easy essay on right to information

What you need to know about access to information

1. Why is freedom of information an important human right?

International human rights law specifically recognizes the right to access to information. Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, echoing article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, protects everyone's right to seek, receive and impart information of all kinds. States have an obligation to respect and ensure everyone enjoys this right without distinction.

2. Why is it essential to the flourishing of democracy?

Access to Information Laws enable:

Public authorities be accountable and transparent. For example, proper implementation of Access to Information law means action can be taken against public authorities with consistently poor performance in the field of access to information.
Citizens to participate more fully in public life. For example, when a government plans to build a road, everyone nearby is given a chance to participate in discussions about it; citizens are invited to participate in town hall meetings, and government-held information about the development of the road, such as the way it will affect traffic and any environmental reports, is made available online.
Governments to build trust in public institutions. During the COVID-19 pandemic, governments published their responses to the pandemic saving lives.
Human rights bodies to be part of the decision-making process which ensures that algorithms do not discriminate against marginalized groups.

3. What kind of information has been made public in countries implementing Access to Information laws?

Marthaline Nuah, lives in a village in northeastern Liberia and is eager to pursue her education. By listening to the radio, she learnt about her right to request public information and formulated an information request with the Ministry of Education to learn about available scholarships to assist with school fees. The information provided helped her apply for a scholarship.
In Brazil, the government proactively published its budgetary information online in compliance with the law. Media outlets have used this information to enhance supervision of governmental programmes, spot inconsistencies and expose corruption and wrongdoings.

4. How, practically, does a citizen exercise his/her right to information?

A citizen first needs to send a written request to the relevant public body. It is important to be as specific as possible with regard to the information that you seek, such as the authority that holds the information or the date when the record was created. Some Access to Information Laws specify how long public institutions have to process the requests of citizens. If a citizen does not receive the information requested, citizens can normally complain to the information commissioner.

Access to Information laws also requires authorities to be proactive in putting information of public interest into the public domain, without the need for requests.

5. Can too many exemptions from Access to Information Laws, or provisions for Ministerial vetos render such laws meaningless?

Limited exemptions must be based on narrow, proportionate, necessary and clearly defined limitations. Exceptions should apply only where there is a risk of substantial harm to the protected interest and where the harm is greater the overall public interest in having access to the information. Bodies should provide reasons for any refusal to provide access to information. The 2022 UNESCO survey on Access to Information , found that most countries evoke national security, privacy and legitimate commercial and other economic interests as permissible exceptions.

6. Does ‘implementation’ of Access to Information Laws include the obligation to inform the public of their rights as well as explaining how to exercise them ?

In response to the annual UNESCO survey on access to information, information commissioners reported that their activities include the provision of implementation guidance and/or offered training to officials from public bodies. The majority of them also engage in activities to raise public awareness. The right to access to information forms part of media and information literacy skills so that young people can know the law, how to formulate an information request and how to appeal if their right is not respected.

On 28 September 2022, International Day for Universal Access to Information , UNESCO publishes its annual Report, on Public Access to Information based on a survey of 123 countries and territories.

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Information Meeting on Universal Acceptance

Article contents

Freedom of information.

Laura L. Stein Laura L. Stein Moody College of Communication, University of Texas at Austin
and Lindita Camaj Lindita Camaj Jack J. Valenti School of Communication, University of Houston
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.97
Published online: 26 February 2018

Freedom of information (FOI; also known as right to information and access to information) laws around the world establish rights and procedures around access to public information. Normative assumptions examine what’s behind FOI legislation, including rationales stemming from human and political rights frameworks, participatory democratic theory, and transparency and accountability initiatives. Although the freedom of information concept first arose as part of 18th-century enlightenment thinking, recent FOI law took shape in the mid-20th century, influenced by post–World War II human rights treaties, incentives provided by transnational organizations and funders, and individual country support for access to government information. Today, the majority of the world’s countries have FOI laws, most of which were adopted after 1990. FOI laws commonly address who can request information, who must provide information, what information is accessible, what information must be proactively disclosed, and what information is exempted from the law. FOI laws also establish procedural rules around information requests, including mandated response times for requests, appeals processes for denied requests, penalties for improperly withholding information, processes fees, and government reports on the law’s usage. Only a small percentage of people make FOI requests in most nations. Although it varies from country to country, requests from specific groups, including private individuals, commercial businesses, journalists, and nongovernmental organizations, often predominate. FOI requests may be political, professional, or personal in nature, although many FOI laws prohibit governments from asking about or evaluating the reasons for an information request. The ability of FOI laws to provide effective access to information depends on several factors. These include how the laws are written, public awareness of FOI, the cooperation and compliance of government agencies and institutions, and broader political and social conditions affecting FOI implementation and use. Scholars have measured the effects of FOI laws in both quantitative and qualitative terms. While quantitative data yield a picture of who uses FOI laws and how frequently, qualitative and anecdotal data provide ample evidence that such laws have had a positive impact on individuals’ abilities to obtain and use public information. Finally, FOI laws are necessary, but not sufficient, mechanisms for producing more accountable governments. They are unlikely to accomplish government reform on their own, but they can help expose and reform democratic deficits and push governments toward broader democratic reforms.

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Normative Assumptions Behind FOI Legislation

Multiple rationales surround freedom of information laws, which establish rights and procedures around what different countries have variously termed freedom of information (FOI), access to information (ATI), and right to information (RTI). FOI supporters commonly assert the law’s ability to serve as a tool for achieving desirable social and political outcomes, including government accountability, good governance, and economic development. These and other rationales for FOI in turn stem from different frames of reference that emphasize various, though often overlapping, purposes. These frames include broader discourses and philosophies pertaining to human rights, political rights, participatory democratic theory, and transparency and accountability initiatives.

Early conceptualizations of FOI in the 20th century were part of international declarations of universal legal principles that sought to find a firmer foundation for law and morality in the aftermath of Nazi atrocities in World War II. These laws sought to protect what were seen as fundamental civil, political, and economic rights grounded in the “inherent dignity” and “equal and inalienable rights” of all human beings (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Preamble, 1948 ). Within this human rights framework, the freedom to “seek, receive and impart information” was intended to help redefine power relationships among the various groups in society that have a stake in public information (Snell & Sebina, 2007 ; Stiglitz, 2002 ). The FOI provisions included in early human rights treaties were designed to tackle the inherent information asymmetry between those that govern and the governed and mend potentially problematic relationships between citizens and their governments (Snell & Sebina, 2007 ). These treaties conceived of governments as the guardians of public information on behalf of citizens rather than that information’s owners. They also provided a legal mechanism through which citizens could access government information proactively instead of passively waiting for the government to release information at its discretion (Paterson, 2008 ). FOI principles sought to empower “the right-holder (the subject of the right) to demand information from the duty-bearer (in this case the state),” creating a mechanism whereby the state would be accountable to citizens to perform this duty (Calland & Bentley, 2013 , p. 71).

FOI has also been understood within a liberal political rights framework that views rights as tools both to restrict state power and to further collective public interests. The liberal democratic tradition holds that all citizens should participate in self-governance and that rights are a central means of protecting individual liberty. In this view, the ability of citizens to act as rational political beings, to self-govern, and to participate in civic life is central to representative democracy (Dahl, 1989 ; Habermas, 1991 ). In this approach, FOI is necessary to protect both the functioning of democracy as well as other political rights. Democratic functioning requires informed citizens to collectively determine the larger public good and to possess the information necessary to choose leaders who represent their views and interests. FOI laws serve as tools to address democratic deficits and even developmental failures (Gaventa & McGee, 2013 ). FOI also acts as a leverage right (Jagwanth, 2002 ) or a prerequisite for the exercise of other socio-democratic rights (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ; Gaventa & McGee, 2013 ). For example, information about the activities of politicians is necessary to effectively exercise voting rights, and knowledge of government policies and procedures may be necessary to obtain government services or benefits.

Ideas about FOI also stem from more participatory democratic traditions within liberal democratic theory. Participatory democratic theory places greater emphasis on citizen participation in democratic processes, seeks to extend democratic decision-making more broadly throughout political and social institutions, and asserts that citizens require adequate resources to enable participation (Held, 1987 , p. 262). Ideally, citizen participation should not be limited to voting for representatives but should include deliberative participation in policymaking and other realms. According to this school of thought, greater access to information allows citizens to be more knowledgeable, to meaningfully engage in decision-making, and to demand accountability (Snell & Sebina, 2007 ). FOI can also be looked at as integral to the exercise of free speech and other rights and to ensuring greater democratic participation. As Ackerman and Sandoval ( 2006 , p. 91) put it, “FOI laws are a further development in age-old struggles for freedom of opinion and of the press, as well as the right to participate in government decision making.”

As more countries, not all of which are mature democracies, engage in freedom of information initiatives, FOI has been associated with concepts of accountability and good governance (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ). FOI is often a central part of transparency and accountability initiatives (TAI) that address developmental problems (Gaventa & McGree, 2013 ). TAI typically combine FOI legislation with other mechanisms designed to bring government information into the public domain and hold governments accountable for their actions. These initiatives presume that increasing access to information leads to more transparency, while transparency leads to more accountable decision-making. In this approach, FOI is intended to deliver more participatory democratic forms of government, to improve government delivery of goods and services, to increase government accountability, and to reduce corruption (Ackerman & Sandoval, 2006 ; Darch & Underwoode, 2010 ; Mendel, 2008 ). TAI posit a direct relationship between access to information and socio-economic development. This school of thought often draws on market metaphors to understand the relationship between governments and their citizens, conceptualizing the state as an essential service provider and citizens as its customers (Gaventa & McGee, 2013 ; Kosack & Fung, 2014 ). Ultimately, TAI positions FOI as a mechanism to help achieve a more efficient economy, better standards for health and food security, and a better environment (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ).

Drawing on these theoretical frameworks, several authors have formulated lists of concrete FOI objectives and potential outcomes (Article 19, 2004 ; Banisar, 2006 ; Darch & Underwood, 2010 ; James, 2006 ; Mendel, 2008 ). Mendel ( 2008 , p. 141) identified the common principles and objectives found across FOI legislation around the world as (1) transparency, (2) accountability, (3) public participation, and (4) informing citizens. Banisar ( 2006 ) named (1) democratic participation and understanding, (2) the protection of other rights, (3) making government bodies work better, and (4) the redress of the past harm as common objectives. James ( 2006 ) noted among the benefits emphasized during the United Kingdom’s debates over FOI’s adoption (1) encouraging greater transparency, (2) enhancing public participation in government, (3) enhancing the quality of decision-making, (4) allowing citizens and organizations to assert their rights, (5) raising public confidence in the process of government, (6) increasing the effectiveness of administration, (7) increasing the accountability of the government, (8) safeguarding probity, (9) increasing the effectiveness of the media, and (10) altering the culture of public service. Taking a global perspective, the international nongovernmental organization Article 19 ( 2004 ) provided a more specific list of benefits that included (1) a less corrupt society, (2) a society that is healthier and hunger-free, (3) a society that respects the environment, fundamental human rights, and privacy, (4) more security and democracy, (5) a more efficient government and better decision-making, (6) a more efficient economy, and (7) better treatment of individuals by institutions (p. 9, as cited in Darch & Underwood, 2010 ). Hazell, Worthy, and Glover ( 2010 ) synthesize the above lists of objectives into six categories: (1) increasing governmental transparency, (2) increasing accountability, (3) improving the quality of decision-making, (4) improving public understanding of government, (5) increasing public trust, and (6) increasing participation.

Scholars further suggest that FOI laws improve democratic practice and economic development by facilitating social and institutional level changes (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ). While social changes include the development of a more knowledgeable, trusting, and participatory citizenry, institutional change references increased governmental transparency and accountability, improved decision-making, and good governance.

The Evolution of FOI Laws and Rights

FOI evolved over the last two centuries as both a principle and a set of legal practices. Its origins are in the age of Enlightenment in the 18th century . Enlightenment ideas about governance by rule of law (rather than the discretion of autocratic rulers or professional statesmen), the ability of scientific methods to make the world knowable and thus controllable, and the need to publicize the activities of government arose during this period (Hood, 2006 ). Sweden established the first FOI legislation in 1766 . In response to King Adolf Frederick’s censorship of the press and secrecy surrounding government information, the Swedish parliament passed an ordinance abolishing press censorship and giving citizens a right of access to government documents. The Declarations of the Rights of Man in France 1789 and in the Netherlands in 1795 both included the right of the public to review government accounts and budgets (Banisar, 2006 , p. 18). Political philosopher Jeremy Bentham advocated for freedom of information principles in the early 1800s. In his essay “On Publicity,” Bentham ( 1836 ) argued that legislatures should permit themselves and others to publish accounts of their activities, proposals, speeches, discussions, votes, and decisions. The benefits of publicity included encouraging legislatures to perform their duties, securing public confidence in and assent for legislation, allowing the public to form enlightened opinions and vote knowledgeably, and enabling legislators to look to informed members of the public for innovative solutions to political problems. Despite its Enlightenment era origins, the idea of FOI remained largely dormant until the 20th century . Few countries endorsed FOI principles or adopted them into law until after World War II.

