noten dissertation magna

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Note beim Doktorexamen Von summa cum laude bis insuffizienter: Was bedeuten die Promotionsnoten?

Wer seine Promotion abschließt, erhält dafür eine Note. Was bedeuten magna cum laude oder summa cum laude? Wie wirkt sich die Note beim Doktorexamen auf die Karriere aus?

Promotionsnoten im Überblick

Verteilung der promotionsnoten, wann und wo bestimmte promotionsnoten wichtig sind.

Dissertationen werden in Deutschland traditionell mit lateinischen Noten bewertet. Ein einheitliches Bewertungssystem gibt es dabei allerdings nicht. Nicht jede Promotionsordnung sieht alle möglichen Noten vor. Und auch die Übersetzung in klassische Schulnoten kann an den einzelnen Hochschulen unterschiedlich ausfallen.

Wie in der Schule gibt es in der Regel sechs Noten beim Doktorexamen , sie lauten: summa cum laude, magna cum laude, cum laude, satis bene, rite, insuffizienter. Was sie bedeuten, verrät die folgende Tabelle.

Im Ausland wird diese differenzierte deutsche Notenskala nur selten verwendet.

Historiker*innen, Kulturwissenschaftler*innen, Kunsthistoriker*innen, Volkskundler*innen als Teilnehmer*innen, die sich zu Fachreferenten*innen für Sammlungsmanagement und Qualitätsstandards in Museen weiterbilden wollen.

Akademischer Mitarbeiter (m/w/d) für Erziehungswissenschaft / Schulpädagogik zur Promotion

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Die Definition der einzelnen Notenstufen wird in der Regel in den Promotionsordnungen der jeweiligen Fakultät festgehalten. Aus diesen geht jedoch oft nur vage hervor, nach welchen Maßstäben die Bewertungen vergeben werden. So kommt es zu einer sehr ungleichen Verteilung der Promotionsnoten – nicht nur abhängig vom Fachbereich, sondern auch vom Hochschulstandort. An manchen Fakultäten und an einigen Hochschulen scheint die Bestnote summa cum laude beinahe Standard zu sein, an anderen wiederum hat sie Seltenheitswert. In Ermangelung eines einheitlichen Bewertungssystems mit festen Bewertungskriterien lassen sich Promotionsnoten daher kaum objektiv vergleichen. 

Zwei Beispiele: 

• Im Bereich Wirtschaftswissenschaften wird über alle deutschen Hochschulen hinweg ein Drittel aller Dissertationen mit der Höchstnote summa cum laude ausgezeichnet. An der Universität Mannheim waren es zwischen 2016 und 2018 knapp 66 Prozent (bei insgesamt 142 Doktorarbeiten), an der Universität Hohenheim war es im selben Zeitraum nur ein Prozent (bei 86 Doktorarbeiten).
• An der Universität Heidelberg wurden zwischen 2016 und 2018 16 Prozent aller Doktorarbeiten mit summa cum laude bewertet. Im Fachbereich Germanistik waren es 48 Prozent (von insgesamt 40 Doktorarbeiten), im Fachbereich Zahnmedizin nur zwei Prozent (von insgesamt 108 Doktorarbeiten).

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Generell erhält ein Großteil aller Dissertationen eine der drei besten Promotionsnoten, die als Prädikatspromotionen gelten. Rite wird kaum noch vergeben und die Durchfallquote bei Doktorarbeiten liegt fächerübergreifend im niedrigen einstelligen Prozentbereich. Diese Verteilung ist auch der engen Abstimmung der Dissertationsschrift mit Doktorvater oder -mutter geschuldet, die später oft in der Prüfungskommission sitzen. Der Professor benotet also auch das Ergebnis der eigenen Betreuungsleistung. So greifen in aller Regel frühe Regulierungsmöglichkeiten, die einem totalen Misserfolg vorbeugen. 

Es wird allerdings ein Trend zu einer immer häufigeren Vergabe der Bestnote summa cum laude beobachtet. Kritiker sprechen von einer Bestnoteninflation. Nach Angaben des Instituts für Forschungsinformation und Qualitätssicherung wurden im Zeitraum von 2001 bis 2003 noch 16 Prozent der Promotionen (ohne Medizin und Pharmazie) mit der Höchstnote ausgezeichnet, von 2010 bis 2012 waren es bereits 21 Prozent. Dieser Trend habe sich zwar verlangsamt, halte aber weiter an. Zusätzlich wird für mehr als die Hälfte aller Dissertationen in Deutschland noch die zweitbeste Note magna cum laude vergeben, sodass die Differenzierung an der Leistungsspitze insgesamt relativ gering ist.

Einen detaillierten Überblick über die vergebenen Promotionsnoten für alle Hochschulen und Fächer stellt das Deutsche Zentrum für Hochschul- und Wissenschaftsforschung (DZHW) auf forschungsinfo.de bereit. Aktuell (Stand November 2020) sind dort die Promotionsnoten in Deutschland von 2001 bis 2018 einsehbar.

Mit unserer Job-Mail erhalten Sie wöchentlich passende Stellen sowie interessante Inhalte zu Ihrem Suchprofil. 

Da sich an den Noten der Dissertationen die Qualität der Doktorarbeit nicht zwingend ablesen lässt, büßt auch deren Bedeutung für den Karriereverlauf in der freien Wirtschaft ein. In manchen Fächern, etwa den Wirtschaftswissenschaften , ist der Anteil der Promotionen mit der Bestnote so hoch, dass ein summa cum laude in Bewerbungen für Führungspositionen keine Besonderheit mehr ist. Arbeitgeber setzen deshalb immer mehr auf eigene Auswahlverfahren und schenken den Promotionsnoten nur noch untergeordnete Beachtung. Generell kommt der Promotionsnote in Fachbereichen, wo mit der Bestbewertung vergleichsweise sparsam umgegangen wird, eine höhere Bedeutung zu. Das ist beispielsweise in der Biologie, der Medizin oder der Geografie der Fall.

