principles & objectives of the foreign policy of Pakistan?

• Definition of Foreign Policy
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Q.2:- Discuss the relation b/w Pakistan and China.

Q.3:- Explain the relations b/w Pakistan and India.

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Q.5:- Write the comprehensive note on Economic Co-operation Organization (ECO).

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South Asia Brief: Pakistan Unveils New Counterterrorism Plan

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Pakistan Unveils New Counterterrorism Plan

The timing of the announcement suggests that china could play a role in the strategy..

• Foreign & Public Diplomacy
• Michael Kugelman

Welcome to  Foreign Policy ’s South Asia Brief.

The highlights this week: Pakistan reinvigorates its counterterrorism strategy —likely with an eye to Chinese interests in the country, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi looks to strengthen engagement with his neighbors as he begins his third term, and the United Nations includes Taliban representatives in the latest Doha process talks .

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Pakistan’s new counterterrorism strategy.

Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s office announced a “reinvigorated” national counterterrorism strategy last Saturday, promising a combination of “kinetic efforts,” new legislation to bolster terrorism prosecutions, and steps to counter violent extremism.

On Tuesday, Sharif clarified that the strategy, which Islamabad emphasizes is not yet finalized, will focus more on intensifying existing intelligence-based operations than on launching new military offensives. Still, the shift marks one of the biggest steps yet to tackle an increasing terrorist threat in Pakistan, where attacks increased by two-thirds between 2022 and 2023.

Pakistan has held talks with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), or the Pakistani Taliban, which presents the country’s main threat; pressured the Afghan Taliban to curb anti-Pakistan militant activity in Afghanistan; and staged cross-border strikes in Afghanistan. None of these policies has solved the problem.

Some analysts rightly attribute the timing of the decision to the political moment. After a long period of internal turmoil, some political and economic stability has returned to Pakistan, giving the powerful military the space to pursue this strategy, which could help it regain public support after recent hits to its public image.

However, there is also good reason to believe that China was a motivating factor driving the new plan—and that it might even play a role in the strategy once it is implemented.

China is Pakistan’s closest ally, and yet it faces serious terrorism risks in Pakistan today. The most active militant groups in Pakistan—the TTP , the Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K), and the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA)—have all targeted Chinese nationals or interests. Many Chinese investment projects are in western Pakistan, near the border with Afghanistan, which is especially vulnerable to terrorism .

A string of attacks targeting Chinese interests in Pakistan in recent years has led Beijing to repeatedly call on Islamabad to provide better security. Tellingly, Pakistan announced its new counterterrorism plan soon after Sharif returned from a five-day visit to China.

The TTP is based in Afghanistan and closely allied with the Afghan Taliban, which have resisted Pakistani pressure to rein in the group. This is where there may be a potential role for Beijing. China has considerable leverage over the Taliban: a large amount of capital that it could deploy toward investments in Afghanistan if its terrorism concerns there are addressed. (Militants have struck Chinese targets in Afghanistan as well as Pakistan.)

Pakistan’s own leverage in Afghanistan has diminished since the Taliban takeover, as the group no longer requires Pakistani sanctuary. Islamabad may hope that Beijing will press the Taliban to take steps that reduce the TTP threat in Pakistan. This would additionally serve Chinese interests by reducing risks in Afghanistan: If cross-border terrorism decreases, Pakistan has less incentive to stage strikes in Afghanistan, where China is exploring investment possibilities.

One shouldn’t rule out the United States here: Increasing anxieties about the growing capacity of IS-K, which is also based in Afghanistan, to project a global threat have sharpened shared U.S.-Pakistan concerns about the group. The countries recently held a bilateral counterterrorism dialogue . But there are limits to their counterterrorism cooperation; most U.S. security aid to Pakistan has been suspended since 2018, and their primary concerns now differ.

Moreover, the Biden administration has largely moved on from Afghanistan nearly three years after its military withdrawal. The United States appears satisfied with the Taliban’s own operations against IS-K, which unlike the TTP is a Taliban rival. By contrast, China has an outsized investment presence in Pakistan and is exploring deeper engagements in Afghanistan.

At the end of the day, China now has more skin in the game in the region than the United States does, which may make Beijing a more viable counterterrorism partner for Islamabad going forward.