Increased attention to human rights in the wake of World War II reinvigorated interest in FOI internationally. The principle of FOI was articulated in seminal human rights documents produced by the United Nations. Both the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ( 1948 ) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ( 1966 ) contained articles declaring that freedom of information was integral to free speech rights. The latter agreement states: “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression: this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information.” Subsequently, the principle of FOI has been reiterated in numerous international treaties and agreements and has often provided external impetus for many countries to recognize the principle and to develop their own FOI regimes. As Banisar ( 2006 ) shows, the FOI clauses found in international agreements have become an important mechanism for furthering human rights, anti-corruption, and environmental protection. 1 In line with earlier rights agreements, the American Convention on Human Rights ( 1969 ) and the Arab Charter on Human Rights ( 1994 ) have also recognized the “freedom to seek, receive and impart information.” The United Nations Convention Against Corruption ( 2005 ) and the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption ( 2003 ) have encouraged countries to adopt measures increasing access to information in order to combat government corruption. These measures include requiring governments to provide information on their organization, functioning, and decision-making. The Rio Declaration on Environment and Development ( 1992 ) and the Aarhus Convention on Access to Information, Public Participation and Decision-Making and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters ( 1998 ) have required governments to adopt laws giving a right of access to government information and documents that are vital to environmental concerns. The Aarhus Convention affirmed the importance of access to information affecting the state of the environment, public health and safety, and other factors and conditions that have a bearing on human life and the environment.

Other external international or transnational influences have also been instrumental in catalyzing the adoption of FOI regimes. The Council of Europe has recommended that its member countries adopt freedom of information laws since the 1970s. The European Union gives citizens of the EU and residents of its member states the right to access information from EU bodies, making these subject to their own FOI regimes (Consolidated Version of the Treaty Establishing the European Community, art. 255, 2002 ). However, the EU has not always behaved transparently or honored legitimate requests for information (Bunyan, 2002 ). International organizations have also become alternative sources of information for citizens in some countries, providing another avenue to obtain information that might expose government scandals and corruption. International lending organizations, most notably the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, have promoted countries’ adoption of FOI as a condition for their financial assistance. The George Soros Open Society Foundations also incentivized countries to develop FOI regimes with grant programs focusing on freedom of information, access to knowledge, and government transparency. In sum, an array of international influences have spurred many countries to adopt their own FOI regimes, although in some cases the commitment to FOI has been superficial, with countries failing to design strong laws or to implement them.

At a country level, FOI regimes can take many forms. Many countries adopt freedom of information clauses in their constitutions. FOI clauses are more prevalent in relatively newly written constitutions, such as those of Central European, Eastern European, and Latin American countries. However, constitutional statements of principle may not flesh out access to information regimes as effectively as national FOI laws (Michenor, 2011 , p. 148). Countries often adopt FOI laws in order to specify the scope of and procedures for access to government information. In countries where constitutional rights of access also exist, FOI laws can give definition to the contours of this right without necessarily limiting it. In other words, countries that view FOI as a fundamental human or political right may extend protection beyond what is written in particular legislation. In other countries, FOI legislation creates a right of access to government information, which would not otherwise garner constitutional protection. Such is the case in the United States, where FOIA legislation effectively constitutes the shape and limits of this right. Although beyond the scope of this article, principles of information access may also be found across a variety of regulatory fields, whether financial, economic, environmental, cultural, social, or political. Information policy, namely the laws, rules, structures, and practices that regulate information creation, processing, flows, and use (Braman, 2006 ), is not confined to FOI legislation.

The shape of any one country’s FOI law is historically contingent. How the law is written depends on the forces and factors motivating the law, as well as the vision and interests of different actors advocating on its behalf. While some countries have adopted FOI in response to external pressures or incentives, others have been motivated by the desire to minimize government secrecy and opportunities for corruption, to increase knowledge of and participation in democratic processes and decision-making, to encourage good governance, and to reorder the relationship of citizens to their governments (away from ruler–subject relations and towards elected representative–citizen relations). Advocacy efforts among interested constituencies, including government actors, the news media, social movement groups, and civil and human rights activists, have also been critical to the passage and form of different countries’ FOI laws.

The story of FOIA in the United States, which passed its first Freedom of Information Act in 1966 , illustrates some of the variable influences and contingencies that can shape the law. Reacting against increased government secrecy during the U.S.-Soviet Cold War, a tenacious member of Congress, John Moss, and the American news media engaged in a 10-year campaign to institute the first U.S. FOI Act (FOIA). The resultant Act proclaimed the “right of the public to information,” and directed government agencies to publish information about their rules, procedures, and functions; to make their opinions, orders, rules, and records of proceedings available for public inspection; and to release other agency records upon request (Freedom of Information Act, 1966 ). The law’s procedural details, however, were weak or absent. For example, the 1966 Act lacked provisions for appeals, sanctions, or enforcement. Following the Watergate scandal and growing public distrust with the secretive and corrupt Nixon administration, the press and Congress sought to improve the Act (Schudson, 2014 , p. 14). An amendment adopted in 1974 gave more teeth to the Act, strengthening FOIA’s procedures and administration. It required government agencies to publish indexes of government-held information and regulated the fees government agencies could charge for document search and duplication. It created an appeals process for denied requests. It permitted courts to impose response deadlines as well as disciplinary action and penalties against government employees who deliberately and improperly withheld records. It instructed agencies to sever and release portions of records that were not subject to specified exemptions. It enabled courts to privately review and determine the legitimacy of requests denied for national security reasons, and it mandated agencies report each year on their FOI activities. However, the U.S. law has not been as user-friendly as that of other countries that have followed, and civil society constituencies had no input into the law, a factor Michenor ( 2011 ) argues can contribute to a FOI law’s accessibility.

FOI legislation began to gain traction in the latter half of the 20th century . The U.S. law became a model for many countries that followed, as did the laws of Sweden, Canada, and Australia within their own regions and legal traditions (Banisar, 2006 ). Western European and English-speaking countries were among the earliest adopters of the law. Finland passed a FOI law in 1951 . Norway, France, and the Netherlands passed their laws in the 1970s, and Columbia, Denmark, Greece, Austria, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada followed suit in the 1980s. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1980s, freedom of information and government transparency were seen as important economic and political principles among countries transitioning from communist to democratic governance systems. Dozens of formerly communist countries, particularly those in Central and Eastern Europe, moved forward with laws designed to ensure access to government information (Birchall, 2011 ; Blanton, 2002 ). FOI laws allowed Central and Eastern European countries to obtain information about prior governments, to seek reprisal for what were seen as past injustices, and to join international organizations, such as the EU or NATO (Blanton, 2002 ; Byrne, 2003 ; Grigorescu, 2003 ). Worldwide adoption proceeded slowly, however. By 1990 , only 14 countries had FOI laws.

Currently, more than half of the world’s countries had adopted FOI laws. FOI laws exist in nearly all European countries. In Latin America, despite a few early adopters (Colombia in 1985 and Belize in 1994 ), most countries enacted FOI laws after the year 2000 . These include Mexico, Panama, Peru, Argentina, Ecuador, Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, El Salvador, and, most recently, Paraguay. Among Asian countries, Japan, South Korea, Thailand, and even some cities within China adopted FOI laws in the 1990s, while India, Bangladesh, Indonesia, the Maldives, Mongolia, Nepal, and Taiwan instituted theirs after 2000 . In the Middle East, only Israel, Jordan, and Yemen have FOI laws. In Africa, Angola, Ethiopia, Guinea, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tunisia, Uganda, and Zimbabwe have FOI laws on the books, most of them passed in the 2000s or 2010s. 2 However, many of these laws exist more on the books than in practice, including South Africa’s law, which is one of the most progressively written FOI laws in the world (Banisar, 2006 ).

Countries with more recent FOI laws have benefited from knowledge of the past experiences and best practices of others, enabling them to construct stronger FOI regimes. New laws may extend and harmonize FOI coverage across federal and local institutions, have broader definitions of what counts as information, or cover all bodies (public or private) that are government subsidized or perform government functions. They may specify public interest tests that require governments to balance their asserted interest in withholding information against the public’s interest in that information’s disclosure. They may also mandate the proactive publication of vital or frequently requested information. Many newer laws, like those in Mexico, India, the United Kingdom, and Germany, establish independent information commissions to handle appeals, enforce decisions, provide general oversight, and publicize the law. Information commissions can provide effective independent oversight and alleviate the need for those whose requests are denied to resort to lengthy and often prohibitively expensive court proceedings. Finally, a growing number of countries are adopting laws to protect government whistleblowers who call attention to people or organizations engaged in improper or illegal activity. Some of these laws, at least as written, are stronger and more modern than those currently governing the United States and Canada, two of the earliest countries to pass FOI laws (Banisar, 2006 ).

Countries have also taken advantage of the digital processing and networking capabilities of computers to innovate and strengthen FOI regimes. The ability to collect, process, store, and disseminate information digitally, the rise of the Internet as a public communication medium, and the recognition that governments produce information with public funds and under the auspices of the public interest have precipitated efforts to utilize networked technologies to facilitate information access. Newer FOI laws may require governments to proactively release important or commonly requested agency information online, as is the case in Poland and Estonia. Mexico’s FOIA, one of the more recent and more innovative, utilizes a web-based information portal that allows users to submit, track, and appeal information requests online, and to examine all submitted requests along with any public responses. In Turkey, people can also submit and track information requests online. Countries with older laws have amended them to enhance public access through new technologies. In the United States, the Electronic Freedom of Information Act (E-FOIA, 1996 ) extended open records laws to digital information held by federal agencies and encouraged agencies to make information available through new technology. The purpose of the e-FOIA was to “foster democracy,” “improve public access,” ensure timely response times, and “maximize the usefulness” of information and records collected and maintained by the federal government (5 USCS §552 (2)). Under e-FOIA, agencies must index records in their information systems, make records available electronically within a year of their production, and release frequently requested records online (5 USCS §552 (2)(e)).

Common Components of FOI Laws

FOI laws around the world mandate that governments provide access to information about their activities, functioning, and decision-making, as well as other information they collect, such as information on the status of people, land, and resources within their borders. Nations may differ, however, on how to realize access to information in practice. Despite these differences, the FOI laws of different nations address many common components, including:

Who can request information

Who must provide information

What information is accessible

Proactive disclosure of information

What information is exempted

Mandated response times for requests

Appeals procedures for denied requests

Penalties for improperly withholding information

Fees for processing information requests

Annual government reports on the law’s usage

Although a comprehensive examination of how different countries treat each of these components is beyond the scope of this article, we will illustrate how countries may differ on these counts by comparing FOI laws in the United States and India. While the U.S. law is one of the earliest, the Indian law is one of the most recent and progressively formulated right to information laws among democratic countries (Centre for Law and Democracy, 2013 ; Michener, 2011 ).

In the United States, FOI is not a constitutional right. Nor do constitutionally protected free speech rights confer a right to access information. U.S. Freedom of Information law (as elaborated in the 1966 Freedom of Information Act, FOI Act amendments, and executive orders) allows any person, regardless of citizenship, to request records held by the federal government. To prevent government discrimination in information provision, people do not have to justify or explain why they want certain records. People can request information for any purpose, public or private. The law mandates that some federal agencies provide information when requested. These agencies include executive and military departments, government corporations, government-controlled corporations, executive branch offices (including the president’s executive office), and independent regulatory agencies, (5 USC §552(F), 2015 ). The law does not apply to the president, his advisers, the Congress, the federal courts, or to private bodies. Nor does it apply to state or local government agencies, which have their own distinct laws on open records and meetings. The law provides access to public information and records, including those related to policy and administration. Records subject to FOIA must be processed, maintained, and controlled by a government agency. The law does not apply to records produced for the government by private consultants. However, the law presumes that when the government contracts with private firms to maintain its records, these records are open (Middleton & Less, 2012 , p. 584). The term records covers documents in a variety of reproducible formats, including print, audio, visual, and electronic, but not physical materials or objects.

The U.S. FOIA instructs federal agencies to disclose information that might be in the public interest whenever possible and to make new or frequently requested records available online when they have the capability. Agencies must also publish descriptions of their organizations, functions, procedures, and decision-making processes as well as their FOIA procedures in the Federal Register . Agencies must disclose documents in response to FOIA requests, unless these documents fall into one of nine exempt categories, intended to balance public’s interest in information access against the government’s interest in the confidentiality of some information. Exempt categories include information about national security, internal personnel and management rules and practices, business and commerce, internal memoranda circulated during policymaking and decision-making processes, personal privacy, certain law enforcement purposes, banking reports, and the location of wells. The law also allows for statutory exemptions, such as those excluding from the law’s coverage most information about the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), student educational records, critical infrastructure information, and driver’s records. 3 If a document contains exempt information, agencies should redact or delete this information and release portions of the document that are not exempt.

FOIA gives federal agencies 20 working days to respond to a request. Agency officials must inform people of their decision, including their reasons for denying a request. When a request is denied, information seekers can appeal this decision to the agency’s head, who then has 20 days to respond. Although the Office of Government Information Services was created to promote alternative dispute resolution between FOI applicants and agencies, requesters must resort to the federal district courts for a second level of appeal. Only courts may order the disclosure of documents or undertake sanctions or disciplinary actions against agencies that have improperly, arbitrarily, or capriciously withheld records. There is no fee to file a request. However, agencies charge different fees to fulfill the requests of different categories of FOI applicants. Commercial applicants must pay the full costs of searching for and copying information. Most other applicants receive two hours of free search time and the first 100 copies for free. Noncommercial applicants (including educators and the media) who seek and disseminate information that serves a broader public interest can have their fees waived or reduced. Finally, the law mandates that the attorney general submit an annual report to Congress about FOI usage, based on reports garnered from individual agencies. Data compiled for these reports includes the number and nature of denied FOI requests; the number, nature, and results of any appeals and court cases; the number of requests received, processed, and pending; the average and median response times for requests and appeals; the number of fee waiver requests granted and denied; and agency staff and funds devoted to processing FOI requests.

