function of education behavior

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16.2 Sociological Perspectives on Education

Learning objectives.

List the major functions of education.
Explain the problems that conflict theory sees in education.
Describe how symbolic interactionism understands education.

The major sociological perspectives on education fall nicely into the functional, conflict, and symbolic interactionist approaches (Ballantine & Hammack, 2009). Table 16.1 “Theory Snapshot” summarizes what these approaches say.

Table 16.1 Theory Snapshot

The Functions of Education

Functional theory stresses the functions that education serves in fulfilling a society’s various needs. Perhaps the most important function of education is socialization . If children need to learn the norms, values, and skills they need to function in society, then education is a primary vehicle for such learning. Schools teach the three Rs, as we all know, but they also teach many of the society’s norms and values. In the United States, these norms and values include respect for authority, patriotism (remember the Pledge of Allegiance?), punctuality, individualism, and competition. Regarding these last two values, American students from an early age compete as individuals over grades and other rewards. The situation is quite the opposite in Japan, where, as we saw in Chapter 4 “Socialization” , children learn the traditional Japanese values of harmony and group belonging from their schooling (Schneider & Silverman, 2010). They learn to value their membership in their homeroom, or kumi , and are evaluated more on their kumi ’s performance than on their own individual performance. How well a Japanese child’s kumi does is more important than how well the child does as an individual.

A second function of education is social integration . For a society to work, functionalists say, people must subscribe to a common set of beliefs and values. As we saw, the development of such common views was a goal of the system of free, compulsory education that developed in the 19th century. Thousands of immigrant children in the United States today are learning English, U.S. history, and other subjects that help prepare them for the workforce and integrate them into American life. Such integration is a major goal of the English-only movement, whose advocates say that only English should be used to teach children whose native tongue is Spanish, Vietnamese, or whatever other language their parents speak at home. Critics of this movement say it slows down these children’s education and weakens their ethnic identity (Schildkraut, 2005).

A third function of education is social placement . Beginning in grade school, students are identified by teachers and other school officials either as bright and motivated or as less bright and even educationally challenged. Depending on how they are identified, children are taught at the level that is thought to suit them best. In this way they are prepared in the most appropriate way possible for their later station in life. Whether this process works as well as it should is an important issue, and we explore it further when we discuss school tracking shortly.

Social and cultural innovation is a fourth function of education. Our scientists cannot make important scientific discoveries and our artists and thinkers cannot come up with great works of art, poetry, and prose unless they have first been educated in the many subjects they need to know for their chosen path.

Figure 16.1 The Functions of Education

The Functions of Education: social integration, social placement, socialization, social and cultural innovation

Schools ideally perform many important functions in modern society. These include socialization, social integration, social placement, and social and cultural innovation.

Education also involves several latent functions, functions that are by-products of going to school and receiving an education rather than a direct effect of the education itself. One of these is child care . Once a child starts kindergarten and then first grade, for several hours a day the child is taken care of for free. The establishment of peer relationships is another latent function of schooling. Most of us met many of our friends while we were in school at whatever grade level, and some of those friendships endure the rest of our lives. A final latent function of education is that it keeps millions of high school students out of the full-time labor force . This fact keeps the unemployment rate lower than it would be if they were in the labor force.

Education and Inequality

Conflict theory does not dispute most of the functions just described. However, it does give some of them a different slant and talks about various ways in which education perpetuates social inequality (Hill, Macrine, & Gabbard, 2010; Liston, 1990). One example involves the function of social placement. As most schools track their students starting in grade school, the students thought by their teachers to be bright are placed in the faster tracks (especially in reading and arithmetic), while the slower students are placed in the slower tracks; in high school, three common tracks are the college track, vocational track, and general track.

Such tracking does have its advantages; it helps ensure that bright students learn as much as their abilities allow them, and it helps ensure that slower students are not taught over their heads. But, conflict theorists say, tracking also helps perpetuate social inequality by locking students into faster and lower tracks. Worse yet, several studies show that students’ social class and race and ethnicity affect the track into which they are placed, even though their intellectual abilities and potential should be the only things that matter: white, middle-class students are more likely to be tracked “up,” while poorer students and students of color are more likely to be tracked “down.” Once they are tracked, students learn more if they are tracked up and less if they are tracked down. The latter tend to lose self-esteem and begin to think they have little academic ability and thus do worse in school because they were tracked down. In this way, tracking is thought to be good for those tracked up and bad for those tracked down. Conflict theorists thus say that tracking perpetuates social inequality based on social class and race and ethnicity (Ansalone, 2006; Oakes, 2005).