Qualifizierte Promotion

Anders verhält es sich in der Wissenschaft. Hier ist die Bewertung der Promotion ein entscheidender Faktor. Wer eine Karriere als Professor anstrebt, der muss die in den Landeshochschulgesetzen festgeschriebenen Zugangsvoraussetzungen erfüllen. Gefordert wird dort eine „qualifizierte Promotion“. Darunter wird üblicherweise eine Promotionsleistung verstanden, die zumindest mit magna cum laude bewertet wurde. Ein summa cum laude ist in der Regel nicht zwingend vorgeschrieben. Allerdings spielen auch andere Eignungsvoraussetzungen eine Rolle bei der Berufung. So finden sich in der Praxis an Fachhochschulen auch Hochschullehrer, die ihrer Tätigkeit mit dem Prädikat cum laude nachgehen.

Weitere Ratgeber zum Thema Promotion

Oft ist zu lesen: Eine Promotion dauert drei Jahre. Doch diese Zeitspanne reicht für eine Doktorarbeit meist nicht aus. Je nach Fachgebiet gibt es Unterschiede.

Promovieren oder nicht? Und wenn ja, wo? Unser Promotions-Test hilft Ihnen bei der Entscheidungsfindung. Jetzt starten!

Doktorandinnen und Doktoranden, die während der Promotion als wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter angestellt sind, werden nach Tarif bezahlt – meist in der Entgeltgruppe E13. Wie hoch ist das Doktorandengehalt?

Die Doktorarbeit kann eine zähe Angelegenheit werden. Um sich voll und ganz auf die Promotion konzentrieren zu können, bieten verschiedene Organisationen Promotionsstipendien an. Mit welcher Unterstützung Doktoranden rechnen und wo sie sich bewerben können, lesen Sie hier.

doktorandenforum.de

Die Noten für die Doktorarbeit

Vielleicht haben Sie es schon einmal gehört »summa cum laude« oder auch »Rite ist Schiete«. Für die Bewertung von Noten gibt es in Deutschland traditionell eigene lateinische Bezeichnungen, die nicht vollständig mit den bekannten deutschen Schulnoten vergleichbar sind. Einige Hochschulen sind zwischenzeitlich dazu übergegangen, deutsche Bezeichnungen zu verwenden - aber auch diese entsprechen in aller Regel nicht dem altbekannten System der Schulnoten von 1 (sehr gut) - 6 (ungenügend).

Gegenüberstellung der Notenbezeichnungen

Welche Noten gerade Ihre Fakultät für Dissertationen vergibt, können Sie der jeweiligen Promotionsordnung entnehmen. Üblicherweise orientieren sie sich an folgendem Aufbau:

Einige Fakultäten verwenden noch abweichende Bezeichnungen für die Bewertung der Dissertationsschrift, diese lauten z.B. opus eximium (»herausragendes Werk«), opus valde laudabile (»sehr lobenswertes Werk«), opus laudabile (»lobenswertes Werk«) und opus idoneum (»geeignetes Werk« sowie sub omni canone (»unterhalb jeden Maßstabs« = nicht bestanden) Die letztgenannte Note spielt zum Glück nur noch im übertragenen Sinne eine nennenswerte Rolle, nämlich in der Redensart »unter aller Kanone«.

Notenspektrum bei Promotionen

In der Praxis ist es vielmehr so, dass die guten Abschlussnoten im Promotionsverfahren überwiegen - schon die oben genannten Definitionen zeigen ja viel Platz an der Spitze und ein eher schmales Mittelfeld, welches die Schulnoten befriedigend und ausreichend mit einer gemeinsamen Stufe abdeckt. Wer sich die Notenverteilung in Promotionsverfahren ganz genau ansehen möchte, kann dies dank der detaillierten Erfassung durch das Bundesamt für Statistik tun - in der kostenlos abrufbaren Fachserie 11 - Prüfungen an Hochschulen werden sie veröffentlicht. Derzeit (August 2013) liegt die Fassung für 2011 vor. Zusammenfassend kann man sagen, dass wohl 60 - 70 % der Promotionsverfahren magna cum laude bzw. cum laude abgeschlossen werden, gute 20 - 30% mit summa cum laude . Die Note rite ist kaum vertreten. Die Zahlen für nicht bestandene Promotionen liegen in vielen Fachbereichen bei 0 - 1 Prozent und scheinen daher - trotz der damit im Einzelnen oft verbundenen Schicksale - in der Gesamtheit vernachlässigbar.

Die geringe Durchfallquote erklärt sich daraus, dass die Dissertationsschrift, die de facto den Hauptteil der zu erbringenden Leistung darstellt, in aller Regel in enger Abstimmung mit dem Doktorvater erstellt wird, der häufig später die Prüfung auch selbst abnimmt. So greifen in aller Regel frühe Steuerungsmöglichkeiten, die einen totalen Fehlschlag ausschließen. Mehr dazu z. B. unter Einreichen .

Dieser Beitrag ist eine Zusammenfassung inspiriert durch den Thread Noten für die Promotion im Forum.

Noch Fragen?

Eigene Fragen können Sie am besten im Forum stellen…

Gefunden bei https://doktorandenforum.de.

Magna cum Laude

Magna cum Laude beschreibt eine Benotung einer wissenschaftlichen Arbeit (Dissertation) . Verglichen mit Schulnoten wäre dies ein „Sehr gut“. Besser ist lediglich die Benotung summa cum laude (mit höchstem Lob).

• Bewertung der Promotion

Für den Erwerb eines Doktortitels muss man promovieren. Das bedeutet eine wissenschaftliche Arbeit muss hierfür angefertigt und eine mündliche Prüfung abgelegt werden.

An einem solchen Titel arbeiten Doktoranden zum Teil über Jahre hinweg an einem wissenschaftlichen Projekt. Am Ende steht ein geschlossenes Werk das publiziert wird.

Natürlich wird diese Leistung auch bewertet. Generell werden Dissertationen wie folgt benotet:

• summa cum laude (lat. mit höchstem Lob): eine hervorragende Leistung, die in Zahlen als 0,5 ausgedrückt wird
• magna cum laude (lat. mit großem Lob): eine besonders anzuerkennende Leistung, 1,0
• cum laude (lat. mit Lob): eine den Durchschnitt übertreffende Leistung, 2,0
• rite (lat. ausreichend): eine den durchschnittlichen Anforderungen noch entsprechende Leistung, 3,0
• insuffizienter (lat. ungenügend): eine nicht mehr brauchbare Leistung, 4,0

Am Ende erfolgt die Disputation (Verteidigung) und Publikation der Doktorarbeit.