India’s law contrasts with that of the United States on many particulars, including the assertion of FOI as a right. In India, the supreme court has asserted that the right to information is an essential aspect of the constitutionally protected right to free speech (Banisar, 2006 ; People’s Union for Civil Liberties & Another v. Union of India , 2004 ; State of Uttar Pradesh v. Raj Narain , 1975 ; Union of India v. Association for Democratic Reforms , 2002 ). In 2005 , India also passed a national Right to Information Act (RTIA), creating statutory provisions and protections for information rights. The RTIA sees access to information as a means to promote transparency and accountability in governance, the functioning of democracy, and the prevention of corruption. The law also takes into account the competing interests of government efficiency, limited fiscal resources, and the need to protect sensitive information. In comparison to the U.S. FOIA, who can request information is more narrowly defined, even while who must provide information and what information must be provided are more broadly and consistently applied across the states and central government. The RTIA gives all Indian citizens the right to access information controlled by public authorities. Public authorities are defined as any government body that is established, owned, or controlled by government. However, unlike the United States, this definition also includes nongovernmental bodies that are owned, controlled, or substantially financed (directly or indirectly) by the government. In addition, the law covers government authorities, including the legislature and the judiciary, operating at every level of governance, from the local to the national. The Act covers any information held or controlled by public authorities in any form. In additions to documents and records, applicants can ask to inspect materials, such as food subsidy or building materials samples. Government authorities must make available to citizens any information that the Indian parliament or state legislatures can obtain.

In order to facilitate access, public authorities are required to catalog and index their records, to place public records on computer networks within a reasonable time when possible, and to proactively publish information about important policy decisions. Public authorities must also publish details about their organization, function, and duties; the power and duties of their personnel; their decision-making procedures; their rules, regulations, instructions, and manuals; the categories of documents they hold; notice of whether their meetings are public; a directory of their personnel; their budgets and expenditures; how citizens can request information from them; and other information related to their operations and functions (Right to Information Act [RTIA], 2005 ). The law further instructs them “to provide as much information suo moto to the public at regular intervals through various means of communications, including Internet,” so that the public is less dependent on the Act to obtain information (RTIA, 2005 ). Indian law lists a number of exemptions, including information pertaining to national security or the strategic interests of the state; specific legal prohibitions; breaches of privilege accorded to the parliament or state legislature; commercial confidences, trade secrets, and intellectual property; fiduciary relationships; foreign government confidences; the physical safety of government informants on law and security matters; impediments to the investigation, apprehension or the prosecution of criminal offenders; cabinet papers, such as records of deliberation of the Council of Ministers and others; and personal information constituting an invasion of privacy (Naib, 2012 ). Some of these exemptions can be overridden, however, if a competent authority deems it in the larger public interest. The Act also exempts information maintained by 18 intelligence and security bodies, unless that information is relevant to allegations of corruption or human rights violations. Similar to the U.S. FOIA, the RTIA mandates that authorities sever exempt information from documents that may otherwise be provided.

Citizens may submit requests, orally or in writing, to an authority’s public information officer (PIO). They do not have to give reasons for wanting particular information. PIOs have 30 days to provide the information or reject the request. If the information sought resides with another public authority, PIOs must transfer the application and immediately notify the applicant. The appeals process for rejected or unanswered requests starts with the senior officer of the public authority, who has 30 days to respond to the appeal. Applicants seeking information from state authorities can undertake a second appeals process through a state information commission, while applicants petitioning central authorities can make their second appeal to the central information commission. Information commissions are autonomous bodies, authorized to make binding decisions. As a final resort, applicants can take their cases to either a state high court or the Indian supreme court. Officials who improperly withhold information can face fines and disciplinary proceedings, including additional penalties levied for every day that information is withheld. By law, applicants pay 10 rupees to submit an application and 2 rupees per page copied. Lastly, the state and central information commissions must submit annual reports to their respective legislatures, detailing information about the number of requests made to each public authority; the number of and reasons for rejected applications; the number, nature, and outcomes of any appeals; any disciplinary actions taken against officers administering the Act; the amount of RTI fees collected by public authorities; other efforts made to carry out the Act; and recommendations for the reform of RTIA procedures among particular public authorities.

This brief overview of FOI law in India and the United States illustrates the many substantive components along which countries may differ. While the U.S. FOIA is more narrowly conceived in terms of whom and what it covers and institutes a relatively burdensome appeals process, the Indian RTIA is significantly stronger with respect to the scope of coverage, grounds for exemptions and refusals, and associated appeals processes. In the United States, the courts handle appeals. Although the courts prioritize the hearing of FOI appeals and can grant attorney fees and other costs to plaintiffs, judicial recourse is an option most individuals cannot afford to exercise. This comparison is consistent with the findings of a 2014 global survey of the legal frameworks of FOI laws that rated countries according to the rights of access specified, the scope of coverage, procedures for making requests, exceptions and refusals, appeals processes, sanctions and protections, and promotional measures (Access Info Europe & the Centre for Law and Democracy, n.d. ). According to the survey, India was rated the 5th strongest country with respect to the formulation of their RTI laws, while the United States was rated 45th (see http://www.rti-rating.org/country-data/ ). Usage and implementation, however, are another matter.

FOI Users and Usage

FOI laws generally presume the existence of an active public that will put forward information requests. Yet understanding who uses FOI around the world and how it is used can be difficult. Many countries do not collect quantitative data about FOI users and usage. Some countries, citing individual privacy concerns, prevent the collection of this data. Others, particularly developing countries, may lack the will or capacity to collect systematic and reliable data. Moreover, quantitative data may be of limited use in measuring FOI’s significance or effects. Qualitative evidence and anecdotes from many countries suggest that even when usage is weak or minimal in terms of overall numbers, information obtained through FOI requests may nonetheless have significant societal effects. FOI requests have been used to effectively address both individual and public grievances. Thus, quantity of use may not be the only or best measure of FOI’s effects. From the perspective of democratic theory, what matters is that FOI laws are there when they are needed.

Studies of FOI usage suggest that while a small number of people submit FOI requests worldwide, this number is growing. In Britain, 0.2% of the population makes FOI requests to the government each year (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ). Similarly, in Ireland, Canada, and Australia, only one or two per thousand of the population make a FOI request yearly (Hazell, 1989 ). In some countries, a pent-up demand for information has led to massive numbers of requests in the years immediately following the passage of FOI laws. In India, which has one of the most progressive and active FOI regimes, citizens submitted an impressive 2 million requests in the law’s first two years (Roberts, 2010 ). Three years after Thailand’s Official Information Act took effect, nearly half a million ordinary citizens had requested government-held information, with requests from citizens outnumbering those from nongovernmental organizations, journalists, and oppositional parties (Chua, 2002 ). Empirical evidence suggests that FOI requests have slowly grown in South America, Asia, and Russia (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ), where they are used to address citizens’ rights in multiple domains (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ; Jenkins, 2007 ; Roberts, 2010 ). However, the number of requests varies considerably from one country to another in a given year, and the evolution of usage across countries can differ greatly (Holsen & Pasquier, 2012 ). For example, Canada, the United Kingdom, Mexico, and Ireland have a relatively heavy and growing number of FOI users compared to Germany and Switzerland, who have a considerably smaller and relatively stagnant number of users.

Regardless of the percentage of the population that uses FOI, abundant anecdotal evidence suggests that FOI law has positive effects. In India, civil society actors have actively pursued and made use of FOI rights to address an array of community issues. Particularly impressive is the work of the Rajasthan-based group Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (Association for the Empowerment of Workers and Farmers), which has used FOI legislation to fight against corruption and to advance the socio-economic interests of the poor (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ). Indian citizens and civil society groups have relied on FOI legislation to monitor the government’s delivery of food subsidies to the poor, payment of public wages and pensions, provision of scholarships and school uniforms, completion of infrastructure and building projects, accounting on bank statements, provision of electricity, and provision of teachers in public schools (Roberts, 2010 , p. 927). FOI has enabled Indian citizens to gain newfound access to information pertaining to development projects, agriculture, the environment, and elections (Jenkins, 2007 ; Singh, 2007 ). Examining FOI law’s effects in developing countries, the INGO Article 19 ( 2007 ) found that the law has helped citizens and civil society groups access information on the rights to education (Thailand, Uganda, Argentina), to a safe environment (Chile, Ecuador, Nigeria, Uganda, Malaysia), to medicine and healthcare (South Africa, Nigeria), and to food (India, Argentina). In the United States, FOI has enabled environmental groups to collect data on the release of toxic chemicals by manufacturers and consequently to make industry more accountable to citizens (Van den Burg, 2004 ).

Few studies examine the identity, strategies, and motivations of FOI requesters. However, those that do suggest that, within particular countries, some categories of actors constitute more frequent FOIA users. Frequent information requesters include nongovernmental organizations, journalists, activists, and engaged members of the public (Dunion, 2011 ). Businesses are another frequent user category. In Great Britain, Worthy ( 2010 ) found that private individuals (40%), academics or students (10%), campaign workers (10%), journalists (10%), and commercial business (7%) requested information most often. During 2000–2001 , 40% of requests in Canada came from business and only 30% from the public (AIRTF, 2002 , cited in Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ). Similarly, commercial entities in the United States are responsible for the most FOI requests (Piotrowski & Ryzin, 2007 ). In Ireland between 1998 and 2007 , the public (which included nongovernmental organizations) made up around 50% of requesters, while the media accounted for 15% and business around 7%. The RTI Assessment and Analysis Group and National Campaign for People’s Right to Information ( 2009 , p. 8) found that users of India’s RTI Act were overwhelmingly male (more than 90%) and that few requests came from the very poor or from marginalized groups. In Southeastern Europe, Camaj ( 2015 ) found that the most frequent users of FOI laws in Montenegro and Albania are civil society and advocacy groups, while in Kosovo journalists comprised 61% of requesters.

Motivations for FOI requests may be political, professional, or personal. Michener and Worthy ( 2015 ) propose an information-gathering matrix that categorizes FOI requests according to four main purposes: (1) keeping government accountable (public requesters with political goals), (2) ensuring fairness (private requesters with political goals), (3) informing to empower (public requesters with nonpolitical goals), and (4) securing benefits (private requesters with nonpolitical goals). The majority of FOI requests submitted by individual citizens fall into the fourth category. Citizens’ FOI requests most commonly ask for access to personal data related to access to services, pensions, employment, immigration, criminal records, veteran’s affairs, Social Security, taxation, property records, etc. (Hazell, 1989 ). For example, a systematic survey of FOI users in Great Britain found that about 80% of FOI requests said their requests pertained to personal information (such as academia or hobbies), while 22% said their requests were related to political activity (Worthy, 2010 ). Yet, this distinction between the political and the personal may be spurious. As Hazell ( 1989 , p. 199) notes, individuals make requests not out of “idle curiosity” but in order to redress grievances related to government decision-making. Moreover, a personal request to see how a college entrance exam was graded or why a job application was denied may have political implications and ramifications in countries where government decision making is arbitrary, corrupt, or otherwise flawed. Personal requests aside, many scholars argue that organized and strategic information requests mounted by civil society groups are often the most successful at bringing about social change (Camaj, 2015 ; Darch & Underwood, 2010 ; Neuman & Calland, 2007 ). Frequently among the most visible FOI users, civil society groups can use FOI to strategically uncover public information and to advocate for systemic changes in government behavior and decision-making (Worthy, 2010 ).

Barriers and Challenges to Accessing Information Through FOI Laws

The performance of FOI laws varies greatly from country to country, with significant differences found not only between developed and emerging democracies but also among more mature democracies. For example, Hazell and Worthy ( 2010 ) found that, among the Western Commonwealth countries, the New Zealand FOI regime performed the best, given its progressive openness and strong support for transparency. The United Kingdom was ranked second, with its relatively high rates of disclosure, a strong information commissioner, and relative political support. Despite relatively high levels of use and disclosure, Ireland and Australia’s FOI regimes experienced a high number of appeals, lack of political support, and restrictive reform. Canada was ranked last as “it has continually suffered from a combination of low use, low political support and a weak Information Commissioner since its inception” (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 , p. 358).

Scholars have attributed differences in FOI implementation and use around the world to several barriers and challenges. These include (1) how FOI legislation is written, (2) awareness levels about access to information rights, (3) the structures of government agencies and institutions, and (4) broader political and social conditions. We have already addressed differences in how FOI laws are written, including treatment of the law’s component parts. In many countries, FOI laws are weak in terms of coverage, sanctions, implementation mechanisms, publicity mandates, and other components that can contribute to the law’s successful use. In the remainder of this section, we review the other factors and conditions affecting the law.

Public awareness of FOI laws is essential to their use, since information disclosure generally relies on the public submitting information requests. As Roberts claims, “One of the most substantial [barriers to access] is a simple lack of awareness about rights granted by [FOI], particularly among marginalized groups” ( 2010 , p. 8). For instance, he found that in India only 4 to 15% of the public was aware of FOI laws, with higher levels of awareness among the urban middle class and men. Similarly, Holsen and Pasquier ( 2012 ) found that a major reason for low levels of FOI requests in Switzerland and Germany was a lack of public awareness, abetted by the failure of key groups—government, the media, or civil society actors—to promote the law. Neither country’s FOI laws mandated that the government publicize the law. In Switzerland, neither civil society groups nor the media sought to raise awareness of the law, while in Germany, civil society groups’ efforts to promote the law failed to gain media attention. Lack of knowledge about how to file a FOI request was an additional barrier to use (Roberts, 2010 ).