Social inequality is also perpetuated through the widespread use of standardized tests. Critics say these tests continue to be culturally biased, as they include questions whose answers are most likely to be known by white, middle-class students, whose backgrounds have afforded them various experiences that help them answer the questions. They also say that scores on standardized tests reflect students’ socioeconomic status and experiences in addition to their academic abilities. To the extent this critique is true, standardized tests perpetuate social inequality (Grodsky, Warren, & Felts, 2008).

As we will see, schools in the United States also differ mightily in their resources, learning conditions, and other aspects, all of which affect how much students can learn in them. Simply put, schools are unequal, and their very inequality helps perpetuate inequality in the larger society. Children going to the worst schools in urban areas face many more obstacles to their learning than those going to well-funded schools in suburban areas. Their lack of learning helps ensure they remain trapped in poverty and its related problems.

Conflict theorists also say that schooling teaches a hidden curriculum , by which they mean a set of values and beliefs that support the status quo, including the existing social hierarchy (Booher-Jennings, 2008) (see Chapter 4 “Socialization” ). Although no one plots this behind closed doors, our schoolchildren learn patriotic values and respect for authority from the books they read and from various classroom activities.

Symbolic Interactionism and School Behavior

Symbolic interactionist studies of education examine social interaction in the classroom, on the playground, and in other school venues. These studies help us understand what happens in the schools themselves, but they also help us understand how what occurs in school is relevant for the larger society. Some studies, for example, show how children’s playground activities reinforce gender-role socialization. Girls tend to play more cooperative games, while boys play more competitive sports (Thorne, 1993) (see Chapter 11 “Gender and Gender Inequality” ).

Another body of research shows that teachers’ views about students can affect how much the students learn. When teachers think students are smart, they tend to spend more time with them, to call on them, and to praise them when they give the right answer. Not surprisingly these students learn more because of their teachers’ behavior. But when teachers think students are less bright, they tend to spend less time with them and act in a way that leads the students to learn less. One of the first studies to find this example of a self-fulfilling prophecy was conducted by Robert Rosenthal and Lenore Jacobson (1968). They tested a group of students at the beginning of the school year and told their teachers which students were bright and which were not. They tested the students again at the end of the school year; not surprisingly the bright students had learned more during the year than the less bright ones. But it turned out that the researchers had randomly decided which students would be designated bright and less bright. Because the “bright” students learned more during the school year without actually being brighter at the beginning, their teachers’ behavior must have been the reason. In fact, their teachers did spend more time with them and praised them more often than was true for the “less bright” students. To the extent this type of self-fulfilling prophecy occurs, it helps us understand why tracking is bad for the students tracked down.

Pre schoolers working on arts and crafts

Research guided by the symbolic interactionist perspective suggests that teachers’ expectations may influence how much their students learn. When teachers expect little of their students, their students tend to learn less.

ijiwaru jimbo – Pre-school colour pack – CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.

Other research focuses on how teachers treat girls and boys. Several studies from the 1970s through the 1990s found that teachers call on boys more often and praise them more often (American Association of University Women Educational Foundation, 1998; Jones & Dindia, 2004). Teachers did not do this consciously, but their behavior nonetheless sent an implicit message to girls that math and science are not for girls and that they are not suited to do well in these subjects. This body of research stimulated efforts to educate teachers about the ways in which they may unwittingly send these messages and about strategies they could use to promote greater interest and achievement by girls in math and science (Battey, Kafai, Nixon, & Kao, 2007).

Key Takeaways

According to the functional perspective, education helps socialize children and prepare them for their eventual entrance into the larger society as adults.
The conflict perspective emphasizes that education reinforces inequality in the larger society.
The symbolic interactionist perspective focuses on social interaction in the classroom, on school playgrounds, and at other school-related venues. Social interaction contributes to gender-role socialization, and teachers’ expectations may affect their students’ performance.

For Your Review

Review how the functionalist, conflict, and symbolic interactionist perspectives understand and explain education. Which of these three approaches do you most prefer? Why?