• Studiengänge im Vergleich
• Internationale Abschlussnoten im Vergleich

Die Abschlussnote der Promotion ist nicht Bestandteil des als Namenszusatz zu führenden akademischen Titels. Da international auch die Hochschulsysteme noch immer sehr unterschiedlich sind, sind selbst die Doktortitel nur begrenzt miteinander vergleichbar.

So unterschiedlich wie die Stellung des Doktorgrads im akademischen System sind auch die Regelungen zur Handhabung von Auszeichnungen. In manchen Ländern werden nur herausragende Promotionen überhaupt mit einer expliziten Notenergänzung, meistens dem "(summa) cum laude", verliehen.

Mehrheitlich werden Doktorarbeiten und Disputationen mit Noten in der Landessprache oder vereinfachten Notensystemen analog den in Deutschland gebräuchlichen Noten abgeschlossen. Die Bezeichnung "magna cum laude" gehört in den wenigsten Staaten zu den gebräuchlichen Abschlussnoten.

• Tipp der Redaktion

Auch wenn jede(-r) Promovierende ein "summa cum laude" (mit höchstem Lob) anstrebt, ist der Abschluss des Promotionsverfahrens mit "magna cum laude" sicher zufriedenstellend, zumal im Karriereverlauf selten nach der Note des akademischen Grades gefragt wird.

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Minds of the Movement

An icnc blog on the people and power of civil resistance, movement commentary, russia: inside the nonviolent struggle to save khimki forest.

by Evgeniya Chirikova October 24, 2017

When I helped found a grassroots movement called “Save Khimki Forest” in 2006, it was a bleak time for activists in Russia. There weren’t many precedents for civil resistance other than pro-democracy movements. People were unsure of how to build a movement on an issue like protection of the environment.

All we knew was that we had to do something when the Russian government announced plans to construct a highway through the forest to connect Moscow and St. Petersburg.

The Khimki Forest is one of the region’s last-standing ancient forests, and home to an abundance of wildlife, including numerous threatened plant and animal species. The forest’s walking and hiking trails also provide much-needed respite from heavy urbanization and air pollution to thousands of greater Moscow residents.

With no public involvement in the decision-making process, the Russian government selected a route that would bisect Khimki Forest, ignoring alternatives that would have left the forest intact. The proposed route stood to yield significant profit from timber and development on open land close to the expensive and densely populated areas of Moscow, while doing little to relieve the notorious traffic congestion in the region.

The extent of the corruption underlying the project became clear soon after that: In 2009, Putin signed a decree that altered the forest’s protected status to allow for “transport and infrastructure.” That same year, the government awarded an $8 billion contract for the highway’s construction to Vinci, a multi-billion dollar French construction company whose Russian investment partners include a long-time friend and supporter of the prime minister.

For years, the defenders of the Khimki forest used many methods of struggle: demonstrations, pickets, and petitions (including one that collected more than 50,000 signatures).

The situation started to change in 2010, when a forest fire near Moscow caused the city to fill with smog. It was impossible to breathe and many people became sick.

Very soon, people realized that the authorities would not solve the problem so they organized to put out the forest fires themselves. The same year, Save Khimki Forest was able to organize the first big demonstration in recent years, gathering a crowd of more than 5,000 people. As a result, the president of Russia, Dmitry Medvedev, publicly admitted that the highway project through Khimki Forest was unpopular and called for a moratorium. It was a major victory for civil society. After that, many people understood that they too could stand up and say “no” to unfair government decisions.

Vladimir Putin's regime responded with repressive laws against civil society. The Russian parliament adopted laws to limit demonstrations and a law labeling NGOs that receive foreign funding as "foreign agents." As a result of this law, many NGOs closed. An organized campaign against NGOs is still underway. In addition, dozens of activists have been arrested and imprisoned over the years.

Despite the repression, however, the authorities have not been able to extinguish Russian civil society’s resolve. The number of grassroots movements are growing in size and scope. In 2014, our team decided to support new grassroots groups in Russia and organized the social media portal, activatica.org , which helps grassroots groups to spread news about their activities and experiences.

This helps ensure that future activists do not have to start from scratch, but can learn from the strategies, tactics, victories, and mistakes of previous and ongoing movements. Demand for this kind of guidance is high, as more and more Russians are learning the power and potential for change that nonviolent civil resistance can offer.

Evgeniya Chirikova

Since the summer of 2006, Evgeniya Chirikova has been a central actor in a grassroots movement to save Khimki forest in Russia. Evgeniya has been recognized internationally for her activism, including as recipient of ICNC’s James Lawson Award for Outstanding Achievement in the Practice of Nonviolent Conflict in 2013.

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How the GRU spy agency targets the west, from cyberspace to Salisbury

Accusations mount against the Russian army’s main intelligence directorate

In Russia’s shadow war with the west, one intelligence agency keeps making headlines.

The GRU, or main intelligence directorate, of the Russian army, has been accused of spearheading several of Russia’s most notorious operations in recent years. They include the 2014 seizure of Crimea using undercover soldiers called “little green men”, the hacking theft of emails from the Democratic National Committee and Hillary Clinton, and even the planning of a failed coup in Montenegro .

A British security source told the Guardian on Monday that the nerve agent attack on the former double agent Sergei Skripal was also ordered by the intelligence agency. The British government is poised to submit an extradition request to Moscow for two Russians suspected of carrying out the Salisbury attack that left one person dead and three injured, including Skripal and his daughter.

One of the three main Russian intelligence agencies, less has been written about the GRU (now officially called the GU, or Main Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces) than its sister agencies, particularly the Soviet-era KGB or its modern successor the FSB, the spy agency once headed by Vladimir Putin .

Known for operating under a wartime mentality and a willingness to take risks, experts say the culture of the GRU has been influenced by its inclusion of Spetsnaz special forces and experience in war zones, including Syria and Ukraine .

Open source researchers have claimed that a GRU officer supervised the transport of anti-aircraft weapons to eastern Ukraine when the Malaysian jetliner flight MH17 was shot down there, killing 298 people.

“The GRU regards itself as a war-fighting instrument. Yes, it gathers conventional intelligence … but its culture is much more military,” said Mark Galeotti, an expert on Russian security issues and the country’s intelligence agencies . “Although only a minority of GRU officers are Spetsnaz, it has an impact when part of your service are commandos.”

Besides special forces, the spy agency manages more traditional intelligence-gathering operations around the world, as well as signals intelligence.