In addition, the governments of different countries, and even individual agencies within countries, may fail to comply with their own FOI laws in varying degrees (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ; Lidberg, 2009 ; Open Society Justice Institute, 2006 ). Reputable organizations have reported low rates of compliance with FOI requests among different countries. For example, in 2011 Associated Press journalists submitted FOI requests for information about individual arrests and convictions to 105 countries but received complete information from only 14 within their FOI-specified time limits (Mendoza, 2011 ). In another example, only 12 of 80 FOI requests submitted as part of a campaign to understand progress toward the UN Millennium Development Goals yielded the information sought (Access Info Europe, 2011 ). Research has shown that disparities exist in the implementation of FOI laws between more affluent and established democracies and poorer and younger democracies (Mason, 2010 ; Open Society Justice initiative, 2006 ). However, some exceptions exist, such as India, where FOI law has received immense public support and attention. Interestingly, the Associated Press ( 2011 ) study found that some newer democracies, including India, were more responsive to journalists’ FOI requests than the United States. Nevertheless, citizens in African, Latin American, Southeast Asian, and Eastern European countries have struggled to use even well-written FOI laws. A group monitoring implementation in Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone received no response for about 50% of the 393 FOI requests they submitted; only 13% of their requests ultimately yielded information (Media Rights Agenda, 2010 ). Even though Mexico has one of the best designed and most emulated FOI laws among developing countries, implementation has been difficult. Mexico’s challenges to implementation include weak adherence to the formal rule of law, an organizational culture of closure, and fear of informal sanctions for releasing information (Gill & Hughes, 2005 ). Despite being in effect for more than a decade, Peru’s FOI law has not prevented many governmental agencies from operating under a veil of secrecy and withholding official information (Burt & Cagley, 2013 ). The drive toward open access in Eastern European is still tarnished by “deep-rooted social and political traditions of blocking information but also by the traditional style of government,” characterized by administrative secrecy and inadequate recordkeeping (Szekely, 2007 , p. 130). However, some countries in Southeastern Europe have experienced better compliance trends as the public demand for access grows and as government agencies become more efficient (Camaj, 2015 ).

Barriers to implementation and use may stem from deficiencies of government capacity and will. Governmental capacity refers to the material, economic, and knowledge resources necessary to respond to FOI requests. FOI law requires both financial and human resources to process requests. Many developing or newly democratic countries lack the resources to support administrative activities and organized record-keeping (Roberts, 2006 ) and operate in economic and political environments that make capacity building difficult. For example, in Southeastern Europe, Camaj ( 2015 ) found that noncompliance with FOI law stems from the limited administrative capacity held in place by past communist legacies, struggling economies, and political instability. Many government bodies in this region lack the record-keeping infrastructure and budgetary support necessary to implement FOI mechanisms. In addition, frequent political turnover and the politicization of government bureaucrats have made the training and knowledge development needed to build administrative capacity around FOI more difficult. Even in a developed and wealthy democracy like the United States, many agencies lack the capacity to respond to FOI requests in a timely manner, creating long delays and backlogs around information disclosure (Middleton & Less, 2012 , p. 587). Failure to implement the law can also reflect a lack of political will related either to the internal political cultures of governmental and bureaucratic administrations or to the external political culture created by interactions between the state and civil society (including citizens, national advocacy groups, and international organizations) (Holsen & Pasquier, 2012 ; Neuman & Calland, 2007 ; Roberts, 1998 ; Snell, 2002 ). Different political cultures, along with the degree to which democracy has taken hold, in different countries can help explain some disparities in FOI implementation. Officials may subvert FOI requests through overly broad interpretations of FOI exemptions and the adoption of technocratic and instrumentalist approaches to the law that thwart its use and undermine its purpose (Camaj, 2015 ; Sharma, 2013 ).

Finally, FOI usage may be stymied by socio-economic disparities, low literacy rates, and poverty (Darch & Underwood, 2005 ; Roberts, 2010 ). Webb ( 2012 ) points out that social, cultural, economic, gender, and literacy factors can prohibit the poor and marginalized within Indian society from engaging with the Indian bureaucracy and therefore exercising their right to information. Although Indian FOI law was designed with poor and disenfranchised users in mind, these users may not possess the bureaucratic literacy necessary to overcome India’s overly technocratic and largely opaque bureaucracy, at least not without the help of civil society organizations that often act as mediators in this process (Sharma, 2013 ). Researchers have argued that in Africa postcolonial legacies, socio-economic disparities, civil conflicts, poor infrastructures, and the politics of patronage further hamper the usage of FOI laws (Darch & Underwood, 2010 , p. 206). For Darch and Underwood ( 2005 , p. 83) the experience of South Africa “exemplifies the proposition that the less homogenous a society and the lower the general level of education, the harder it is to develop sustainable and useful FOI practice.

Today, the majority of governments around the world have embraced the principle of freedom of information. Moreover, there is a growing global consensus in favor of open government and freedom of information, and governments around the world must justify the need for secrecy.

Evaluations of the impact of FOI laws have focused on quantitative measures of FOI usage and qualitative accounts of its effects. Empirical evidence suggests that FOI laws have contributed to government transparency. Along with the gradual adoption of FOI laws, countries are gradually improving access to government information and engaging in proactive information disclosure. Huge disparities are evident in the freedom of information regimes of countries with and without FOI laws (Open Society Justice Institute, 2006 ), and countries with a longer history of FOI laws (such as New Zealand, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom) also tend to have more open and transparent governments (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ; Hazell et al., 2010 ; Owen, Cooke, & Matthews, 2013 ). Several studies of the effects of FOI law on Great Britain have concluded that it increased government transparency (Chapman & Hunt, 2006 ; Hazell et al., 2010 ; Owen, Cooke, & Matthews, 2013 ). Another study found that FOI laws led to more open government personnel management practices in Australia, New Zealand, and Canada (Hazell, 1989 ). In India, civil society activists view FOI as a vital and decentralized tool for transforming an opaque and largely corrupt political culture into one that is more open and democratic.

However, even though FOI laws are no longer a “luxury” enjoyed by only a few older democracies (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ), some scholars point out that these laws are not always available in practice due to low usage and noncompliance on the part of the government (see Mendoza, 2011 ; Darch & Underwood, 2010 ; Mason, 2010 ; Media Rights Agenda, 2010 ; Open Society Justice Institute, 2006 , for a comparative examination). Quantitative data confirm low levels of citizen awareness and relatively small numbers of FOI users in many countries (Hazell & Worthy, 2010 ; Roberts, 1998 ; Worthy, 2012 ). In many countries, journalists’ use of FOI is limited (Lidberg, 2003 , 2009 ; Ricketson & Snell, 2002 ; Snell, 2002 ), and political legislators have also been slow to use FOI (Hazell, 1989 ; Worthy, 2012 ). However, some scholars caution against quantitative usage data as the only measure of FOI success. Particular instances of FOI usage can have enormous relevance and effect. “If half a dozen access requests are all that is needed to bring down a corrupt administration, then the social and political impact of freedom of information is assured,” claim Darch and Underwood ( 2010 , p. 112). FOI can be a useful accountability tool for the right user in the right time and place, says Worthy ( 2012 , p. 16). It can have significant consequences in instances where government actors make decisions that are opaque, arbitrary, or corrupt (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ) and can be used by citizens to redress grievances when the government fails to deliver services, benefits, or public works (Roberts, 2010 , p. 927). A plethora of anecdotal evidence suggests that these laws can help marginalized actors fight for their rights and improve democratic governance. Nevertheless, the challenges to information access are many, including weaknesses in the law’s design, low citizen awareness, inadequate institutional procedures, and broader political and social conditions.

While FOI is a mechanism for transparency and accountability, it is also a necessary element of human rights, political rights, and participatory democratic theory. As a mechanism for transparency and accountability, FOI can contribute to better and more democratic governance, but it cannot achieve those goals on its own. Indeed, the evidence suggests that “FOI may be an integral part of an evolving democratic system, but it cannot bring about change by itself” (Stubs, 2008 , p. 681). Nor can it “tackle the complex, deep-rooted issues that prevent increased participation” alone (Worthy, 2010 , p. 578). Such changes require a deepening of democracy that includes a strengthening of accountability processes within institutions and greater opportunities and resources for participation in governance. Administrative reforms, including FOI laws, do not operate in a vacuum but rather within a “political context that may weaken or bolster” their practical outcomes (Julnes & Holzer, 2001 , p. 696). Obstacles to accountability in emerging democracies include a weak civil society and weak adherence to the rule of law. Although FOI laws cannot transform governments or guarantee accountability on their own, they remain a necessary precondition for good governance and for democratic participation. FOI is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for more accountable government.

The chances that FOI will contribute to greater transparency increase with greater and more effective use by civil society members, including activists, the media, and political opposition parties. These groups can use FOI to ask and answer significant questions about the workings, practices, processes, and decisions of government and its subsidiary actors. Information obtained through FOI can contribute to public understandings of government activities, societal problems, and social injustices. Efforts are needed to increase public awareness of information rights, to simplify and strengthen FOI procedures, and to address its barriers and challenges. Moreover, the ability of FOI law to facilitate more transparent governance depends on administrative capacity and will, efficient supervisory mechanisms, and strong adherence to the rule of law. While these factors can contribute to stronger FOI regimes within countries, it is also true that FOI laws can help expose and reform democratic deficits and push governments toward broader democratic reforms.

Historiography

The major body of research pertaining to freedom of information has focused on legal analysis, scrutinizing the interpretation and functionality of FOI laws (Snell, 2004 ). The work of Mark Bovens ( 2002 ) and Alasdair Roberts ( 2001 ) argues for the necessity and functionality of information rights along with social, civil, and political rights. David Banisar ( 2006 ) and Toby Mendel ( 2003 , 2008 ) offer two important surveys of FOI legislation around the globe. Both these works provide a thorough description of established international standards in FOI. In her edited book Transparency and Secrecy: A Reader Linking Literature and Contemporary Debate , Suzanne J. Piotrowski ( 2010 ) brings together a collection of materials from renowned authors that discuss the underlying principles of FOI and present country-based case studies of the tensions between transparency and other laws, from the municipal to the multi-national level of practice. Taking a historical perspective, Michael Schudson ( 2015 ) explains what freedom of information means, how it works, and why it has become globally significant. The latest edition of Birkinshaw’s Freedom of Information: The Law, the Practice and the Ideal ( 2010 ) updates the law governing freedom of information in Great Britain, examining the relationship between law, political culture, and information control. It draws on examples and developments from around the world and examines the interrelationship between domestic, European, and global provisions governing access to information.

With the recent passage of freedom of information laws in many countries, research has begun to focus on the measurement of the practical outcomes of these laws. Traditionally, evaluation research measures the impact of a policy against its stated goals. Evaluations may be “formative” or “summative,” focusing on the early stages of policy implementation or its subsequent impact on the problems it seeks to address (Hazell et al., 2010 ). FOI research has mainly examined what is often considered a first-order goal of this legislation, namely the degree to which FOI laws aid in government transparency. The Open Society Justice Initiative ( 2006 ) offers a comparative perspective on the implementation of FOI laws in 14 countries. Hazell and Worthy ( 2010 ), Hazell ( 1989 ), and Roberts ( 2006 ) provide a comparative examination of Western countries that have a longer experience with FOI. Other case studies provide insights into the implementation of FOI laws in developing countries (Darch & Underwood, 2010 ), including India (Roberts, 2010 ), China (Piotrowski, Zhang, Lin, & Yu, 2009 ), Mexico (Gill & Hughes, 2005 ), Peru (Burt & Cagley, 2013 ), Southeastern Europe (Camaj, 2015 ), and South Africa (Darch & Underwood, 2005 ).

Research that explores the impact of FOI legislation on second-order goals, including socio-economic factors such as accountability, corruption, media freedom, and citizens engagement, often provides anecdotal evidence from individual countries. Nonprofit organizations and advocacy groups focused on government transparency and accountability often provide such information (see Article 19, 2007 ; Banisar, 2006 ). Few academic studies investigate the broader impact of FOI on social change or the socio-economic factors influencing the implementation, uses, or effects of FOI. One notable exception is Hazell et al.’s ( 2010 ) work in Great Britain. Based on interviews and surveys with FOI requesters, their book offers a unique insight into how the Freedom of Information Act 2000 works, exploring its impact not only on government transparency and accountability but also on citizens’ understanding of decision-making, political trust, and participation in the political process. They argue that FOI has had little effect on people’s knowledge and understanding about how government works and the processes behind decision-making. Contrary evidence is provided by case studies from India where, with the intervention of civil society groups, citizens have been able to gain knowledge and address a range of socio-economic problems (Calland & Bentley, 2013 ; Jenkins, 2007 ; Roberts, 2010 ; Singh, 2007 ). Other scholars have examined the relationship between FOI laws and media freedom (Lamble, 2004 ; Lidberg, 2009 ; Nam, 2012 ; Relly, 2012 ), corruption (Nam, 2012 ; Tavares, 2007 ), and quality of governance (Islam, 2006 ; Kaufmann & Bellver, 2005 ). Overall, this research also provides conflicting results, which beg for future systematic exploration.