What We’re Following

India ramps up regional diplomacy. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is sending strong signals that stepped-up engagement in the neighborhood will be a foreign-policy priority as he begins his third term. He invited many regional leaders to his swearing-in ceremony this month, and in the last few days India has held high-level talks with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina met Modi last Saturday, marking the first visit from a foreign leader to New Delhi in his third term. It was a substantive meeting, resulting in agreements to boost cooperation on maritime and water management issues, health, connectivity, and visas.

On June 20, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar traveled to Sri Lanka, meeting top leaders including Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe and emphasizing the importance of long-term economic cooperation. New Delhi extended more than $4 billion in financial support during Sri Lanka’s economic crisis in 2022 and 2023. Jaishankar also met with Sri Lankan opposition leaders, a move likely meant to ensure robust ties as Sri Lanka’s elections approach this fall.

Taliban to participate in U.N.-hosted talks. On June 30, the United Nations will convene two days of talks between global envoys to Afghanistan and Taliban leaders. This will be the third installment of the so-called Doha process—but it is the first time that the Taliban will participate. They were not invited to the first round of talks and declined an invitation to the second.

The Taliban’s participation this year is especially controversial because Afghan civil society, human rights, and women leaders have not been invited . U.N. officials say they want to use the talks as an opportunity for global leaders to speak directly to the Taliban about how to ensure that more financial assistance reaches Afghan people and businesses.

The U.N. special envoy to Afghanistan insists that the discussions of economic issues are intended to help Afghan women and others facing significant hardships. Additionally, U.N. authorities say that rights issues will be discussed, especially the regime’s bans on women’s education, and that Afghan civil society leaders will be able to consult with U.N. officials and global envoys.

However, the U.N.’s decision has sparked an uproar among many Afghans and global critics. Amnesty International warned that excluding Afghan women and rights leaders will leave the Doha process “in tatters.” The U.N. is likely trying to be pragmatic, but in the end, the Taliban are getting exactly what they want: participation in a high-level international negotiation without the involvement of those they don’t want at the table.

Modi won’t attend annual SCO summit. As he pushes forward on regional diplomacy, Modi appears to be taking a momentary step back from Central Asia. He has reportedly decided that he will not attend the annual Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit on July 3 and 4 in Kazakhstan, sending Jaishankar instead. Four SCO members are Central Asian states.

Although India initially indicated that Modi would go, it now says that he will not attend because the summit clashes with the first parliamentary session of his new term, which runs from June 24 to July 3. Still, Modi’s decision not to attend even part of the summit is striking; India is strongly committed to strengthening engagement with Central Asia.

This suggests that there are other considerations beyond scheduling. Modi may not want to engage with the leaders of Pakistan and China. New Delhi’s relations with Islamabad have grown more tense since a recent rash of terrorist attacks in Indian-administered Kashmir, and with Beijing since India facilitated a meeting last week between a U.S. congressional delegation and the Dalai Lama, Tibet’s spiritual leader.

Given the centrality of Central Asia in India’s foreign-policy calculus, one can’t rule out Modi having a last-minute change of heart and attending the summit after all.

FP’s Most Read This Week

• NATO’s New Leader Was Planning This the Whole Time by Caroline de Gruyter
• What a War Between Israel and Hezbollah Might Look Like by Amy Mackinnon
• What the United States Can Learn From China by Stephen M. Walt

Under the Radar

Last week, Pakistani Ambassador to Russia Muhammad Khalid Jamali said that Islamabad accepted an invitation from Russian President Vladimir Putin to join the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), which, as envisioned, would stretch from Europe to Central Asia, the Middle East, and India. Jamali said that Pakistan “in principle has agreed” and is taking formal steps to join the project.

Russia and Pakistan have friendly ties and some shared interests, including curbing terrorist threats such as that of IS-K. Last year, Pakistan began importing Russian oil. But the relationship is not very substantive, especially compared to Moscow’s long-standing partnership with New Delhi.

Russia seems to be turning to South Asia to show the West that it continues to have friends and partners that are willing to work with it even amid its war in Ukraine. Indeed, Pakistan has good reasons to join the INSTC, given its long-standing desire to strengthen ties with Central Asia through cross-border connectivity projects .

India may not welcome this development, although it serves in a variety of multilateral entities with Pakistan, from the SCO to a long-elusive gas pipeline project that includes Afghanistan and Turkmenistan. In recent days, Moscow has also underscored its special relationship with New Delhi, with the two countries moving to approve a draft agreement that would strengthen interoperability between their militaries.