Vladimir Rezun, a GRU officer who defected to the UK in the 1970s, wrote in his history of the agency (written under the pen name Viktor Suvorov) that it was largely tasked with preventing the collapse of the Soviet Union from without, as opposed to the KGB, which had a prominent role in thwarting internal threats.

While the KGB became notorious, the GRU largely operated in obscurity. “In the people’s consciousness, everything that is dark, underground and secret is connected with the KGB but not at all with the GRU,” he wrote.

Traditionally, Galeotti noted, the GRU answered for “uncontrolled spaces”. While in the past that has meant areas like civil wars, it may also apply to zones like cyberspace now.

Several Russian intelligence agencies were involved in hacking operations before the 2016 US presidential elections, but only the GRU was identified in an 11-count indictment released last month by the United States special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. The hack was perpetrated by staff employees of several Moscow-based units traditionally tied to signal intelligence.

The interests of Russia’s intelligence agencies regularly overlap, as have their methods. As Christopher Andrew wrote in The Mitrokhin Archive: The KGB in Europe and the West, his study of notes on KGB files smuggled out of Russia, the agency “offered its allies lethal nerve toxins and poisons which were fatal on contact with the skin for use during ‘special actions’”.

While the GRU has largely been shrouded in secrecy, there have been occasional contacts with the west.

Peter Zwack, a retired US army brigadier general, wrote about a series of meetings before the Sochi Olympics with the head of the GRU, Igor Sergun, who died unexpectedly of a heart attack in January 2016. “I found him soft-spoken, unassuming, complex, erudite and nuanced,” he said of their meetings, which largely focused on counter-terrorism efforts.

“I learned that even as Sergun relentlessly directed global intelligence operations against our interests, he — paradoxically — also viewed constant confrontation with the US and west as not in Russia’s best long-term interest,” Zwack wrote.

Those meetings ended after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

• Trump-Russia investigation
• Sergei Skripal
• Robert Mueller

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Statement of the Russian

Statement of the Russian section of the IWA in relation to events in Khimki

We, militants of the Confederation of Revolutionary Anarcho-syndicalists (Section of the International Workers Association in Russia) are in full solidarity with the residents of Khimki and with environmental community, who protest against the barbaric destruction of the forest Khimki during the construction of railroad route. We consider for intolerable that the city authorities are using gang of neo-Nazi thugs to fight the defenders of the forest.

Recognizing the validity and fairness of civil resistance, we warn at the same time against any attempts to translate an just public outrage in the nationalist channel. In this regard, we are appalled that in the recent protests in front of Khimki Administration, some persons acting on behalf of the "anti-fascists" and "anarchists", chanted chauvinistic slogans in support of the "Russian" forest, unfurled banners, deliberately written in Church Slavonic fonts, and called the current power "occupational", like German Nazis in 1941. We are confident that our environment does not belong to any individual "people" or "ethnicity", but is the common heritage of mankind and the key to its survival. Calls to protect "Russian" forest from certain alien invaders (as implied, "non-Russian") only fueled the nationalist sentiments and are completely unacceptable in the mouths of people who consider themselves "anti-fascists" and, moreover, anarchists!

We are outraged by the attempts of people, borrowing nationalistic slogans, to use for self-promouting the name of Stanislav Markelov who was a convinced antinatsionalist. We remember that in the pages of the “Red Book of Antifa" Stanislaw called leftists to abandon patriotic phrases. Attempts to invoke his name in the course of action under nationalist slogans are not allowed.

DEATH TO NATIONALISM!

OUT THE NATIONALISTS FROM SOCIAL MOVEMENTS!

NO WAR BETWEEN PEOPLES - NO PEACE BETWEEN CLASSES!

REPRESSIONS IN MOSCOW In the

REPRESSIONS IN MOSCOW

In the morning on July 29, libertarian antifascist Alexey Gaskarov was arrested on the street by people in civilian clothes and taken to an unknown destination. As it turned out they were employees of the so called “Anti-Extremist Center" of police. They broke most of the rules, which are described in the Law. That night at his apartment was searched without a warrant or any other providing paper, there was no inventory of the property and witnesses.

Alexey is known in social amnd libertarian circles of Moscow and is opposed to violence and pogrom-style actions. He was never seen in the nationalist speeches. Therefore, it is clear that imposing on him the blame for the attack on the building of Khimki administration, during which slogans of national-patriotic nature were shot, the authorities try now to discredit the independent social movement.

Alexey is charged under "hooliganism". On July 31 the process began, and Alexey can obtain until 7 years of prison!

We encourage to disseminate this information and to protest.

Freedom for Alexey Gaskarov!

Quote: chanted chauvinistic

chanted chauvinistic slogans in support of the "Russian" forest, unfurled banners, deliberately written in Church Slavonic fonts

Look, I agree that it is most important to discuss if "save Russian forest" is a chauvinistic slogan, or if Church Slavonic fonts are politically correct from point of view of anarchist political theory, but this is perhaps not the most appropriate moment.

But thanks for sharing with us the position of the mighty international, I am sure it entertained many in this board.

BTW, anyone know where I may download anarcho-syndicalistically correct fonts, or ensure that my current fonts are not fascist?

The question about slogans is

The question about slogans is a question about action. Moreover, there was a cry "Beat the jews" ("Bey zhidow"). One can listen it in you tube film about action.

So, I propose don`t glorify this action and instead to help to anarchist comrade Gaskarov which is now in process against him (in false relation with the case). We will inform about address for send protest e-letters and faxes

A propos: plese

A propos: plese anarcho-syndicalist fonts :))

http://aragon.cnt-ait.es/wp-content/libertariaCNT.ttf

Quote: Moreover, there was a

Moreover, there was a cry "Beat the jews" ("Bey zhidow"). One can listen it in you tube film about action.

In which moment of the film? Tell me minute and seconds.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TqQFtJMBPbc&feature=related

Quote: http://www.youtube.com

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TqQFtJMBPbc&feature=related 3.37/3.38

I think the shout is very unclear, it is by one person (perhaps random idiot from the city) and only once. If it was "bey jidov", I am rather sure he would have been beaten up if he did it other time and more clearly.