Empirical research should move beyond silver bullet assumptions of a direct relationship between FOI and various desired outcomes. Instead, it should be sensitive to factors that moderate and intervene in this relationship. At a micro level, we need a clearer picture of (1) what motivates citizens to engage in FOI demand and government agents to comply with FOI requests, (2) what citizens do with the information they obtain via FOI mechanisms, and (3) how FOI alters citizen self-efficacy and participation. At the societal level, research needs to focus on structural conditions that impact FOI effectiveness, like the administrative capacity, economic development, oversight institutions, rule of law, and socio-economic factors. When judging the effects of FOI policies, the “social and political contexts and specific histories of different countries” need to be taken into account (Darch & Underwood, 2010 , p. 7) given that they govern citizens’ incentives to participate and the extent to which information obtained by FOI is likely to make a difference (Joshi, 2013 ). A major lesson drawn from research so far is that freedom of information laws, and the “leverage rights” that users derive from them, are part of complex processes requiring multiple methods of investigation and sensitive theoretical elaboration.

Electronic Resources

Access !nfo Europe .
Reporter’s Committee for Freedom of the Press. Federal Open Government Guide (US) .
Transparency International. Access to Information .
Freedominfo.org .
Centre for Law and Democracy & Access Info Europe. Global Right to Information Rating Map .
Worldwide Web Foundation. The Second Edition of the Open Data Barometer .
Reporters without Borders. Press Freedom Index .

Right to Information - Notes for UPSC Indian Polity

The Right to Information is a very important topic for the IAS exam . In this article we will provide detailed information regarding the RTI Act which is often seen in the news, thus making it a very probable topic to be asked in the UPSC prelims or the UPSC mains exam.

The Right to Information-Indian Polity Notes Download PDF Here

The Right to Information

Historical Background

The right to information is a fundamental right under Article 19 (1) of the Indian Constitution. In 1976, in the Raj Narain vs the State of Uttar Pradesh case, the Supreme Court ruled that Right to information will be treated as a fundamental right under article 19. The Supreme Court held that in Indian democracy, people are the masters and they have the right to know about the working of the government.

Thus the government enacted the Right to Information act in 2005 which provides machinery for exercising this fundamental right.

To know more in detail about the Constitution of India , visit the linked article.

The Right to Information Act of 2005

The act is one of the most important acts which empowers ordinary citizens to question the government and its working. This has been widely used by citizens and media to uncover corruption, progress in government work, expenses-related information, etc.

The primary goal of the Right to Information Act is to empower citizens, promote openness and accountability in government operations, combat corruption, and make our democracy truly function for the people. It goes without saying that an informed citizen is better equipped to keep a required track on governance instruments and hold the government responsible to the governed. The Act is a significant step in informing citizens about the activities of the government.

All constitutional authorities, agencies, owned and controlled, also those organisations which are substantially financed by the government comes under the purview of the act. The act also mandates public authorities of union government or state government, to provide timely response to the citizens’ request for information.

The act also imposes penalties if the authorities delay in responding to the citizen in the stipulated time.

Know more about Cultural and Educational Rights at the linked article.

What type of information can be requested through RTI?

The citizens can seek any information from the government authorities that the government can disclose to the parliament.

Some information that can affect the sovereignty and the integrity of India is exempted from the purview of RTI.

Information relating to internal security, relations with foreign countries, intellectual property rights ( IPR ), cabinet discussions are exempted from RTI.

Objectives of the RTI Act

Empower citizens to question the government.
The act promotes transparency and accountability in the working of the government.
The act also helps in containing corruption in the government and work for the people in a better way.
The act envisages building better-informed citizens who would keep necessary vigil about the functioning of the government machinery.

Important provisions under the Right to Information Act, 2005

Section 2(h): Public authorities mean all authorities and bodies under the union government, state government or local bodies. The civil societies that are substantially funded, directly or indirectly, by the public funds also fall within the ambit of RTI.
Section 4 1(b): Government has to maintain and proactively disclose information.
Section 6: Prescribes a simple procedure for securing information.
Section 7: Prescribes a time frame for providing information(s) by PIOs.
Section 8: Only minimum information exempted from disclosure.
Section 8 (1) mentions exemptions against furnishing information under the RTI Act.
Section 8 (2) provides for disclosure of information exempted under the Official Secrets Act, 1923 if the larger public interest is served.
Section 19: Two-tier mechanism for appeal.
Section 20: Provides penalties in case of failure to provide information on time, incorrect, incomplete or misleading or distorted information.
Section 23: Lower courts are barred from entertaining suits or applications. However, the writ jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India and high courts under Articles 32 and 226 of the Constitution remains unaffected.

To know in detail about the other fundamental rights of the Indian Constitution, aspirants can refer to the links given below:

Significance of the RTI Act

The RTI Act, 2005 empowers the citizen to question the secrecy and abuse of power practised in governance.
It is through the information commissions at the central and state levels that access to such information is provided.
RTI information can be regarded as a public good, for it is relevant to the interests of citizens and is a crucial pillar for the functioning of a transparent and vibrant democracy.
The information obtained not only helps in making government accountable but also useful for other purposes which would serve the overall interests of the society.
Every year, around six million applications are filed under the RTI Act, making it the most extensively used sunshine legislation globally.
These applications seek information on a range of issues, from holding the government accountable for the delivery of basic rights and entitlements to questioning the highest offices of the country.
Using the RTI Act, people have sought information that governments would not like to reveal as it may expose corruption, human rights violations, and wrongdoings by the state.
The access to information about policies, decisions and actions of the government that affect the lives of citizens is an instrument to ensure accountability.
The Supreme Court has, in several judgments, held that the RTI is a fundamental right flowing from Articles 19 and 21 of the Constitution, which guarantee to citizens the freedom of speech and expression and the right to life, respectively.

Recent Amendments

The RTI amendment Bill 2013 removes political parties from the ambit of the definition of public authorities and hence from the purview of the RTI Act.
The draft provision 2017 which provides for closure of case in case of death of applicant can lead to more attacks on the lives of whistleblowers.
The proposed RTI Amendment Act 2018 is aimed at giving the Centre the power to fix the tenures and salaries of state and central information commissioners, which are statutorily protected under the RTI Act. The move will dilute the autonomy and independence of CIC.
The Act proposes to replace the fixed 5-year tenure with as much prescribed by the government.

Criticism of RTI Act

One of the major set-back to the act is that poor record-keeping within the bureaucracy results in missing files.
There is a lack of staffing to run the information commissions.
The supplementary laws like the Whistle Blower’s Act are diluted, this reduces the effect of RTI law.
Since the government does not proactively publish information in the public domain as envisaged in the act and this leads to an increase in the number of RTI applications.
There have been reports of frivolous RTI applications and also the information obtained have been used to blackmail the government authorities.

RTI Act – Associated Challenges

Asking for desperate and voluminous information.
To attain publicity by filing RTI
RTI filed as a vindictive tool to harass or pressurize the public authority
Because of illiteracy and unawareness among the majority of the population in the country, the RTI cannot be exercised.
Though RTI’s aim is not to create a grievance redressal mechanism, the notices from Information Commissions often spur the public authorities to redress grievances.

List of Current Affairs Articles for UPSC

Difference between Right to Information and Right to Privacy

The right to privacy and the right to information are both essential human rights in modern society where technological information breach is very common. These two rights complement each other in holding governments accountable to individuals in a majority of the cases.

Right to Information provides a fundamental right for any person to access information held by government bodies. At the same time, the right to privacy laws grants individuals a fundamental right to control the collection of, access to, and use of personal information about them that is held by governments and private bodies.

Right To Information Act vs Legislations for Non Disclosure of Information

Under these provisions, head of department may refuse to provide information on affairs of state and only swearing that it is a state secret will entitle not to disclose the information.
In a similar manner no public officer shall be compelled to disclose communications made to him in official confidence.
The Atomic Energy Act, 1912 provides that it shall be an offence to disclose information restricted by the Central Government.
The Central Civil Services Act provides a government servant not to communicate or part with any official documents except in accordance with a general or special order of government.
The Official Secrets Act, 1923 provides that any government official can mark a document as confidential so as to prevent its publication.
The Right to Information Act has not achieved its full objectives due to some impediments created due to systematic failures. It was made to achieve social justice, transparency and to make an accountable government.
This law provides us with a priceless opportunity to redesign the processes of governance, particularly at the grassroots level where the citizens’ interface is maximum.
It is well recognized that the right to information is necessary, but not sufficient, to improve governance. A lot more needs to be done to usher in accountability in governance, including protection of whistleblowers, decentralization of power and fusion of authority with accountability at all levels.
As observed by Delhi High Court that misuse of the RTI Act has to be appropriately dealt with; otherwise the public would lose faith and confidence in this “sunshine Act”.

UPSC Questions related to Right to Information

What do you mean by the right to information.

Right to information is a right given to the citizens to question and hold the government accountable for its functions. The RTI act 2005 helps in exercising this right.

How can I use the Right to Information Act?

RTI can be filed by any citizen through an application submitting to the designated officer by paying Rupees ten.

Which type of right is right to information?

Right to Information has been categorised as a Fundamental Right under Article 19(1) of the Indian constitution by the Supreme Court.

What is the main objective of RTI?

RTI was introduced to empower citizens to question the government and its working. Any citizen could request for information that does not threaten the internal security and integrity of India.

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6 Right to Information (RTI): Concept, Scope and Features

Rupak Chakravarty

Restricted Flow of Information:

Regardless of the constitutional provisions, the system of governance in India has traditionally been opaque, with the State retaining the colonial Official Secrets Act (OSA) and continuing to operate in secrecy at the administrative level. The Central Civil Service Conduct Rules, 1964 also strengthened the OSA by prohibiting government servants from communicating any official document to anyone without authorization. The major factors which influence the free flow of information are bureaucratic culture, illiteracy and absence of effective communication tools.

No doubt, there is need for administrative secrecy in certain cases. No one wants classified documents concerning national defence and foreign policy to be made public till after the usual period is over. But, at the same time, every citizen has a right to know how the Government is functioning. Right to Information empowers every citizen to seek any information from the Government, inspect any Government documents and seek certified photocopies thereof. Some laws on Right to Information also empower citizens to official inspect any Government work or to take sample of material used in any work.

2. Right to Information (RTI):

RTI stands for Right to Information and has been given the status of a fundamental right under Article 19(1) of the Constitution. Article 19(1) says that every citizen has freedom of speech and expression. As early as in 1976, the Supreme Court said in the case of Rajnarayan Vs State of U.P., that people can not speak or express themselves unless they know. Therefore, Right to Information is embedded in Article 19 and is a fundamental right. In the same case, Supreme Court further said that India is a democracy. People are the masters. Therefore, the master’s have a right to know how the governments, meant to serve them, are functioning. Further, every citizen pays taxes. The citizens therefore, have a right to know how their money was being spent. These three principles were laid down by the Supreme Court while saying that RTI is a fundamental right of the people of India. As an Act, RTI came into force on 12th October, 2005. The objective of the Act was revolutionary when seen in the Indian context, as it opened all official departments across the country to public scrutiny.

It mandates timely response to citizen requests for government information. The RTI Act 2005 provides effective access to information for citizens of India, which is under the control of the public authorities. It promotes transparency and accountability in the working of every public authority. It extends to the whole of India except the state of Jammu and Kashmir. In order to ensure greater and more effective access to information, it was decided to repeal the Freedom of Information Act, 2002 and enact another law for providing an effective framework. To achieve this object, the Right to Information Bill was introduced in the Parliament and was passed by the Lok Sabha on 11th May, 2005 and by the Rajya Sabha on 12th May, 2005 and it received the assent on 15th June, 2005. It comes into force on the 12th October, 2005 (120th day of its enactment on 15th June, 2005). It came on the Statute Book as THE RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACT, 2005. The Act extends to the whole of India except the State of Jammu and Kashmir.

The basic object of the Right to Information Act is to empower the citizens, promote transparency and accountability in the working of the Government, contain corruption, and make our democracy work for the people in real sense. It goes without saying that an informed citizen is better equipped to keep necessary vigil on the instruments of governance and make the government more accountable to the governed. The Act is a big step towards making the citizens informed about the activities of the Government.

Right to Information includes the right to:

Ø Inspect works, documents, and records.

Ø Take notes, extracts or certified copies of documents or records.

Ø Take certified samples of material.

Ø Obtain information in form of printouts, diskettes, floppies, tapes, video, cassettes or in any other electronic mode or through printouts.

“information” means any material in any form, including records, documents, memos, e-mails, opinions, advices, press releases, circulars, orders, logbooks, contracts, reports, papers, samples, models, data material held in any electronic form and information relating to any private body which can be accessed by a public authority under any other law for the time being in force.

“ record ” includes:

a) Any document, manuscript and file

b) Any microfilm, microfiche, and facsimile copy of a document

c) Any reproduction of image or images embodied in such microfilm (whether enlarged or not); and

d) Any other material produced by a computer or any other device;

e) The Second Schedule of the RTI Act exempts certain Public Authorities under the Central Government from disclosure of information under the RTI Act 2005.

In CIC Decision No. ICPB/A-1/CIC/2006 dt.31.01.2006, the CIC held that “file notings are not, as a matter of law, exempt from disclosure”. Thus, file notings can be disclosed under the Act.