Michael Kugelman is the writer of Foreign Policy ’s weekly South Asia Brief. He is the director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center in Washington. Twitter:  @michaelkugelman

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‘No dialogue’: Pakistan says open to attacks on Afghan-based armed groups

The comments come amid heightened tensions between the neighbours and a new Pakistani military offensive.

Islamabad, Pakistan — Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif has warned that the country would not hesitate to launch attacks on the territory of Afghanistan, its neighbour, amid rising tensions between the two over security concerns.

When asked whether Pakistan would consider cross-border attacks to control perpetrators, the Asif replied to an interviewer, “If the need arises, there is nothing more important than Pakistan’s sovereignty.”

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‘azm-e-istehkam’: can new pakistani military operation curb armed attacks, pakistan’s defence and spy chiefs discuss security with taliban, what explains the dramatic rise in armed attacks in pakistan.

Addressing the legality of potential cross-border attacks, Asif argued that Pakistan must prioritise its own interests. “It is also a violation of international norms when Afghan soil is used to export terrorism, with those responsible receiving protection and safe havens by the people there,” he added.

In the interview on Thursday, he also rejected the prospects of any dialogue with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), also known as the Pakistan Taliban, an armed group accused by Pakistan of launching attacks from across the border.

“There is no chance of a dialogue with them. What do we talk about, we need to have a common ground to speak to them,” Asif said.

The interview follows Pakistan’s recent announcement of a renewed military operation named Azm-e-Istehkam , aimed at curbing escalating violence since November 2022, when the TTP unilaterally ended a ceasefire .

Founded in 2007 and aligned ideologically with the Afghan Taliban, the TTP is an armed group advocating for the reversal of the merger of Pakistan’s northwestern tribal regions with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, and stricter enforcement of their interpretation of Islamic laws in the region.

Pakistan has repeatedly accused armed groups of launching attacks from Afghanistan, where it says the ruling Afghan Taliban, in power since August 2021, provides them with a safe haven. The Taliban denies these allegations.

Relations between the two neighbours have deteriorated significantly in the past two years, with numerous border skirmishes that have often led to closures of border crossings .

In March this year, Pakistan conducted air strikes inside Afghan territory in retaliation for attacks that resulted in the deaths of seven soldiers in Pakistan’s North Waziristan district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.

The Afghan interim government claimed that Pakistan targeted ordinary Afghan homes and condemned what it termed as its neighbour’s reckless actions.

Yet, even as Asif’s comments underscored the taut ties between the neighbours, Pakistan has insisted that it is not shutting the door on Afghanistan – and is keen to remain engaged in its neighbour’s future.

Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar said on June 27 in the National Assembly that the country would send a delegation to attend United Nations-hosted talks with the Afghan Taliban in Qatar’s capital, Doha, on June 30.

Dar, who also serves as the country’s deputy prime minister, added that the foreign office is planning a future visit by officials to Kabul.

“Afghanistan remains a top priority on our agenda. Make no mistake, Afghanistan has not been ignored by this government,” he emphasised.

However, Riccardo Valle, a researcher based in Venice with The Khorasan Diary – a non-partisan platform run by journalists – said that while improving the country’s security situation was necessary, the Azm-e-Istehkam operation could have negative consequences for Pakistan’s relations with the Afghan Taliban and may not achieve the goal of reducing violence.

“Pakistan has previously conducted air strikes, reportedly targeting TTP militants’ camps. These actions not only failed to weaken the group but also triggered strong propaganda responses from the TTP,” Valle told Al Jazeera.

Pakistan has witnessed a surge in violence over the past 18 months, with data showing more than 700 attacks in 2023 alone, resulting in nearly 1,000 deaths, primarily among law enforcement personnel.

The government has dispatched numerous delegations to Kabul, including a high-level visit by Asif and Pakistan’s intelligence chief, General Nadeem Anjum, in February 2023 , yet mutual distrust between the two nations persists.

Valle notes the close relationship and shared ideology between the TTP and the ruling Afghan Taliban, making it challenging to envision a scenario where the Afghan Taliban would crack down on the Pakistan Taliban.