American Association of University Women Educational Foundation. (1998). Gender gaps: Where schools still fail our children . Washington, DC: American Association of University Women Educational Foundation.

Ansalone, G. (2006). Tracking: A return to Jim Crow. Race, Gender & Class, 13 , 1–2.

Ballantine, J. H., & Hammack, F. M. (2009). The sociology of education: A systematic analysis (6th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Battey, D., Kafai, Y., Nixon, A. S., & Kao, L. L. (2007). Professional development for teachers on gender equity in the sciences: Initiating the conversation. Teachers College Record, 109 (1), 221–243.

Booher-Jennings, J. (2008). Learning to label: Socialisation, gender, and the hidden curriculum of high-stakes testing. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 29 , 149–160.

Grodsky, E., Warren, J. R., & Felts, E. (2008). Testing and social stratification in American education. Annual Review of Sociology, 34 (1), 385–404.

Hill, D., Macrine, S., & Gabbard, D. (Eds.). (2010). Capitalist education: Globalisation and the politics of inequality . New York, NY: Routledge; Liston, D. P. (1990). Capitalist schools: Explanation and ethics in radical studies of schooling . New York, NY: Routledge.

Jones, S. M., & Dindia, K. (2004). A meta-analystic perspective on sex equity in the classroom. Review of Educational Research, 74 , 443–471.

Oakes, J. (2005). Keeping track: How schools structure inequality (2nd ed.). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Rosenthal, R., & Jacobson, L. (1968). Pygmalion in the classroom . New York, NY: Holt.

Schildkraut, D. J. (2005). Press “one” for English: Language policy, public opinion, and American identity . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Schneider, L., & Silverman, A. (2010). Global sociology: Introducing five contemporary societies (5th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.

Thorne, B. (1993). Gender play: Girls and boys in school . New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Understanding the Four Functions of Behavior: A Comprehensive Guide

by Rainbow Therapy
August 31, 2023

Escape/Avoidance: Seeking Relief from Demands

Attention-seeking: craving social interaction, access to tangible items: obtaining desired objects, automatic reinforcement: internal satisfaction, functional assessment and intervention: a holistic approach.

Functional Assessment:
Individualized Interventions:
Positive Behavior Support:
Skill Building:
Collaboration and Training:
Continuous Monitoring:
Applied Behavior Analysis (ABA) and the Four Functions:
Ethical Considerations:
Real-Life Applications:
Case Studies: Illustrating the Four Functions in Action:

Case Study 1: Escape/Avoidance Function

Case study 2: attention-seeking function, case study 3: access to tangible items function, case study 4: automatic reinforcement function, recent posts.

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What’s the Function of Behavior?

Christopher Olson
January 7, 2021

After moving the student to the front of the classroom to keep a better eye on them, you continue observing them placing their head down on their desk. Even though you allow a student to sit next to their friend, they still hit and kick their nearby peers. You offer choices to a disruptive student, but they continue to throw papers and books off of their desks. What do all of these students and behaviors have in common? The Function of Behavior.

This is the first post of six in this Behavioral Teacher series. Check back to continue gaining knowledge and resources to add to your behavioral management skills. Future posts will contain specific strategies and resources to complete prior to behavior occurring, during the behavior, and what to do after a behavior occurs.

Why do children display behaviors.

All behavior is a form of communication. Most, if not all, children use challenging behaviors from time to time. However, most find appropriate ways to meet their needs in a more positive manner. It is those instances where children continue to display inappropriate behaviors because they find that the behavior is working for them in either a positive or a negative way.

They discovered if I do (A), then (B) will occur. The key is to find out WHY they are acting the way that they are. Once we do that, then we can design appropriate strategies and interventions that make sense for that child.

Behaviors that are repeated have some sort of function. Identifying the function of behavior means investigating why that behavior is occurring. When we attempt to identify the function we observe and document data in a variety of areas: setting events, antecedents (before the behavior occurring), during the behavior, and consequences (after the behavior occurs).

There are four main functions of behavior – social attention, escape or avoidance of demands and activities, access to tangible items or preferred activities, and sensory (this could be seeking or avoiding sensory input).