3. Exclusions:

Central Intelligence and Security agencies specified in the Second Schedule like:

1. Assam Rifles

2. Aviation Research Centre

3. Border Road Development Board.

4. Border Security Force (BSF)

5. Central Economic Intelligence Bureau (CEIB)

6. Central Industrial Security Force (CISF)

7. Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF)

8. Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Special Branch,

9. Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO)

10. Directorate General of Income-tax (Investigation)

11. Directorate of Enforcement

12. Directorate of Revenue Intelligence

13. Financial Intelligence Unit, India.

14. R&AW,

15. Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP)

16. Intelligence Bureau (IB)

17. Lakshadweep Police

18. Narcotics Control Bureau

19. National Security Council Secretariat

20. National Security Guards (NSG)

21. National Technical Research Organisation.

22. Research and Analysis Wing of the Cabinet Secretariat

23. Sashastra Seema Bal

24. Special Branch (CID)

25. Special Frontier Force

26. Special Protection Group (SPG)

27. Special Service Bureau

28. The Crime Branch-CID-CB

However, these Public Authorities have to respond to RTI Applications which pertain to subjects of Human Rights and Corruption as per Section 5(1) of the RTI Act. Agencies specified by the State Governments through a Notification will also be excluded. Similarly, some States within the union has also exempted certain Public Authorities in the respective states, from the purview of the Act.

The exclusion, however, is not absolute and these organizations have an obligation to provide information pertaining to allegations of corruption and human rights violations. Further, information relating to allegations of human rights valuations could be given but only with the approval of the Central or State Information Commission, as the case may be.

4. Public Authority:

It means any authority or body or institution of self-government established or constituted:

by or under the Constitution;
by any other law made by Parliament;
by any other law made by State Legislature;
by notification issued or order made by the appropriate Government and includes any-
body owned, controlled or substantially financed
non-Government organization substantially financed directly or indirectly by the appropriate Government.

4.1 Obligations of Public Authority:

It shall publish within 120 Days of the enactment:-

Ø the particulars of its organization, functions and duties;

Ø the powers and duties of its officers and employees;

Ø the procedure followed in its decision making process, including channels of supervision and accountability;

Ø the norms set by it for the discharge of its functions;

Ø the rules, regulations, instructions, manuals and records used by its employees for discharging its functions;

Ø a statement of the categories of the documents held by it or under its control;

Ø the particulars of any arrangement that exists for consultation with, or representation by the members of the public, in relation to the formulation of policy or implementation thereof;

Ø a statement of the boards, councils, committees and other bodies consisting of two or more persons constituted by it. Additionally, information as to whether the meetings of these are open to the public, or the minutes’ of such meetings are accessible to the public;

Ø a directory of its officers and employees;

Ø the monthly remuneration received by each of its officers and employees, including the system of compensation as provided in its regulations;

Ø the budget allocated to each of its agency, indicating the particulars of all plans, proposed expenditures and reports on disbursements made;

Ø the manner of execution of subsidy programmes, including the amounts allocated and the details and beneficiaries of such programmes;

Ø particulars of recipients of concessions, permits or authorizations granted by it;

Ø details of the information available to, or held by it, reduced in an electronic form;

Ø the particulars of facilities available to citizens for obtaining information, including the working hours of a library or reading room, if maintained for public use;

Ø the names, designations and other particulars of the Public Information Officers.

5. Public Information Officers (PIOs)

PIOs are officers designated by the public authorities in all administrative units or offices under it to provide information to the citizens requesting for information under the Act. Any officer, whose assistance has been sought by the PIO for the proper discharge of his or her duties, shall render all assistance and for the purpose of contraventions of the provisions of this Act, such other officer shall be treated as a PIO. Every public authority shall have to appoint a PIO, irrespective of the size of its office / administrative unit. This includes Panchayats/Municipalities (or any local authority). It is pertinent here to note that the Assistant (APIO) is not an assistant to the PIO.

5.1 Duties of a PIO:

PIO shall deal with requests from persons seeking information and where the request cannot be made in writing, to render reasonable assistance to the person to reduce the same in writing.
If the information requested for is held by or its subject matter is closely connected with the function of another public authority, the PIO shall transfer, within 5 days, the request to that other public authority and inform the applicant immediately.
PIO may seek the assistance of any other officer for the proper discharge of his/her duties.
PIO, on receipt of a request, shall as expeditiously as possible, and in any case within 30 days of the receipt of the request, either provide the information on payment of such fee as may be prescribed or reject the request for any of the reasons specified in S.8 or S.9.
Where the information requested for concerns the life or liberty of a person, the same shall be provided within forty-eight hours of the receipt of the request.
If the PIO fails to give decision on the request within the period specified, he shall be deemed to have refused the request.
Where a request has been rejected, the PIO shall communicate to the requester – (i) the reasons for such rejection, (ii) the period within which an appeal against such rejection may be preferred, and (iii) the particulars of the Appellate Authority.
PIO shall provide information in the form in which it is sought unless it would disproportionately divert the resources of the Public Authority or would be detrimental to the safety or preservation of the record in question.

6. Partial Access:

If allowing partial access, the PIO shall give a notice to the applicant, informing:

Ø that only part of the record requested, after severance of the record containing information which is exempt from disclosure, is being provided;

Ø the reasons for the decision, including any findings on any material question of fact, referring to the material on which those findings were based;

Ø the name and designation of the person giving the decision;

Ø the details of the fees calculated by him or her and the amount of fee which the applicant is required to deposit; and

Ø his or her rights with respect to review of the decision regarding non-disclosure of part of the information, the amount of fee charged or the form of access provided.

Ø If information sought has been supplied by third party or is treated as confidential by that third party, the PIO shall give a written notice to the third party within 5 days from the receipt of the request and take its representation into consideration.

Ø Third party must be given a chance to make a representation before the PIO within 10 days from the date of receipt of such notice.

7. Exemption from Disclosure:

The following is exempt from disclosure [S.8)]

Ø information, disclosure of which would prejudicially affect the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security, strategic, scientific or economic interests of the State, relation with foreign State or lead to incitement of an offence

Ø information which has been expressly forbidden to be published by any court of law or tribunal or the disclosure of which may constitute contempt of court;

Ø information, the disclosure of which would cause a breach of privilege of Parliament or the State Legislature;

Ø information including commercial confidence, trade secrets or intellectual property, the disclosure of which would harm the competitive position of a third party, unless the competent authority is satisfied that larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information;

Ø information available to a person in his fiduciary relationship, unless the competent authority is satisfied that the larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information;

Ø information received in confidence from foreign Government;

Ø information, the disclosure of which would endanger the life or physical safety of any person or identify the source of information or assistance given in confidence for law enforcement or security purposes;

Ø information which would impede the process of investigation or apprehension or prosecution of offenders;

Ø cabinet papers including records of deliberations of the Council of Ministers, Secretaries and other officers;

Ø information which relates to personal information the disclosure of which has no relationship to any public activity or interest, or which would cause unwarranted invasion of the privacy of the individual;

Ø Notwithstanding any of the exemptions listed above, a public authority may allow access to information, if public interest in disclosure outweighs the harm to the protected interests.

8. Partial Disclosure:

Only that part of the record which does not contain any information which is exempt from disclosure and which can reasonably be severed from any part that contains exempt information, may be provided. [S.10]

Section 10(2)(b) of the RTI Act makes it clear that the PIO is the deciding authority for granting partial access to records that may contain exempted information. However, when partial information is disclosed the PIO needs to provide valid reasons for the decision. He/ She also needs to mention his name and designation as the decision maker and the applicant’s right with respect to the review of the decision, including the particulars of the AO, time limit, process etc. Only that part of the record which does not contain any information which is exempt from disclosure and which can reasonably be severed from any part that contains exempt information, may be provided.

9. Application Procedure for requesting information:

10. Public Sector Unit (PSU):

PSUs fall within the category of public authorities. Even if the law constituting a PSU does not allow disclosure of certain categories of information, the RTI Act, 2005 overrides any such law in existence. Hence the designated PIO for the organisation under question has to provide the information.

However, if an applicant seeks information, that includes commercial confidence, trade secrets or Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) etc. the disclosure of which will affect the competitive position of that PSU, such information may not be given unless there is a larger public interest involved.

11. Traditional Practices: Verbal Communication

Government offices have been providing information to people on the basis of their oral requests in the past. The RTI Act does require such informal practices to end as there is no need to discontinue the conventional and informal practice of giving information upon oral request. The RTI Act does not put an end to such practices. If information can be given without delay upon oral request it is better to give such information to the requester rather than require him/her to put in a formal application. This helps reduce paper work for the public authority.

12. Annual Confidential Reports (ACRs):

As per the Central Information Commission (CIC) “the assessment reports by the superior officers are personal and confidential information and therefore exempted under Section 8 (1) (j) of the RTI Act”. The CIC maintains the ‘Annual Performance Appraisal Reports’ cannot be shared as they are confidential in nature.

13. Answer Scripts:

Students cannot have access to answer scripts / supplements and cannot ask for copies or inspection of their answer scripts if they are unhappy with the marks awarded by the examiner in public examinations.

14. Multiple Public Authorities:

In several states more than one public authority are notified within every department from the secretariat level to the district and sub-district levels. Every such public authority will have to develop its own proactive disclosure documents or Information Handbooks unique to its powers, functions, area of operation etc.

15. Voluntary Disclosure: Workload Reduction

If Public authorities disclose certain information which is important to the public voluntarily at every level of operation systematically it will reduce the workload of officials and public authorities with regard to the requirement of providing information on request. This is because the information which is regularly needed by the public can be accessed by them without the need of going through a process of making specific request.

16. manuals:

There are 17 categories of information that a public authority is required to prepare and disseminate proactively through handbooks, notice boards, print and electronic media etc.

The CIC has, in one of its letters (dt. 10.05.2006) to all Ministries / Departments, stated that “it is in the interest of the public authorities to make available all the 17 manuals to the citizens, which is likely to reduce the volume of requests for information under the RTI Act”. If appropriate management information systems (MIS) are developed and maintained by departments using information and communication technologies, the preparation of the information to be published at different levels annually can be a simple affair. Information shall be disseminated through notice boards, news papers, public announcements, media broadcasts, the Internet or any other means.

17. Updates:

The Act requires that every public authority has to update its publications under Section 4(1)(b) every year as is it not enough to publish information only once at the time of the commencement of the RTI Act. The Central/State Government/ Departments will have to come out with general instructions for time-bound updating of all categories of information, including formats for publication. Every public authority may in turn publish updated information that is specific to its functions following the guidelines.

18. Penalty:

It is advisable to publish as much information as possible under Section 4(1) (b) within the deadline and give it wide media publicity so that people know that the public authority/department is earnest about implementing the law. Any person can make complaint to the relevant Information Commission under Section 18 (1) (f) of the Act and the Commission may even require the public authority to compensate the complainant for any loss or other detriment suffered.

The Information Commission has the power under Section 19(8) (a)(vi) to receive from a public authority an annual compliance report in relation to Section 4 (1) (b). This reporting mechanism will technically make the public authority answerable to the Information Commission for all acts of commission and omission in relation to proactive disclosure.

19. Scope and Limitation on Information Sought:

The Act does not permit rejection of an application simply because it relates to a large number of documents. An applicant can ask for 20 to 30 different kinds of information in the same application and cannot be asked to apply afresh. If the information published under Section 4 (1) (b) of the Act is comprehensive and proper information systems are maintained to enable such publication, even if an applicant requests for many pieces of information, the same can be provided to the applicant without much difficulty. Appropriate record management systems need also to be instituted. A PIO can request the applicant to visit his/her office personally on a notified date and time to inspect the required documents or files.

Under Section 7 (9), information shall be provided in the form in which it is sought unless it would ‘disproportionately’ divert the resources of the public authority. The PIO has to determine and justify what constitutes ‘disproportionately divert resources’.

If the same kind of information is sought by more than one person it should be made available to all such requesters. However it is advisable that such records be digitized as far as possible and uploaded on the Internet to facilitate easy access.

If the information requested by a citizen has already been proactively disclosed a PIO cannot refuse to accept the request and it should be provided to a citizen on request in the available formats upon payment of fees/charges at rates prescribed by the Government.

20. Transfer an Application or Parts:

The RTI Act makes it clear that the PIO, in case a single application the applicant requests information that relates to a public authority and also information held by another public authority other public authority/authorities, the PIO will transfer the application to the other PIO concerned within 5 days and the same has to be informed to the applicant in writing.

21. Misuse and Abuse of RTI: Myths and Realities

It is inaccurate to assume that some elements may misuse RTI and use the information to blackmail/threaten officers. On the contrary, the Act actually prevents blackmail to honest and sincere officers as it requires making as much information as possible available with the public authorities in the public domain may. Thus, the question of blackmail or threatening may not arise. As far as possible, information must be made public so as to reduce any possibility of blackmail. An honest and sincere officer need not fear blackmail at all. The strict adherence to the law would facilitate smooth functioning of such officers as they will be protected by law.

If disclosure of building plans and designs would prejudicially affect the economic or security interests of the State or if they relate to commercial confidence, or trade secrets or intellectual property rights, the disclosure of which would harm the competitive position of a third party, then such information would attract exemption under the Act. However, if the concerned authority is satisfied that larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information, the same can be disclosed.

21.1 Protection of Records:

22. Public Interest:

The term “public interest” encompasses “Redressing public injury, enforcing public duty, protecting social, collective, ‘diffused’ rights and interests vindicate public interest… [in the enforcement of which] the public or a class of the community have pecuniary interest or some interest by which their legal rights or liabilities are affected.”

23. Appellate Authorities:

1. First Appeal: First appeal to the officer senior in rank to the PIO in the concerned Public Authority within 30 days from the expiry of the prescribed time limit or from the receipt of the decision (delay may be condoned by the Appellate Authority if sufficient cause is shown).