The researcher pointed out that the announcement of Operation Azm-e-Istehkam had already stoked fierce resistance from residents and political parties in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

“Today in Afghanistan, there exists a regime maintaining ties with the Pakistani Taliban. By launching this operation, Pakistan risks fostering further grievances in the province towards the state, potentially aiding the TTP,” he said.

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On June 26, Armenia’s Security Council Secretary accused Russia of ‘taking Karabakh’ from Armenia and ‘returning it’ to Azerbaijan, adding that Armenia’s military cooperation with Russia, on whom Armenia was ‘completely dependent’, had dropped from ‘96% to less than 10%’. According to Grigoryan, this shift was ‘Russia’s decision and choice’. Following this, parliament speaker Alen Simonian announced a referendum on Armenia’s membership in the EU “in the near future”, claiming that “Our society has made a decision to be part of the European Union.”

Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s government is notorious for its populist and reckless policies, both domestically and internationally. For example, Pashinyan once promised to boost Armenia’s population to 5 million by 2050, despite a UN report projecting a decline to 2,039,000 by 2100. Unrealistic promises, such as hosting the FIFA World Cup, increasing GDP fifteenfold, developing multiple $10 billion technology companies, and achieving top ranks in military and intelligence capabilities, have characterized his tenure.

Recent developments in Armenia’s foreign policy show that Pashinyan continues to use populism to maintain power. This kind of populist posturing has had negative impacts not only on Armenia but also on its neighbors, creating security risks for the region and thus complicating the peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

This article focuses on the baseless claim that Russia orchestrated the return of Karabakh to Azerbaijan. This narrative is fundamentally flawed for two main reasons. Above all, it was the Azerbaijan Armed Forces that liberated the occupied territories in 2020 and 2023. In  2020, during the 44-day war, also known as the Second Karabakh War, Azerbaijan achieved a decisive military victory, ending Armenia’s 30-year occupation and forcing it to sign an act of capitulation. This victory was achieved despite significant sacrifices, including many martyrs. The Armenian leadership admitted that over 10,000 soldiers deserted during the war, highlighting Armenia’s military inadequacies and lack of motivation among its troops.

Secondly, rather than acknowledging its failures, Pashinyan’s government seeks to deflect blame onto Russia. This deflection overlooks the long-standing robust military alliance Armenia has maintained with Russia, serving as Moscow’s primary ally in the South Caucasus. In return, Armenia has received military supplies at discounted prices or free of charge. This partnership has significantly shaped Armenia’s military strategy and supported its occupation of Azerbaijani territories.

In the early 1990s, Armenia occupied the Karabakh region and surrounding territories of Azerbaijan with substantial military assistance from Russia. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Russia accounted for a staggering 94% of Armenia’s arms imports between 2011 and 2020. This included sophisticated weaponry like Iskander missiles which were actively used in Armenia’s military operations against Azerbaijan.

The alliance between Armenia and Russia extended beyond mere arms sales. Armenia, as Russia’s ally within the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), played a critical role in strengthening of Russia’s influence in the South Caucasus. It encompassed joint military exercises, strategic agreements, and even military bases within Armenian territory. In 2021, Armenia expanded the physical presence of the 102 nd Russian military base, underscoring the deep-rooted military cooperation between the two nations.

Armenia under Nikol Pashinyan stood with Russia also in Syria, sending a so-called humanitarian mission to this country following the meeting between the Armenian Prime Minister and Russian President Vladimir Putin in September 2018. Although Pashinyan claimed that the mission would not have a military component, eventually Armenia’s contingent included defense ministry personnel.

This close partnership was observed also before and after the 2020 Karabakh war. Contrary to the claims that Russia abandoned Armenia before the Second Karabakh War in 2020, the facts suggest otherwise. After the intense military clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan subsided in July 2020, reports began to surface about Russia’s launched intensive military supplies to Armenia. In the weeks leading up to the outbreak of the Second Karabakh War on September 27, 2020, there was a significant increase in flights along the route from Rostov to Yerevan, transporting hundreds of tons of military cargo using IL-76 military transport planes. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev raised concerns about this intensified military assistance during a phone call with President Vladimir Putin. In response to these concerns, Russia’s Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, during a visit to Baku on August 25, 2020, unconvincingly said that the shipments to Armenia contained construction materials for Russia’s military base in Gyumri.