1 ~ Attention

The first function is social attention or attention-seeking. The goal of attention-seeking behavior is to gain the attention of a nearby adult or another child. This goal could be seeking positive or negative attention.

When a child might whine to get attention from their parents.
Calling out or making inappropriate comments to get others to laugh at them.
Engage in certain behaviors to get others to play with them.
Cry or whine to feel comfort or affection from loved ones.
The child might be behaving to elicit anger or scolding from their parent or teacher.

On the opposite end of attention-seeking is our next function: Escape. When a child engages in an escape behavior, the goal is to try to get away from something or avoid it altogether. Keep in mind the item that a child is trying to escape or avoid could be a task, a tangible item, or even a person.

Elopement. The child may run away if they don’t want to take a bath or complete an activity.
Place their head down on their desk when presented with an assignment or work.
Intentionally will call out, antagonize, or display inappropriate behaviors to go to the office to escape the classroom.
Ripping up or destroying materials.
A student is a truancy concern with tardiness or absenteeism.

3 ~ Access to Tangibles

The third function of a behavior is seeking access to tangibles or activities. Similar to the attention function where the child is trying to gain something; however this time what they are trying to gain is an item or activity. Behaviors in this category may be appropriate or inappropriate.

The child is screaming and crying at a store so the adult will buy them the toy they wanted.
A child will push or hit another if they are playing with a toy that they want.
A child completes all their chores quickly so they can go out to play.
Displays a tantrum if they do not get the item that they originally wanted.

4 ~ Sensory

Behavior may also occur when it stimulates a person’s senses – either by providing or removing sensory input. This behavior functions to give the child some kind of internal sensation that pleases them or removes an internal sensation they don’t like.

Self-harm or scratching themselves for a bug bite or article of clothing bothering them.
Elopement or running away because they may enjoy and feel sensory stimulation from fast sports.
Rocking back and forth to de-stimulate their senses.
Screaming or yelling to block out sensitive noises or sounds.

Where to Start?

Prioritize.

As we just discussed, very broadly, as well as your own experiences, you should be aware that problem behaviors can vary. Have you ever heard that familiar expression of “You Should Pick Your Battles”? Your student or child may have many behaviors that you might think are all very challenging, but if you think about them based on their severity, it might make it easier to know where your battles should be. Janney & Snell, 2000, discusses three priorities that fit easily into a triangle.

Third Priority: Distracting Behavior

Some of the behaviors can be very minor. For example, the child taps their foot on the table impulsively while eating dinner. Talks a lot, or taps their pencil on the desk while working. These are annoying and distracting behaviors but are not very severe. These behaviors often interfere with social acceptance, have a negative impact on their image, or damage (not destroy) materials.

Second Priority: Disruptive Behavior

Some other behaviors can become disruptive, like ripping papers in the classroom when the teacher is trying to have class. Distracting and may make the child stand out from other peers. This is more than just annoying, but not yet dangerous. These behaviors often interfere with student learning, impede social relationships, and destroys materials.

First Priority: Destructive Behavior

Then there are behaviors that are destructive or very high priority. Hitting others or themselves, biting self or others, throwing objects at others. These behaviors should be at the top of your list for what is important to intervene on. These behaviors include safety concerns and may be harmful or even life-threatening to self and or to others.

By prioritizing a student’s or child’s behavior, you can focus on where to place your efforts first. It will make it more manageable and you are not throwing everything, but the kitchen sink into a behavior plan. It is important to note that every student and even adult may rate behaviors differently. For example, let’s discuss non-compliance. Non-compliance can be placed in either 2nd priority or 1st priority depending on the “big picture”. If it is non-compliance where the child is refusing to pick up their toys, then that would be more of a 2nd priority. However, if it is non-compliance where a child is refusing to hold your hand while crossing the street, then it becomes more of a safety concern going into the top tier or 1st priority.

Keep the student in mind while you are placing the student’s behavior into each category. Since we at Education to the Core are all about doing the work for you, I created a great resource/graphic organizer to help you organize your thoughts! Click here to receive your Free Prioritizing Pyramid!

The next blog post will dive into how to correctly identify the function of the behavior. We will focus and build upon your top identified priorities of behavior. The blog will cover why data is important and contain resources on how to easily and accurately collect and interpret your results.