2. Second Appeal: Second appeal to the Central Information Commission or the State Information Commission as the case may be, within 90 days of the date on which the decision was given or should have been made by the First Appellate Authority (delay may be condoned by the Commission if sufficient cause is shown).

3. Third Party Appeal: Third Party appeal against PIO’s decision must be filed within 30 days before first Appellate Authority; and, within 90 days of the decision on the first appeal, before the appropriate Information Commission which is the second appellate authority.

Burden of proving that denial of Information was justified lies with the PIO. First Appeal shall be disposed of within 30 days from the date of its receipt. Period extendable by 15 days for reasons to be recorded in writing. [Section19 (6)] There is no time limit prescribed under the Act for deciding second appeals.

24. Court Jurisdiction :

Lower Courts are barred from entertaining suits, applications or other proceeding against any order made under this Act [Section 23]. However, the writ jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and High Courts under Articles 32 and 226 of the Constitution respectively remains unaffected.

25. Online Certificate Course on Right To Information (RTIOCC):

The Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT), Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, Government of India (GoI) has launched an ‘Online Certificate Course on Right To Information’ (RTIOCC) for various stakeholders. This Online Certificate Course on RTI is launched in association with the Centre for Good Governance, Hyderabad.

It also provide a– RTI Portal Gateway ( http://rti.gov.in/ ) to the citizens for quick search of information on the details of first Appellate Authorities, PIOs etc. amongst others, besides access to RTI related information / disclosures published on the web by various Public Authorities under the government of India as well as the State Governments. Users can also take up RTI quiz online to test their knowledge on RTI.

The 15-day course will be based on the principle of “learning while doing”. Therefore, it is requested that those who take the 7-day course follow it up with the 15-day course for in depth understanding and utility of the RTI Act.

26. Summary:

RTI paves the way for the information society wherein people enjoy information democracy. RTI strives for right information to the right person at right time, in right spirit, at right cost and in right format with adherence to minimal exceptions, duty to inform (Suo moto disclosures), accountability provisions, provisions for setting-up systems to maintain records and store information for easy retrieval, reasonable fee structure to obtain information, time limits for providing information. RTI can lead to a corruption free society where the governments (local, regional and national) are more accountable and transparent with protection of privacy and protection of whistle blowers (an informant who exposes wrong doing within an organization in the hope of stopping it). However, the wider acceptance to RTI will come through wider publicity and training at different levels.

The Right to Information Act is one of the biggest achievements of Indian democracy. The Act, which is one of the most powerful legislations of its kind in the world, is also to the closest to the citizen’s heart. The basic “mantra” of its success lies in its simplicity. It has empowered the citizenry in an unprecedented manner to participate in nation building by promoting transparency and accountability in the working of every public authority.

References:

1. Ashraf, T. (2008). Empowering people through information: A case study of India’s Right to Information Act. International Information & Library Review , 40 (3), 148-152. doi:10.1016/j.iilr.2008.06.002

2. Bhatia, K. (2008). ROLE OF LIBRARIAN IN RIGHT TO INFORMATION (RTI) AND DEMOCRACY. SRELS Journal Of Information Management , 45 (1), 11-16.

3. Coopers, P. (2009). Final Report: Understanding the Key Issues and Constraints in Implementing the Rti Act. New Delhi: Department of Personnel and Training .

4. DEY, N., & ROY, A. (2013). India in Open Government and Open Government in India. Stanford Social Innovation Review , 11 (2), 14.

5. Jain, V., & Saraf, S. (2013). Empowering the poor with right to information and library services. Library Review , 62 (1/2), 47-52. doi:10.1108/00242531311328159

6. Jenkins, R., & Goetz, A. M. (1999). Accounts and accountability: theoretical implications of the right-to-information movement in India. Third World Quarterly , 20 (3), 603-622.

7. Kaula, P. N. (2006). CLEANING UP PUBLIC LIFE WITH RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACT. International Information, Communication & Education , 25 (2), 297-299.

8. Roberts, A. (2010). A great and revolutionary law? The first four years of India’s Right to Information Act. Public Administration Review , 70 (6), 925-933.

9. Sarangi, P. (2012). CAN THE RIGHT TO INFORMATION HELP?. Journal Of Democracy , 23 (1), 149-154.

10. Shekhawat, B. S. (2006). USE OF RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACT. Herald Of Library Science , 45 (1/2), 83-85.

11. Singh, S. (2012). RIGHT TO INFORMATION AND INFORMATION LITERACY: AN INDIAN PERSPECTIVE. SRELS Journal Of Information Management , 49 (1), 5-

12. Vijayakumar, J. K. (2005). Right to Information Act in India. IFLA Journal , 31 (3),279.

13. http://rtiocc.cgg.gov.in/home.do

14. http://righttoinformation.gov.in/

15. https://rtionline.gov.in/

16. http://www.img.kerala.gov.in/

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The Right to Information Act

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How to Write an Informative Essay: Everything You Need to Know

Did you know that informative essays aren't just for school? They're also used in jobs like journalism, marketing, and PR to explain complex ideas and promote things. This shows how useful they are outside of the classroom.

So, if you're planning to write one, that's a great choice! It's interesting but can be tough. To do it well, you need to plan, research, and organize carefully. Keep your tone balanced, give clear info, and add your own thoughts to stand out.

In this guide, our essay writer will give you tips on starting and organizing your essay effectively. At the end, you'll also find interesting essay samples. So, let's jump right into it.

What is an Informative Essay

To give a good informative essay definition, imagine them as windows to new knowledge. Their main job is to teach others about a particular topic. Whether it's for a school project or something you stumble upon online, these essays are packed with interesting facts and insights.

Here's a simple breakdown from our admission essay writing service of what makes an informative essay tick:

Keeping It Real: These essays are all about the facts. No opinions allowed. We want to keep things fair and honest.
Topics Galore: You can write about anything you find interesting, from science and history to things about different cultures.
Where You Find Them: Informative essays can pop up anywhere, from your classroom assignments to the pages of magazines or even online articles.
Research: Like a good detective, informative essays rely on solid evidence. That means digging into trustworthy sources to gather reliable information.
Stay Neutral: To keep things fair, informative essays don't take sides. They present the facts and let readers draw their own conclusions.
Structure: These essays have a clear roadmap. They start with an introduction to set the stage, then present the main points with evidence, and wrap up with a summary to tie it all together.
Write for Your Audience: Keep your writing simple and easy to understand. Think about who will be reading it.
Give Just Enough Detail: Don't overload people with info. Find the right balance so it's interesting but not overwhelming.

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Reasons to Write an Informative Essay

Writing informative essays, whether following the IEEE format or another style, is a great way to teach and share ideas with others. Here's why it's worth giving it a try:

Make Complex Ideas Easy : Informative essays simplify complicated topics so everyone can understand them. They break down big ideas into simple parts, helping more people learn and share knowledge.
Encourage Thinking : When you read these essays, you're encouraged to think for yourself. They give you facts and evidence so you can form your own opinions about different topics. This helps you become better at understanding the world around you.
Inspire Doing : They can motivate people to take action and make positive changes by raising awareness about important issues like the environment, fairness, or health. By reading these essays, people might be inspired to do something to help.
Leave a Mark : When you write informative essays, you're leaving a legacy of knowledge for future generations. Your ideas can be read and learned from long after you're gone, helping others understand the world better.

How to Start an Informative Essay

If you're still doubting how to start with an informative essay outline, no worries! Here's a step-by-step guide to help you tackle this task like a pro. Alternatively, you can simply order essay and have it done by experts.

Choose an Exciting Topic : Pick something that really grabs your attention. Writing about what you're genuinely interested in makes the whole process way more fun. Plus, it's easier to write confidently about things you know a bit about.
Dig into Research : Spend some quality time digging up info from reliable sources. Take good notes, so you have all the facts you need to back up your essay. The better your research, the stronger your essay will be.
Set Your Essay's Goal : Decide what you want your essay to do. Are you explaining something, analyzing a problem, or comparing ideas? Knowing your goal helps you focus your writing.
Sketch Out Your Essay : Make a simple plan for your essay. Start with an intro that grabs attention and states your main idea. Then, map out your main points for the body paragraphs and plan a strong finish for your conclusion.
Kick Off with an Awesome Introduction : Start with a killer opening line to hook your readers. Give a bit of background on your topic and clearly state your main idea.
Flesh Out Your Body Paragraphs : In each paragraph, cover one key point backed up with evidence from your research. Keep it clear and simple, and don't forget to cite your sources.
Wrap Up Strong : Sum up your main points in your conclusion and restate your main idea in a memorable way. Leave your readers with something to think about related to your topic.

Informative Essay Outline

Many students don't realize how helpful outlining can be for writing an informative essay. Spending a bit of time on it can actually save you loads of time later on when you're writing. To give you a head start, here's a simple format from our term paper writing services :

I. Introduction

Start with something catchy to grab attention
Give a little background info on your topic
State your main idea clearly in your thesis statement

II. Body Paragraphs

A. Talk about your first main idea

Share evidence or facts that support this idea
Explain what the evidence means
Transition smoothly to the next point

B. Move on to your second main idea

Provide evidence or facts for this point
Explain why this evidence matters
Transition to the next paragraph

C. Address your third main idea

Offer supporting evidence or facts
Explain the significance of this evidence
Transition to the next part

III. Conclusion

Restate your thesis statement to remind readers of your main point
Summarize the key points you've covered in the body paragraphs
Leave readers with some final thoughts or reflections to ponder

IV. Optional: Extra Sections

Consider addressing counterarguments and explaining why they're not valid (if needed)
Offer suggestions for further research or additional reading
Share personal anecdotes or examples to make your essay more relatable (if it fits)

Informative Essay Structure

Now that you've got a plan and know how to start an essay let's talk about how to organize it in more detail.

Introduction :

In your informative essay introduction, your aim is to grab the reader's interest and provide a bit of background on your topic. Start with something attention-grabbing, like a surprising fact or a thought-provoking question. Then, give a quick overview of what you'll be talking about in your essay with a clear thesis statement that tells the reader what your main points will be.

Body Paragraphs:

The body paragraphs of an informative essay should dive into the main ideas of your topic. Aim for at least three main points and back them up with evidence from reliable sources. Remember the 'C-E-E' formula: Claim, Evidence, Explanation. Start each paragraph with a clear point, then provide evidence to support it, and finally, explain why it's important. Mastering how to write an informative essay also requires smooth transitions from one section to the next, so don't forget to use transition words.

Conclusion :

You may already guess how to write a conclusion for an informative essay, as it's quite similar to other writing types. Wrap up by summarizing the main points you've made. Restate your thesis to remind the reader what your essay was all about. Then, leave them with some final thoughts or reflections to think about. Maybe suggest why your topic is important or what people can learn from it.

Informative Essay Examples

Essay examples show how theoretical ideas can be applied effectively and engagingly. So, let's check them out for good structure, organization, and presentation techniques.

Additionally, you can also explore essay writing apps that offer convenience and flexibility, allowing you to work on assignments wherever you are.

7 Steps for Writing an Informative Essay

Before you leave, here are 7 simple yet crucial steps for writing an informative essay. Make sure to incorporate them into your writing process:

Choose Your Topic: If you're given the freedom to choose your topic, opt for something you're passionate about and can explain effectively in about five paragraphs. Begin with a broad subject area and gradually narrow it down to a specific topic. Consider conducting preliminary research to ensure there's enough information available to support your essay.
Do Your Research: Dive deep into your chosen topic and gather information from reliable sources. Ensure that the sources you use are credible and can be referenced in your essay. This step is crucial for building a solid foundation of knowledge on your topic.
Create an Outline: Once you've collected your research, organize your thoughts by creating an outline. Think of it as a roadmap for your essay, briefly summarizing what each paragraph will cover. This step helps maintain coherence and ensures that you cover all essential points in your essay.
Start Writing: With your outline in hand, begin drafting your essay. Don't strive for perfection on the first attempt; instead, focus on getting your ideas down on paper. Maintain an objective and informative tone, avoiding overly complex language or unnecessary embellishments.
Revise Your Draft: After completing the initial draft, take a break before revisiting your work. Read through your essay carefully, assessing how well your arguments are supported by evidence and ensuring a smooth flow of ideas. Rewrite any sections that require improvement to strengthen your essay's overall coherence and clarity.
Proofread: Once you've revised your essay, thoroughly proofread it to catch any spelling or grammar errors. Additionally, verify the accuracy of the facts and information presented in your essay. A polished and error-free essay reflects positively on your attention to detail and credibility as a writer.
Cite Your Sources: Finally, include a citations page to acknowledge the sources you've referenced in your essay. Follow the formatting guidelines of the chosen citation style, whether it's MLA, APA, or Chicago, to ensure consistency and proper credit to the original authors. This step is essential for maintaining academic integrity and avoiding plagiarism accusations.

Final Remarks

Fantastic! Now that you know how to write an informative essay and absorbed the essentials, let's recap the key points:

You've learned the basics of informative essay writing.
Ready to choose an interesting topic that connects with your audience.
You've understood how to organize your essay clearly, with each paragraph serving a purpose.
You have step-by-step guidance for writing engagingly.
You've gained valuable tips to improve your writing skills and make your essay stand out.

By applying these insights, you're set to write an engaging essay that informs and inspires your readers!

Want to Unleash the Brilliance of Your Ideas?

Claim your expertly crafted informative essay today and command attention with your brilliant insights!

How to Write a Summary of a Book with an Example

Informative Essay — Purpose, Structure, and Examples

What is informative writing?