The allied relations between Pashinyan’s Armenia and Russia reflected also in the country’s support to Russia on all critical issues at the international platforms including at the UN General Assembly votes on the Russian aggression against Ukraine.  For instance, in December 2019, Armenia joined 19 states at the UN General Assembly and voted against a resolution which stated that “Russian military presence in Crimea violates national sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of Ukraine and undermines the security and stability of neighboring countries and the European region”. Similar diplomatic support was shown to Russia by the Armenian governments on many other occasions before and after this resolution.

In conclusion, Armenia’s attempt to scapegoat Russia for its foreign policy failures is a diversionary tactic that overlooks the country’s own strategic missteps, military failures and unrealistic policy goals. The narrative that Russia orchestrated the return of Karabakh to Azerbaijan ignores the decisive military actions taken by Azerbaijan and the historical context of Armenia’s reliance on Russian military support. This narrative is also instrumentalized to justify Armenia’s policies to move closer to the West and legitimize the militarization of the country through the Western supplies. This strategy does not promise any good to Armenia or larger peace and security in the region. Ultimately, Armenia’s future stability and success will depend on a more pragmatic and less populist approach to its foreign policy. Acknowledging past mistakes, fostering genuine dialogue with neighboring countries, and setting achievable goals are essential steps towards ensuring long-term regional peace in the region.

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Agency Information Collection Activities; Submission to the Office of Management and Budget for Review and Approval; Comment Request; Federal Perkins/NDSL Loan Assignment Form

A Notice by the Education Department on 07/03/2024

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Federal Student Aid (FSA), Department of Education (ED).

In accordance with the Paperwork Reduction Act (PRA) of 1995, the Department is proposing an extension without change of a currently approved information collection request (ICR).

Interested persons are invited to submit comments on or before August 2, 2024.

Written comments and recommendations for proposed information collection requests should be submitted within 30 days of publication of this notice. Click on this link www.reginfo.gov/​public/​do/​PRAMain to access the site. Find this information collection request (ICR) by selecting “Department of Education” under “Currently Under Review,” then check the “Only Show ICR for Public Comment” checkbox. Reginfo.gov provides two links to view documents related to this information collection request. Information collection forms and instructions may be found by clicking on the “View Information Collection (IC) List” link. Supporting statements and other supporting documentation may be found by clicking on the “View Supporting Statement and Other Documents” link.

For specific questions related to collection activities, please contact Beth Grebeldinger, (202) 570-8414.

The Department is especially interested in public comment addressing the following issues: (1) is this collection necessary to the proper functions of the Department; (2) will this information be processed and used in a timely manner; (3) is the estimate of burden accurate; (4) how might the Department enhance the quality, utility, and clarity of the information to be collected; and (5) how might the Department minimize the burden of this collection on the respondents, including through the use of information technology. Please note that written comments received in response to this notice will be considered public records.

Title of Collection: Federal Perkins/NDSL Loan Assignment Form.

OMB Control Number: 1845-0048.

Type of Review: Extension without change of a currently approved ICR.

Respondents/Affected Public: Private Sector; State, Local, and Tribal Governments.

Total Estimated Number of Annual Responses: 144,114.

Total Estimated Number of Annual Burden Hours: 72,058.

Abstract: The U.S. Department of Education (the Department) is authorized to accept Federal Perkins Loan (Perkins Loan) Program assignments under section 463(a)(5) of the Higher Education Act of 1965, as amended. Institutions participating in the Perkins Loan program, including loans made under the National Direct/Defense Student Loan Program (NDSL), use the form (OMB Control Number 1845-0048) to assign loans to the Department for collection without recompense. This request is for approval of the assignment form which allows for assignment of Perkins Loans either individually or in a batch format, utilizing either the paper based or electronic filing format.

An institution may use the form to assign one or more loans to the Department at any time throughout the year. Some conditions under which an institution could utilize the assignment form include defaulted loans, total permanent disability discharges, voluntary withdrawal from the program, termination from the program, closure of the institution and liquidation of its Perkins Loan portfolio.

The Department is requesting an extension of the currently approved collection. There has been no change to the form. There has been a change in the number of respondents, responses, and burden hours.

Dated: June 27, 2024.

Kun Mullan,

PRA Coordinator, Strategic Collections and Clearance, Governance and Strategy Division, Office of Chief Data Officer, Office of Planning, Evaluation and Policy Development.

[ FR Doc. 2024-14600 Filed 7-2-24; 8:45 am]

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