We all have our “go-to” behavior management systems or interventions that we are comfortable with and may be effective. What are some of your behavior management resources? Do they fit in with our “function” dialogue or have you thought about the child’s function of behavior before? We would love to hear them in the comments below. We will continue this conversation of behavior management and discuss in detail what you could do prior to the behavior occurring, during the behavior as well as what to do after a behavior occurs.

Written by: Christopher Olson

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Published on May 20, 2020
| Blog
| by Andrea Banks

How to Better Understand the Four Functions of Behavior

There’s a reason why we act how we act. Our behaviors make sense and have functions, even if that isn’t always clear.

If a child is behaving in an unfavorable way, it’s because the behavior is meeting a specific need.

Learning about the four functions of behavior is important for teaching children and becoming a better educator. Keep reading to understand what the functions are so that you can learn how to modify the behavior in the future.

Understanding That Behaviors Occur for a Reason

Before we break down the 4 functions of behavior, it’s important to have the context behind it. ABA or Applied Behavior Analysts often use this concept to identify why a person is continuing to engage in a behavior, believing that behavior typically serves a function or purpose for the individual.

This is basically referring to the idea that there’s a reason why a behavior is occurring. It can be difficult to understand why an adult or child is engaging in a behavior, especially if it’s something negative like aggression or self-injury, but the underlying function will help explain it.

Behavior can also serve more than a single function at one time. A child might act out in order to gain attention from a teacher, and out of frustration for being required to complete an academic task.

Understanding the function also helps to guide a treatment plan if problematic behaviors are occurring. So what are the ABA four functions of behavior?

1. Social Attention

The first function is social attention or attention-seeking. The goal of attention-seeking behavior is to gain the attention of a nearby adult or another child.

For example, a child might whine in order to get attention from their parents. They may also engage in certain behaviors to get others to laugh with them or play with them, or they may just want people to look at them.

They may not always be seeking positive attention. The child might be behaving in a certain way to elicit anger or scolding from their parent or teacher.

Not all behaviors seek to gain something like attention-seeking. When a child engages in an escape behavior, he or she is trying to get away from something or avoid it altogether.

For example, in a home setting, a child might run away if they don’t want to take a bath. If a child is misbehaving in the classroom by putting their head down on the desk when presented with an assignment, they are attempting to escape the work.

It’s possible that escape behaviors are a result of lacking motivation for performing the task or that the task is too difficult. When trying to understand why a child might be engaging in escape behaviors, it can be helpful to take a step back and provide easier tasks to help them slowly understand the work.

3. Seeking Access to Tangibles or Activities

The third function of a behavior is seeking access to tangibles or activities. This is referring to the concept that some children engage in behavior so that they can gain access to a desired item or activity.

This behavior is the opposite of escape since the child is doing something in order to get what he or she wants.

For example, the child might scream or cry at a store so that the adult will buy them the toy they want. It can also be seen more positively if a child is getting dressed or doing their chores quickly so that they can go play.

4. Sensory Stimulation

This behavior is referring to stimulating the senses, or self-stimulating. This behavior functions to give the child some kind of internal sensation that pleases them or removes an internal sensation they don’t like.

A simple example of this is scratching. A child might scratch their skin due to bug bites or sunburn to relieve the feeling of itching.

This will certainly vary depending on the child. One child might enjoy and feel sensory stimulation from fast sports, but another child might rock back and forth to de-stimulate his or her senses.

How Function and Reinforcement Work

We’ve already reviewed that behavior occurs because of the function that it’s serving the child. It’s important to also understand how these behaviors serve to reinforce or maintain an outcome. Behavior can be understood in terms of both function and reinforcement.

In general, behaviors serve two functions. A behavior is an attempt to get something or an attempt to get away from something. So when a behavior works to get something for the child, it’s called positive reinforcement.

The opposite is also true. If a behavior works to get the child away from something or have something be taken away, it’s referred to as negative reinforcement.

Understanding Positive and Negative Reinforcement

It’s helpful to break down positive and negative reinforcement further to better understand them. Both types of reinforcement can be understood in terms of social and automatic reinforcement.

Social positive reinforcement happens when behavior gets the child something through the actions of another. For example, a child might ask her mother for a cup of juice. The action is required by the mother for the positive reinforcement of the juice.