At this time 3.37/3.38 the

At this time 3.37/3.38 the man, running behind the camera, shouts "Mercedes", it's rhyme to the slogan "russkiy les" (russian forest), maybe because this man didn't like the slogan or it's joke. Russian is my mother-tongue, I didn't hear any "bey jidov" and other fucking slogans on this video! Many people dislike this slogan, I mean "russian forest", though it was an irony to nazi scum's chant. It's just an attempt to show nazi, that they haven't anything, we just want to take back what they stole, the name of nation couldn't be a part of nazi "culture"! it's what it is all about! I can't understand you, why are you against us, why do you want to put us down? Try to understand at first, and when - write such things!

Many people hear about

Many people hear about "zhidy" and your tentatives are false. Of course, it was not cleare prononced. Of course, it was neither "official" slogan not position of majority of demonstrants. The question is another: by many antifa in Russia patriotism is tolerable.

In my opinion, such jokes are impossible! Moreover in Russia.

And an other question: you can imagine German antifa crying "Save GERMAN forest" and writing slogans with Gothic font? ))

>Many people hear about

>Many people hear about "zhidy" who are that people? Where you can hear "zhidy"?? I DON'T HEAR, for the life of me! You know, you act like fucking nazi scum, who write, that they see there like people throw up arms in "zeig heil", while people throw up fists! What do you want??

>patriotism is tolerable. Not for me, not for my friens. Yes it's problem, that there are "public-spirited" antifa, but it's our problem, and we fight with it, like with nazism. Don't draw an analogy between Germany and Russia, everyone knows that it's not the same!

>such jokes are impossible! Do you mean "mercedes" is impossible? Well, you are just dull beggar then!

Actually, I also heard

Actually, I also heard "Mercedes" but I could not figure out why someone would shout that, so I thought "bey jidov" would also be possible. But now I think "mercedes" is a more likely explanation, just as a joke from someone who thought it rhymes with "russkiy les".

Khimki city court left in

Khimki city court left in custody the both suspects of the attack on the city administration, Maxim Solopov and Alexey Gaskarov. They were remanded for two months.

Source: http://www.gazeta.ru/news/lenta/2010/08/03/n_1529159.shtml

(through https://avtonom.org/en/node/12897)

Previous articles on topic, including autotranslations on articles on falsifications of the remand court: https://avtonom.org/en/khimki

Yet there is no information on to which remand prison they are sent and if they will be allowed mail or not.

there is a facebook support

there is a facebook support group here:

http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=123233894390151

Foristaruso is a person who

Foristaruso is a person who is far from real activity of russian anarchists and antifa. The slogan about russian forest is strange and wrong in my opinion. But nobody have right to call "nationalists" 500 antifa and anarchists JUST becouse one groop of people use that rong slogan. Foristaruso is callin "nationalist" everyone who disagree with him.

admin - flaming removed +1

admin - flaming removed

 http://www.themoscowtimes.co

 http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/khimki-battle-stirs-press-freedom-fears/412036.html

Khimki Battle Stirs Press Freedom Fears

10 August 2010

By Alexander Bratersky

An ongoing tussle over the Khimki forest is raising fears that media freedoms are in jeopardy, with the police pressuring journalists into collaborating or revealing their sources of information, media freedom activists said Monday.

In the most recent incident, investigators on Monday removed Alexander Litoi, a reporter for the liberal Novaya Gazeta daily, from a train in the Moscow region to question him about a July 28 attack on the Khimki City Hall building.

The City Hall building was pelted with stones and smoke grenades by 90 to 300 attackers who protested what they called unlawful destruction of the Khimki forest, slated for a partial demolition to make way for an $8 billion highway despite protests from environmentalists.

Litoi said the police wanted him to disclose information about members of an anti-fascist movement that took responsibility for the City Hall attack, Ekho Moskvy radio reported. He said he was not present during the attack.

Last week, police officers visited the offices of several newspapers, including Kommersant, asking staff for information about the attack.

The requests amount to an attempt to disclose journalists' sources, which can only be revealed on court orders — something that investigators did not obtain, said Andrei Rikhter, a media professor at Moscow State University's school of journalism.

Police investigators have also visited the headquarters of the Svobodnya Pressa online daily, asking for photos of the City Hall attackers.

Several reporters from Komsomolskaya Pravda and Moskovsky Komsomolets have been summoned for questioning, and police officers have also visited the home of the Gazeta.ru reporter Grigory Tumanov.

“These are attempts to discredit reporters,” Rikhter said, adding that the law does not offer the media sufficient protection from police abuse.

“The media law doesn't ban [police] from conducting searches in offices of media outlets and summoning reporters for questioning,” he said.

Moscow and Moscow region police spokespeople provided no comment on the media freedom allegations Monday. A Khimki police officer who spoke on condition of anonymity told The Moscow Times that police were only acting on request of civil authorities in the case. He did not elaborate.

The relatively independent print media has become a source of irritation for the authorities after television, the No. 1 source of news for most of the population, was placed under firm state control in the early 2000s, said Boris Timoshenko, a researcher at the Glasnost Defense Foundation.

He said the Khimki attack has served as a source of embarrassment for the police because the police had failed to react fast enough to make any arrests.

“They are looking for scapegoats,” he said.

Two suspects have been charged in connection with the attack and face up to seven years in prison. The two deny involvement and claim that they were targeted for being prominent figures in the anti-fascist movement.

Some media experts said the police have grown more bold in going after journalists after State Duma Speaker Boris Gryzlov, who chairs the ruling United Russia party, attacked two newspapers for critical articles following the March 29 suicide bombings in the Moscow metro that killed 40 people.

Gryzlov claimed that articles in Vedomosti and Moskovsky Komsomolets about Chechen warlord Doku Umarov, who claimed responsibility for the bombings, showed that the newspapers “might have been connected with terrorist activity.”

Both newspapers filed defamation suits against Gryzlov, but lost.

Solidarity action with the

Solidarity action with the defenders of the Khimki forest in Tel Aviv

Today, the 13th of August there was a picket of solidarity with detained on trumped-up case Russian anti-fascists - Alexey Gaskarov and Maxim Solopov. About 30 demonstrators protested against terror of the Russian government and its cooperation with the Nazis, they also demanded the immediate release of political prisoners and to take action against those responsible for beating defenders of Khimki forests, including the cops.

During the meeting, Putin was personally summoned to a straight up fight by one of the participators , who promised to "beat the Russian imperialism." Some time later, Revolutionary Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists (RKAS) hanged a statement about the events in Khimki, as well as an invitation to free market to be held in the heart of Tel Aviv next Friday.