Informative writing educates the reader about a certain topic. An informative essay may explain new information, describe a process, or clarify a concept. The provided information is objective, meaning the writing focuses on presentation of fact and should not contain personal opinion or bias.

Informative writing includes description, process, cause and effect, comparison, and problems and possible solutions:

Describes a person, place, thing, or event using descriptive language that appeals to readers’ senses

Explains the process to do something or how something was created

Discusses the relationship between two things, determining how one ( cause ) leads to the other ( effect ); the effect needs to be based on fact and not an assumption

Identifies the similarities and differences between two things; does not indicate that one is better than the other

Details a problem and presents various possible solutions ; the writer does not suggest one solution is more effective than the others

Purpose of informative writing

The purpose of an informative essay depends upon the writer’s motivation, but may be to share new information, describe a process, clarify a concept, explain why or how, or detail a topic’s intricacies.

Informative essays may introduce readers to new information .

Summarizing a scientific/technological study

Outlining the various aspects of a religion

Providing information on a historical period

Describe a process or give step-by-step details of a procedure.

How to write an informational essay

How to construct an argument

How to apply for a job

Clarify a concept and offer details about complex ideas.

Explain why or how something works the way that it does.

Describe how the stock market impacts the economy

Illustrate why there are high and low tides

Detail how the heart functions

Offer information on the smaller aspects or intricacies of a larger topic.

Identify the importance of the individual bones in the body

Outlining the Dust Bowl in the context of the Great Depression

Explaining how bees impact the environment

How to write an informative essay

Regardless of the type of information, the informative essay structure typically consists of an introduction, body, and conclusion.

Introduction

Background information

Explanation of evidence

Restated thesis

Review of main ideas

Closing statement

Informative essay introduction

When composing the introductory paragraph(s) of an informative paper, include a hook, introduce the topic, provide background information, and develop a good thesis statement.

If the hook or introduction creates interest in the first paragraph, it will draw the readers’ attention and make them more receptive to the essay writer's ideas. Some of the most common techniques to accomplish this include the following:

Emphasize the topic’s importance by explaining the current interest in the topic or by indicating that the subject is influential.

Use pertinent statistics to give the paper an air of authority.

A surprising statement can be shocking; sometimes it is disgusting; sometimes it is joyful; sometimes it is surprising because of who said it.

An interesting incident or anecdote can act as a teaser to lure the reader into the remainder of the essay. Be sure that the device is appropriate for the informative essay topic and focus on what is to follow.

Directly introduce the topic of the essay.

Provide the reader with the background information necessary to understand the topic. Don’t repeat this information in the body of the essay; it should help the reader understand what follows.

Identify the overall purpose of the essay with the thesis (purpose statement). Writers can also include their support directly in the thesis, which outlines the structure of the essay for the reader.

Informative essay body paragraphs

Each body paragraph should contain a topic sentence, evidence, explanation of evidence, and a transition sentence.

A good topic sentence should identify what information the reader should expect in the paragraph and how it connects to the main purpose identified in the thesis.

Provide evidence that details the main point of the paragraph. This includes paraphrasing, summarizing, and directly quoting facts, statistics, and statements.

Explain how the evidence connects to the main purpose of the essay.

Place transitions at the end of each body paragraph, except the last. There is no need to transition from the last support to the conclusion. A transition should accomplish three goals:

Tell the reader where you were (current support)

Tell the reader where you are going (next support)

Relate the paper’s purpose

Informative essay conclusion

Incorporate a rephrased thesis, summary, and closing statement into the conclusion of an informative essay.

Rephrase the purpose of the essay. Do not just repeat the purpose statement from the thesis.

Summarize the main idea found in each body paragraph by rephrasing each topic sentence.

End with a clincher or closing statement that helps readers answer the question “so what?” What should the reader take away from the information provided in the essay? Why should they care about the topic?

Informative essay example

The following example illustrates a good informative essay format:

PTE EXAM PREPARATION

PTE Academic Exam Practice Material

Essay on Right to Information

We are going to write an essay on right to information in 250 words. First of all we will learn what is right to information act / RTI? What is the importance of right to information act? About RTI meaning: RTI is a multi-tier approach to support students with learning behaviour needs. RTI is a process that helps in universal screening and high-quality instruction of the children in the general education classroom. In an essay on RTI you will find all the information related to RTI that you need to discuss in your exam. Let us know if you need an essay on right to information pdf.

Right to Information Act empowers the people of India to get information from government. The ‘Right to Information’ Bill was passed by the Parliament and this bill was accepted by the President on June 15, 2005. This law came into force on 12th October 2005 except for Jammu and Kashmir.

The main purpose of this right is to make every conscious citizen easy to make their desired information available. If a department or organisation denies information, then the complaint can be lodged against them in the Central Information Commission.

It has been given the status of Fundamental Rights, incorporated under Article 19A of the Constitution of India. Any citizen can obtain the information of the work, role, mode of operation and other of the government or institution. With the help of the right, all citizens are to carry out the information, and to move the government’s functioning towards transparent and more responsive governance.

This is a meaningful effort to improve the functioning of the government and officials and bring transparency. The right to information will be a historic step to control corruption in the country and to control the red tape in the occupied officials.

For a healthy democracy, it his necessary for office bearers to be accountable for posts. A common citizen has the right to know what plan has come for him by the government. Is that plan worthwhile? Is that plan being implemented properly? What has been spent according to the budget? In such a situation, the right to information becomes very important to bring accountability and to bring transparency.

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Guest Essay

Xi Thinks China Can Slow Climate Change. What if He’s Right?

By Jacob Dreyer

Mr. Dreyer, an editor and writer who focuses on the Chinese political economy and science, wrote from Shanghai.

At first glance, Xi Jinping seems to have lost the plot.

China’s president appears to be smothering the entrepreneurial dynamism that allowed his country to crawl out of poverty and become the factory of the world. He has brushed aside Deng Xiaoping’s maxim “To get rich is glorious” in favor of centralized planning and Communist-sounding slogans like “ ecological civilization ” and “ new, quality productive forces ,” which have prompted predictions of the end of China’s economic miracle.

But Mr. Xi is, in fact, making a decades-long bet that China can dominate the global transition to green energy, with his one-party state acting as the driving force in a way that free markets cannot or will not. His ultimate goal is not just to address one of humanity’s most urgent problems — climate change — but also to position China as the global savior in the process.

It has already begun. In recent years, the transition away from fossil fuels has become Mr. Xi’s mantra and the common thread in China’s industrial policies. It’s yielding results: China is now the world’s leading manufacturer of climate-friendly technologies, such as solar panels , batteries and electric vehicles . Last year the energy transition was China’s single biggest driver of overall investment and economic growth, making it the first large economy to achieve that.

This raises an important question for the United States and all of humanity: Is Mr. Xi right? Is a state-directed system like China’s better positioned to solve a generational crisis like climate change, or is a decentralized market approach — i.e., the American way — the answer?

How this plays out could have serious implications for American power and influence.

Look at what happened in the early 20th century, when fascism posed a global threat. America entered the fight late, but with its industrial power — the arsenal of democracy — it emerged on top. Whoever unlocks the door inherits the kingdom, and the United States set about building a new architecture of trade and international relations. The era of American dominance began.

Climate change is, similarly, a global problem, one that threatens our species and the world’s biodiversity. Where do Brazil , Pakistan , Indonesia and other large developing nations that are already grappling with the effects of climate change find their solutions? It will be in technologies that offer an affordable path to decarbonization, and so far, it’s China that is providing most of the solar panels , electric cars and more. China’s exports, increasingly led by green technology, are booming, and much of the growth involves exports to developing countries .

From the American neoliberal economic viewpoint, a state-led push like this might seem illegitimate or even unfair. The state, with its subsidies and political directives, is making decisions that are better left to the markets, the thinking goes.

But China’s leaders have their own calculations, which prioritize stability decades from now over shareholder returns today. Chinese history is littered with dynasties that fell because of famines, floods or failures to adapt to new realities. The Chinese Communist Party’s centrally planned system values constant struggle for its own sake, and today’s struggle is against climate change. China received a frightening reminder of this in 2022, when vast areas of the country baked for weeks under a record heat wave that dried up rivers , withered crops and was blamed for several heatstroke deaths.

China’s government knows that it must make this green transition out of rational self-interest or risk joining the Soviet Union on history’s scrap heap, and is actively positioning itself to do so. It is increasingly led by people with backgrounds in science, technology and environmental issues. Shanghai, the country’s largest city and its financial and industrial leading edge, is headed by Chen Jining, an environmental systems expert and China’s former minister of environmental protection. Across the country, money is being poured into developing and bringing to market new advances in things like rechargeable batteries and into creating corporate champions in renewable energy .

To be clear, for Mr. Xi, this green agenda is not purely an environmental endeavor. It also helps him tighten his grip on power. In 2015, for instance, the Central Environmental Inspection Team was formed to investigate whether provincial leaders and even agencies of the central government were adhering to his green push, giving him another tool with which to exert his already considerable power and authority.

At the same time, locking in renewable energy sources is a national security issue for Mr. Xi; unlike the United States, China imports almost all of its oil, which could be disrupted by the U.S. Navy in choke points like the Malacca Strait in the event of war.

Mr. Xi’s plan — call it his Green Leap Forward — has serious deficiencies. China continues to build coal-fired power plants , and its annual greenhouse-gas emissions remain far greater than those of the United States, though American emissions are higher on a per-capita basis. China’s electric vehicle industry was built on subsidies , and the country may be using forced labor to produce solar panels. Those are serious concerns, but they fade into the background when Pakistan floods or Brazil wants to build an E.V. factory or South Africa desperately needs solar panels for a faltering energy grid.

American politics may be inadvertently helping China gobble up global market share in renewable energy products. When the United States — whether for national security or protectionist reasons — keeps Chinese companies like Huawei out of the American market or rolls up the welcome mat for electric vehicle makers like BYD or companies involved in artificial intelligence or self-driving cars, those businesses must look elsewhere.

President Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act , aimed at tackling climate change, has put the United States on a solid path toward carbon neutrality. But America’s decentralization and focus on private innovation means government policy cannot have quite the same impact that it can in China.

So it is crucial for Americans to recognize that, for most of the world, perhaps for all of us, China’s ability to provide low-cost green technology is, on balance, great news. All of humanity needs to move toward renewables at a huge scale — and fast. America still leads in innovation, while China excels in taking frontier science and making its application in the real world cost-effective. If American politicians, investors and businesses recognize that climate change is humanity’s biggest threat, that could open pathways for diplomacy, collaboration and constructive competition with China that benefit us all.

Together, China and the United States could decarbonize the world. But if Americans don’t get serious about it, the Chinese will do it without them.

And if the United States tries to obstruct China, by way of corporate blacklists, trade or technology bans or diplomatic pressure, it will end up looking like part of the climate problem. That happened earlier this month when Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, during a visit to China, urged officials here to rein in green technology exports that the United States says are hurting American companies.

Mr. Xi won’t completely toss out the polluting manufacturing-for-export economic model that has served China so well, nor does he seem ready to halt construction of coal plants. Both are considered necessary for economic and energy security until the green transition is complete. But they are now only a means to an end. The endgame, it seems, is to reach carbon neutrality while dominating the industries making that possible.

Much like how the United States showed up late for World War II, China’s clean-tech companies are latecomers, piggybacking on technology developed elsewhere. But history rewards not necessarily who was there first but who was there last — when a problem was solved. Mr. Xi seems to discern the climate chaos on the horizon. Winning the race for solutions means winning the world that comes next.

Jacob Dreyer is an American editor and writer focused on the intersection of the Chinese political economy and science. He lives in Shanghai.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Instagram , TikTok , WhatsApp , X and Threads .

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The first essay is a long essay on the Right To Information Act of 400-500 words. This long essay about the Right To Information Act is suitable for students of class 7, 8, 9 and 10, and also for competitive exam aspirants. The second essay is a short essay on Right To Information Act of 150-200 words.
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Article 13-1 of the American Convention provides in this respect that "[e]veryone has the right to freedom of thought and expression. This right includes freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing, in print, in the form of art, or through any other medium of one ...
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significance of right to information. A walk around any slum or disadvantaged community reveals a multitude of concrete examples where the people's right to information is not simply an academic exercise, but rather a matter of survival, security, or sustenance of life. Education underpins a person's ability to access important information.
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A study published in 2019 found that more than 40 percent of female scientists in the United States leave full-time work in science after their first child. In 2016, men held about 70 percent of ...
Opinion
United States, a case challenging a law being used to prosecute hundreds of people, including Donald Trump, for the events of Jan. 6, 2021. Joseph Fischer is charged with being part of the mob ...
Opinion
Justin Trudeau Is No Match for a Polarized World. Mr. Marche is the author, most recently, of "The Next Civil War.". Political careers often end in failure — a cliché that exists because it ...
Opinion
Skepticism Is Healthy, but in Medicine, It Can Be Dangerous. Dr. Lamas, a contributing Opinion writer, is a pulmonary and critical-care physician at Brigham and Women's Hospital in Boston. I ...
Opinion
Ms. Meloni is already an inspiration to the European far right. As the head of the right-wing coalition in Italy, she has overseen attacks on L.G.B.T.Q. groups and migrant-rescue organizations, a ...
Opinion
Mr. Xi's plan — call it his Green Leap Forward — has serious deficiencies. China continues to build coal-fired power plants, and its annual greenhouse-gas emissions remain far greater than ...