Automatic positive reinforcement happens without needing anyone else. So the child is able to get what they want on their own. For example, a child is pouring her own cup of juice.

The opposite of both of these concepts are social negative reinforcement and automatic negative reinforcement. The goal of social negative reinforcement is to get the child away from something or have something be taken away through the actions of someone else. So for example, a child might ask for their mother to take the fruit off their plate.

Similarly, the goal of automatic negative reinforcement is to get something away from the child through their own actions. The child might push vegetables or fruit off their plate if they don’t desire them.

Positive and negative reinforcement further explain the functions of behavior.

The Four Functions of Behavior Help to Educators Understand Children

A behavior occurs for a reason. Learning the four functions of behavior will help you to understand a child’s motivation behind actions or behaviors within the classroom.

Plus, grasping both positive and negative reinforcement will paint the full picture of why a child is acting a certain way.

Click here to register for our webinar and learn more about managing behavior.

Modernize your District's Behavior Management with research-based best-practices.

The Four Functions of Behavior Explained

Access to Tangible Items

Achieving access to a desired toy or food is a common function of problem behaviors in children with or without autism. In the case of the child having a tantrum in the middle of a supermarket, it may be instructive to watch how the situation resolves itself. Often, it will end with the parent giving in and buying the toy or candy that provoked the tantrum in the first place. The next time the family is in the supermarket, can you guess what will happen if the child is denied a toy? The child is simply using the easiest and most effective method to obtain the object of their desire. To put it into perspective, access to tangible items is the reason most of us get out of bed and drive to work in the morning. The tangible item may be different (paying the rent, buying groceries, paying for children's tuition) but the function is the same.

There are a couple of critically important steps if a parent or teacher wishes to eliminate problem behaviors such as physical aggression, that occur with the goal of achieving tangible items. First, the behavior needs to stop resulting in the delivery of the tangible item. If this item is a toy, that toy cannot be delivered during or immediately after the problem behavior. Second, a replacement behavior needs to be taught. Generally, this will be some form of communication. If fully vocal, teach the child to ask nicely for the object. If the child is lower functioning, sign language or a picture exchange system may be more appropriate. Third, offer an alternative route to the object of desire, if possible. For instance, have the child earn a pre-determined amount of tokens before they can have the tangible item. These tokens could be earned by doing chores, completing class assignments, or simply not engaging in tantrums for a period of time.

Escape is another common function of behavior. In a typically functioning adult's life, this could take the form of doing the dishes to avoid making an unpleasant phone call. For a child with a developmental disability, it could take the form of physical aggression or running away. Simply getting to avoid the undesirable activity provides the reward for this behavior. Unfortunately for a parent or a teacher, the child's desire to avoid the activity may be in direct conflict with the parent's desire to have a pleasant meal at a restaurant or a teacher's desire to have their student work quietly on their assignment.

The most effective way to reduce escape-maintained problem behavior is to prevent the behavior from allowing the child to escape. This could take the form of moving the child into an area of the class where they cannot disrupt the other students but requiring them to still complete the assignment that provoked the behavior. In situations where the problem behavior is severe, such as with physical aggression or self-injurious behavior, this may be more difficult or impossible. In those situations, stopping the dangerous behavior should be the first priority. This usually will mean blocking the child as gently as possible to prevent them from harming themselves or others. In all cases of escape-maintained behavior, a replacement behavior should be taught to the child as soon as possible. This could mean teaching the child to appropriately communicate their desire to avoid the activity in question. Once they can effectively do this, they should be allowed to escape the behavior initially. Over time, though, there should be a plan put in place to reduce the amount of time that an appropriate request to avoid an activity will allow the child to escape. Reinforcement (or reward) should also be provided for successful completion of the activity.

Attention is one of the more interesting functions of behavior. That is because it doesn't always matter whether the attention achieved is positive or negative. Yelling at a child may be just as desirable to them as praise. When a teacher yells at a disruptive student to be quiet and get to work, they may be providing the child the very thing that they want most. While the teacher thinks they are punishing the child, they could actually be making the problem behavior more likely to occur again in the future. Think about people on the internet making offensive comments on message boards or social networking sites. Do they stop when another commenter tells them they are being offensive and to knock it off? Often, it will just elicit more comments from the person. The form of the attention doesn't matter as much as the fact that it is attention.