RKAS - Israel and the Committee for Workers' International organised the picket. Performance was organised by 4ert

(source and photos: https://avtonom.org/en/node/12992)

Are there any updates?

It is no way we may translate

It is no way we may translate all news to English and post here.

Currently the most often updated English forum is the facebook group: http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=123233894390151

You may also get an idea what is going on from autotranslations in avtonom.org:

http://www.avtonom.org/en/khimki

Below article from the

Below article from the independent about yesterday's protest in Moscow.

it is important to note, that organisers let to the podium a speaker, appealing for solidarity with Alexey and Maksim, and also a large banner and fundraising for anarchist and anti-fascist prisoners (check photos from avtonom as well: http://www.avtonom.org/node/13072)

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/rockstar-critic-takes-new-swipe-at-putin-2059366.html

Rock-star critic takes new swipe at Putin

By Shaun Walker in Moscow

Yuri Shevchuk

Yuri Shevchuk: the Russian rock singer performed at the Moscow protest rally

* Photos enlarge

sponsored links:

Hundreds of Russian police surrounded a central Moscow square yesterday as a prominent critic of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin led a protest concert against a road-building scheme that is becoming a focal point for demonstrations against the Kremlin. More than 1,000 people gathered at Pushkin Square to protest against a new road that will go through Khimki Forest just outside the capital, part of a new highway between Moscow and St Petersburg.

Organisers of yesterday's meeting had planned a protest concert by Yuri Shevchuk, one of Russia's best-known rock musicians, who confronted Mr Putin about democratic freedoms this year during a televised meeting.

But police surrounded the square and refused to allow any equipment in, forcing the singer to sing without a microphone through a barely functioning loudspeaker, from a makeshift stage. "Khimki Forest has become a symbol," said Mr Shevchuk before the concert. "It doesn't matter where you live. Everywhere there are environmental problems, and soulless bureaucrats who do all they can to make sure we have no fields, no forests and no rivers. They destroy it all and turn it into money to line their own pockets."

Activists say that there are several alternative routes for the highway that would avoid the forest. The long-running protest has led to several activists being detained, facing court cases and fines.

"All we want to do is breathe clean air," shouted Evgeniya Chirikova, one of the group's most prominent activists, at yesterday's meeting. "Can you hear us, Mr President? What else do we have to do to make ourselves heard?"

Ms Chirikova has been detained by police on several occasions, and after emerging from a courtroom three weeks ago was bundled into an unmarked car by police and driven away. She was later released.

Yesterday, Shevchuk sang songs including one called "When the oil runs out", which talks about a bright future for Russia when the country stops relying on exports of natural resources. In May, he confronted Mr Putin during a televised meeting between the prime minister and cultural figures in St Petersburg.

Shevchuk complained that Russia was ruled by "dukes and princes with sirens on their cars", and asked Mr Putin if he really wanted a society with real democracy where "people stop being afraid of policemen on the street".

In one of the most frank discussions that Mr Putin has faced in his decade in power, Mr Shevchuk also asked why police break up opposition rallies brutally. A visibly irritated Mr Putin said that "without a normal democratic development this country will have no future", and said protests should be allowed, within reason. But this did not stop police from dispersing, with their usual vigour, a large protest rally in Moscow a few days later .

Yesterday's meeting was allowed, but police blocked entrance to people trying to watch the impromptu concert. The Moscow Mayor's office said that it had allowed only a meeting, and not a concert, hence the banning of loudspeakers and other equipment.

Artemy Troitsky, a well-known music critic who spoke at the rally, said: "Khimki Forest has become a metaphor for everything that is wrong with Russia, like Chekhov's Cherry Orchard once was. Many of the people here are not particularly political, but by their actions, the authorities have turned this from an environmental protest into a political one."

In a separate protest, police detained two prominent opposition leaders, including the former deputy prime minister, Boris Nemtsov. Mr Nemtsov and Mikhail Schneider were detained for leading about 100 protesters through Moscow carrying a large Russian flag.

Latest news - Medvedev

Latest news - Medvedev ordered to halt construction. Below NY TImes article

Halting the construction is for sure good news for the forest, but it may mean that our prisoners are forgotten now (before this, pretty much all of the Khimki movement was solidly supporting arrested anti-fascists, although not necessary all of them accepted the attack against administrative building of Khimki 28th of July).

Kremlin Relents, for Now, to Foes of Highway By MICHAEL SCHWIRTZ Published: August 26, 2010 MOSCOW ‹ For years, environmentalists have risked arrests and sometimes beatings by the police and masked plainclothes thugs in their efforts to halt the construction of a highway linking Moscow to St. Petersburg that they say would destroy the Khimki Forest, one of the few remaining in the Moscow region. Enlarge This Image Pool photo by Mikhail Klimentyev

U2 frontman Bono, left, talks with Russian President Dmitry Medvedev about opposition to a controversial highway project.

Typically in Russia, such efforts lead to little but holding cells or worse for proponents of a cause. But supporters of the Khimki Forest were handed a surprising victory on Thursday when President Dmitri A. Medvedev reacted to the public outcry. He postponed construction of the highway. ³Given the number of appeals, I have made a decision,² Mr. Medvedev said in a message on his video blog. ³I order the government to halt the implementation of the decision to build this highway and conduct further civic and expert discussions.²

He added, ³These have already been conducted, but taking into account heightened resonance this issue has had in society, I do not see anything wrong with returning to these discussions.²

The triumph came not a moment too soon for environmentalists and their supporters. Workers had already begun to clear sections of the forest this summer and had planned to resume in October.

³This has flabbergasted us. It was completely unexpected,² said Sergei Ageyev, a member of the environmental group leading the opposition to the highway. ³It is simply a stunning victory for civil society.²

The decision does not definitively halt construction, but was nevertheless surprising given the strong-arm tactics employed against opponents. During protests in the forest this summer, gangs of masked men attacked environmentalists, beating several. The police have detained others.

Mikhail Beketov, an investigative journalist and outspoken opponent of the highway, was savagely attacked by unidentified men in November 2008 and is now severely brain damaged.

At issue is the fate of a 2,500-acre oak forest, north of Moscow in the town of Khimki. Vladimir V. Putin, the current prime minister and Mr. Medvedev¹s mentor, signed an order for the construction of a new highway traversing the forest when he was still president.