As with the behavior functions of access to tangible items and escape, the most important thing to remember about reducing attention-seeking behavior is making sure it stops resulting in any form of attention. This could involve isolating a disruptive student in another part of the class or encouraging the other students not to provide attention to the student's outbursts. In addition, provide positive outlets for this student to achieve the attention they desire. This could involve rewarding them with time at the end of class to make funny sounds or jokes to the class, provided they behave appropriately for the lessons taught during class.

Sometimes behavior provides its own reward. When a person with developmental disabilities makes repetitive movements with their hands or repeats sounds over and over, there may be no function beyond the pleasure that the behavior itself provides. These are said to be automatically reinforcing behaviors. These behaviors can sometimes be severe, like when a child repeatedly bites their hand to the point where it is breaking the skin. They can also be fairly minor, such as a person twirling their hair or repetitively tapping their shoe.

Behaviors with an automatic function can be some of the more difficult behaviors to intervene on. That is because it is very difficult to eliminate the reward for a behavior, when the reward occurs at the same time that the behavior does. There are, however, some methods that can be successful. One, a replacement behavior can sometimes be taught. For instance, if a child bites down on their hand during class, a nontoxic toy could be provided to them to bite down on that would allow them the same sensation, but without causing their hand to be damaged. Two, the behavior can be blocked from occurring. If a child hits a wall repeatedly with their hand, they can be simply moved away from the wall so they cannot reach it. Third, the behavior can be made less rewarding. In the case of the child that bites down on their hand, a bad tasting spray could be applied to their hand that would make biting down on it less pleasurable. It is important to remember, though, that with severe behaviors like these, a behavioral specialist should be consulted before beginning any intervention.

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The 4 Functions of Behavior

Four functions of behavior escape attention tangible automatic aba

Every behavior has a purpose, or function. Broadly speaking, behavior typically occurs for one of two reasons: to gain something or to get rid of something. However, when are are analyzing behavior in applied behavior analysis, or when you are analyzing your own child’s behavior, or maybe a student’s behavior as a teacher, you should be thinking of the four main functions, or reasons, a behavior occurs. The four functions of behavior are: to obtain a tangible or gain access to something, to escape or avoid a situation or aversive, to gain social attention, and for automatic or sensory reasons. Many times, a behavior serves more than one of these functions. For example, a child may whine to get their parent’s attention and also to get a toy that they want.

Social Attention

The first function is social attention. The learner or child will engage in behaviors that obtain attention from parents, teachers, peer, or other individuals. This attention can be positive attention such as praise or a smile, or this attention can be negative such as a reprimand or insult. These type of behaviors can initiate an interaction, act as a response to someone else, or just work to gain attention. It is very easy to inadvertently reinforce behavior that is attention-maintained.

Student: A student who continues to disrupt the class because his friends find it funny and always laugh

Child: A child intentionally spills his drink on the ground because his mom will turn towards him and tell him, “don’t do that again!”

Obtaining a Tangible or Gaining Access

The second function is tangible. The learner or child will engage in behaviors that obtain tangible items or gain access to something they want. Tangibles can include iPads, toys, balls, food, and anything else that can physically be held by the learner. Typically the items that are obtained hold reinforcing properties. As an example, think of the behaviors that a child engages in to obtain an iPad. They might ask nicely. They might kick and scream. They might become aggressive. All these behaviors share the same function.

Question: Which of the following would not be considered a tangible?

A. A toy truck B. A mother’s soothing voice C. A plate of cookies D. A new video game

Answer: B. A mother’s soothing voice

Escape or Avoid a Situation or Aversive

The third function is escape or avoidance. The learner or child will engage in behaviors to avoid the presentation of an aversive, or to escape an aversive that is already present. When you think escape or avoidance, think negative reinforcement. Negative reinforcement occurs when a stimulus is removed and a behavior increases in the future. When behavior occurs to escape or avoid it results in a stimulus being removed from the situation. Effectively, these behaviors terminate or postpone aversive events (Cooper et al., 2007). Avoidance and escape are two different things. Understand the difference when studying for the RBT exam or the BCBA exam .

Avoidance: Preventing the presentation of an aversive stimuli. For example, running away when the teacher says, “time for quiz.”