Top officials in the federal government and the powerful governor of the Moscow region have backed the idea as the simplest and most cost effective way to strengthen transportation links between Moscow and St. Petersburg, Russia¹s two largest cities.

Few dispute the need. Currently, the trip by car is a treacherous 430-mile drive on a potholed road populated with aggressive truck drivers and bribe-seeking traffic police officers. The journey can take 10 hours or more.

Environmentalists have called for building the new highway close to the existing road, which runs through an industrial zone. Building the highway through the forest, they say, would disrupt the ecological balance of Moscow, which depends on a shrinking belt of green space around it to help filter air pollution.

³This forest is our air,² Yevgenia Chirikova, the leader of a protest movement, said in an interview at a recent demonstration. ³If this highway goes through the Khimki Forest, a hole will be punched in the protective ring.²

This summer¹s 100-degree temperatures, along with the huge wildfires that blanketed Moscow and the surrounding region with noxious smoke, seem to have persuaded officials to look anew at the arguments of environmentalists, especially since their calls to save the forest seem to have resonated with many residents of this city and beyond.

More than 2,000 people gathered in central Moscow for a protest against the construction plans last weekend, an exceptionally large turnout here. And last month, hundreds of people raided the Khimki mayor¹s office, throwing rocks and smoke bombs in retaliation for earlier attacks on environmentalists defending the forest.

Environmentalists might also have gained a little help from Bono, the U2 frontman. He was in Moscow for a concert on Wednesday, and, after a meeting with Mr. Medvedev, the Interfax news agency reported, offered the Khimki Forest protectors his support.

Moscow anti-fascist

Moscow anti-fascist hospitalised with a brain injury following a torture by police

26th of August, three plain-clothed officers detained anti-fasict Nikita Nikolaevich Chernobaev in Moscow suburb of Ramenskoye, born 1991.  According to lawyer and human rights activist Mikhail Trepashkin.,Nikita was taken to local premises of Ministry of Interior, where an employee of the security service FSB, began to demand from him a confession for his participation to an action at the administrative building of the city of Khimki July 28, 2010.

During his first interrogation he succeeded to make a phone call to his mother, saying that he was not allowed legal counsel and that he will sign anything police demands. The mother asked: "Are they beating you up?". Nikita answered: "Yes." Chernobaev was only released at 1 AM 27th of August , after having signed a "confession" and an agreement on further cooperation.

After leaving the police station,  mother called an ambulance. Nikita told that they demanded him to sign a confession about having been in Khimki and witnessed some people having participated to the action,  and when he refused, they beat him to the head and other parts of the body, dressed head bag and blocked the air for breathing.

After such torture, he signed everything without reading it. After release, he had visible traces from the  handcuffs on his hands, traces from suffocation around his neck and a black eye.

 Paramedics brought Chernobaev to a hospital where doctors reported traces of torture ito the local police station. They recorded a statement. After that, the same three officers who beat Chernobaev attempted to pick up Nikita from the hospital. For security reasons, he was transferred to a hospital in Moscow However, this step does not guarantee him a calm treatment.

According to Trepashkin, these three police officers first declared to Chernobaev that they are from the criminal investigation, and during interrogation they claimed to be from the FSB,. They flatly refused to give their names.

  Please call to number +7-496-46-342-10, and ask names of the people who tortured him. It is with this phone they called mother of Nikita and tried to find out to which hospital Chernobaev was moved.

Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow P.O. Box 13 109028 Moscow Russia abc-msk AA riseup DD net http://www.avtonom.org/abc http://www.myspace.com/abcmsc

We are now also in facebook - please like both of our pages if you have an account!

http://www.facebook.com/pages/Anarchist-Black-Cross-of-Moscow/144050225617540 (in English) http://www.facebook.com/pages/Anarhiceskij-Cernyj-Krest-Moskva/146337378727567 (in Russian)

(source: http://avtonom.org/en/node/13141)

To magidd: Oh yes ))) We in

Oh yes ))) We in the KRAS are very very far from REAL activity. So far that 2 comrades from our organization made strikes in their workplaces in May. May be mister MagiDD made it too?

The "wrong" (only wrong??) slogan was used not by "a group" but by organizators.

For example, I call nationalist you which wrote about "jewish mafia regime" in Ukraine in 1919?

Global action day

Global action day 2.0

November 12–15, 2010: New International Days of Action We Demand that the Russian Authorities Close the Khimki Case and Drop All Charges against Alexei Gaskarov and Maxim Solopov

In late October 2010, Russian social activists Alexei Gaskarov and Maxim Solopov were released from police custody on their own recognizance by the Khimki Municipal Court. They had been arrested a day after a protest in defense of the Khimki Forest on July 28, 2010. Now they are free pending trial, but the criminal case against them has not been closed. They have been formally charged with disorderly conduct, and if convicted, they could be sentenced to up to seven years in prison. The dates of their trials have not been set, but meanwhile prosecutors are demanding that Alexei and Maxim be returned to police custody. Aside from Alexei and Maxim, there are two other people who have been charged in the case, and prosecutors might bring charges against even more people in the very new future. Since Alexei and Maxim were arrested in late July, police investigators have been stubbornly fabricating arrest protocols, evidence, and eyewitness testimony and using force to extract statements from the hundreds of people they have hunted down and detained. What will happen to all these thick case files filled with fabrications? They will form the basis of the prosecution’s case in court. And so the fact that Alexei and Maxim have now been released from jail is not the end of the battle but a signal that we must continue to act decisively on their behalf. We will not allow the authorities to cover up the illegal destruction of the forest and the persecution of its defenders with the soiled robes of counterfeit justice. We will force the authorities to close the Khimki Case and drop charges against all activists!

Why do the Russian authorities insist on turning activists into criminals and demanding prison sentences for them? For the same reason that they have either not launched or halted investigations into the near-fatal beating of journalist Mikhail Beketov, the murder of newspaper worker Sergei Protazanov, and the numerous attacks on Khimki residents. The policemen who beat up environmentalists defending the forest and arrested people participating in legal pickets have not been punished. The police investigators who tortured witnesses in the Khimki Case have not been punished. Can we expect fair trials for Alexei and Maxim when we have witnessed lawlessness and injustice so many times? Khimki judges have on numerous occasions shown all of us that we cannot count on their respect for the law and common sense. We demand that the case be closed!

The protest action that took place in Khimki on July 28, 2010, was a response to the lawlessness and violence perpetrated against local residents, journalists, and activists. It was a highly emotional response to the fact that all previous protests had not just been ignored by the authorities but had been cruelly suppressed. As a result of this protest, the Russian authorities began heeding the voice of the forest’s defenders. The campaign to defend the forest caught this gust of hot July wind and continued to act using other means. The authorities must end their persecution of the people who took part in this protest and the forest defenders. All charges against Alexei Gaskarov, Maxim Solopov, and other activists must be dropped.

What You Can Do

1. During the international days of action on November 12–15, 2010, hold eye-catching protest actions in your cities at official political and cultural events organized by the Russian authorities as well as outside Russian Federation embassies and consulates. Demand to meet with official Russian representatives and give them your petitions. Any Russian company, product or event can be a successful occasion for your protests.

2. Send faxes to the Khimki Municipal Court (+7-495-572-8314), the Moscow Region Prosecutor’s Office (+7-495-621-5006) and the President of the Russian Federation (+7-495-606-2464), demanding that the case be closed and all charges against Alexei Gaskarov, Maxim Solopov, and other activists dropped.

3. Continue to send letters to such international organizations as the Council of Europe, the European Parliament, and the UN, asking them to investigate the abuses by Russian authorities and intervene in the case. You can find contact information for these organizations here.

4. Work to get articles published in your local and national media that will inform the broader public about the case of the Khimki hostages and the new threats to civil liberties and the rule of law in Russia. Invite neighbors, friends, and colleagues to your solidarity actions in support of Alexei and Maxim, and ask them to join you in demanding that this fabricated criminal case be closed.

Send information about your solidarity actions as well as copies of letters, faxes, and media publications to our e-mail address: [email protected]

Translations to German, Spanish and French languages are available at http://www.khimkibattle.org, wait for more to come.

(through http://avtonom.org/en/node/13937)

BTW I find it interesting,

BTW I find it interesting, how in international scale, libertarian communist spectrum has been rather passive around this issue, although Gaskarov positions himself explicitly as a libertarian communist (he is a member of Autonomous Action).

Looking at the list of solidarity actions organised around previous action days (http://khimkibattle.org/?p=1036&lang=en), we see that actions abroad are mostly organised by groups like climate activists, social forum spectrum NGO's, trotskists (!) and antifa without clear political orientation.

Could be that libertarian communism around the globe is pretty much a bubble, no matter how fancy libcom.org, and besides IWA and small networked platformist groups, no any libertarian communist movement really exists. BTW IWA was an exception in terms of solidarity, they did wrote a letter to Khimki town prosecutor which made a difference: KRAS published the absurd reply IWA secretariat received and this was small news with overall impact to the campaign.

In general of course sectarian position KRAS picked (support to Gaskarov but not to Solopov) means that they have nobody to work with on this in Russia, and no surprise if that letter writing will be both the first and last efforts from IWA, no matter how pompous declarations KRAS made in September about "getting an international campaign organised"

I get a picture is that libertarian communists in libcom are whining about action in Khimki 28th of July no being pacifist enough, whereas apparently this is not a problem for trotskists, NGOists and other reformists. Although of course opinions of individual syndicalist pacifists in libcom are maybe not reflect main reasons behind the general social anarchist passivity around this issue.

I`m fully desagree wiyh this.

I`m fully desagree wiyh this. The position of KRAS is not sectarian but logical. I don`t think that we as anarchist must make campaigns for authoritarians because we aren`t masochists and we understand very well what they will make against us after his victory. It is very known from history. If any anarchists want to repeat old mistakes - so please without us.

As anarchists, we are against all repressions and prisons. But we make campaigns for people only which is not ennemy od\f anarchism. And we don`t support patriots.

The position of KRAS is shared by comrades from IWA. French CNT-AIT comrades signed also the declaration of KRAS about Khimki: http://www.ainfos.ca/fr/ainfos09058.html

The comrades from Polish ZSP also support this position as I know.

The Secretariat of IWA and the Spanish CNT sent message in support for Gascarov and not for both. The message from Spain and the idiotic answer from Russian juge to this (Gascarov will be in prison until his guiltylessness will be proved) helped much in making public reaction in the case and in the further liberation. It is confirmed from the people of general campaign made for both prisoners.

So thank you very much to all anarchists / anarcho-syndicalists which made protest campaign for comrade Gascarov after our appeal.

personally speaking, i think

personally speaking, i think it was not publically clear what the KRAS position was. i may be wrong (feel free to correct me) but the fact that KRAS supports only one of the two came to my ears only on personal basis. on the other hand, i wouldn't be so strong against support of both, cos i think under other circumastances it could prove ineffective to separate the case (in terms of getting the guys out of jail). and it would be interesting to know Gaskarov's view on this.

oh, and the argument that "what will they do when they come to power", well, i see no connection with this and the case. or is the stalinist guy now about to come to power and wipe out all the anarchists? i am definitely for the historical comparisons and lessons to be taken, but come on, try to keep them in the contexts cos out of context they sound as some dogma one rather laughs at than takes seriously...

To MT: Maxim is not a

To MT: Maxim is not a Stalinist, but he does consider himself as patriot. Alexey is one of his best friends.

To Foristaruso:

Nous sommes atterrés que dans les récentes protestations devant l'administration de Khimki, certaines personnes agissants au nom des "antifascistes" et des "anarchistes", aient lancé des slogans chauvins en défense de la forêt "russe", qu'ils aient déployé des banderoles délibérément écrites en caractères traditionnels slavoniques ("vieux russe", caractéristiques de l'Eglise orthodoxe), et qu'ils aient caractérisé le pouvoir actuel de "puissance occupante", comme on le disait des nazis allemands en 1941. MORT AU NATIONALISME ! NATIONALISTES HORS DES MOUVEMENTS SOCIAUX !

Nice that you have found Polish and French allies in your struggle against politically incorrect fonts (for those libcom readers who missed the story back in August, you may recap here: http://libcom.org/forums/news/anarchists-antifascists-attack-local-adminstration-building-29072010), it is about a time to purge social movements from incorrect fonts, having Maxim in prison would definitely be a necessary first step. I wonder where are other sections of the international - have they been infiltrated by supporters of incorrect fonts?

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