Escape: Removing or getting away from an aversive. For example, throwing your plate of vegetables on the ground.

Automatic or Sensory Behavior

The final functional is automatic behavior or sensory behavior. The learner or child will engage in behaviors that “feel good.” In this case, something internal is maintaining the child’s behavior. Get comfortable seeing both automatic and sensory used when describing this function. The terms are used interchangeably in applied behavior analysis. One useful way of remembering automatic/sensory behavior is by thinking of the word “alone.” These behaviors occur without any social mediation. In other words, there is not another person maintaining these behaviors. Reinforcement does not depend on a second person. These behaviors are commonly referred to as self-stimulatory behaviors.

Examples include: hand-flapping, nail biting, nose picking, and chewing on a pen

How Do You Determine the Function of a Behavior?

The function of the behavior is the most important thing to identify when assessing and treating behavior. Whenever you want to identify the function of a behavior, first look at what is reinforcing the behavior. If the behavior always obtains attention, then start hypothesizing that the function may be attention. If you present a task to a student and the behavior starts at that point, you can hypothesize the behavior is occurring to escape from the demand. A more formal and precise way to assess the function of a behavior is through a functional analysis. Multiple conditions are used in a functional analyses to precisely determine the function. However, these are time consuming and resource-intensive.

Can Behaviors Have More Than One Function?

You may be wondering if behaviors are able to have more than one function. The answer is yes. In fact, many behaviors have more than one function. If crying around dinner time earns both the attention of mom and a plate of food than the function of that behavior is attention and tangible. If hiding in your closet allows you to avoid church and gain access to video games than the function of that behavior is avoidance and tangible. The most common dual function is automatic/sensory. This dual function is typically identified through a functional analysis.

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16.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Education

Learning objectives.

By the end of this section, you should be able to:

Define manifest and latent functions of education
Explain and discuss how functionalism, conflict theory, feminism, and interactionism view issues of education

While it is clear that education plays an integral role in individuals’ lives as well as society as a whole, sociologists view that role from many diverse points of view. Functionalists believe that education equips people to perform different functional roles in society. Conflict theorists view education as a means of widening the gap in social inequality. Feminist theorists point to evidence that sexism in education continues to prevent women from achieving a full measure of social equality. Symbolic interactionists study the dynamics of the classroom, the interactions between students and teachers, and how those affect everyday life. In this section, you will learn about each of these perspectives.

Functionalism

Functionalists view education as one of the more important social institutions in a society. They contend that education contributes two kinds of functions: manifest (or primary) functions, which are the intended and visible functions of education; and latent (or secondary) functions, which are the hidden and unintended functions.

Manifest Functions

There are several major manifest functions associated with education. The first is socialization. Beginning in preschool and kindergarten, students are taught to practice various societal roles. The French sociologist Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), who established the academic discipline of sociology, characterized schools as “socialization agencies that teach children how to get along with others and prepare them for adult economic roles” (Durkheim 1898). Indeed, it seems that schools have taken on this responsibility in full.

This socialization also involves learning the rules and norms of the society as a whole. In the early days of compulsory education, students learned the dominant culture. Today, since the culture of the United States is increasingly diverse, students may learn a variety of cultural norms, not only that of the dominant culture.

School systems in the United States also transmit the core values of the nation through manifest functions like social control. One of the roles of schools is to teach students conformity to law and respect for authority. Obviously, such respect, given to teachers and administrators, will help a student navigate the school environment. This function also prepares students to enter the workplace and the world at large, where they will continue to be subject to people who have authority over them. Fulfillment of this function rests primarily with classroom teachers and instructors who are with students all day.

Education also provides one of the major methods used by people for upward social mobility. This function is referred to as social placement . College and graduate schools are viewed as vehicles for moving students closer to the careers that will give them the financial freedom and security they seek. As a result, college students are often more motivated to study areas that they believe will be advantageous on the social ladder. A student might value business courses over a class in Victorian poetry because she sees business class as a stronger vehicle for financial success.

Latent Functions

Education also fulfills latent functions. As you well know, much goes on in a school that has little to do with formal education. For example, you might notice an attractive fellow student when he gives a particularly interesting answer in class—catching up with him and making a date speaks to the latent function of courtship fulfilled by exposure to a peer group in the educational setting.

The educational setting introduces students to social networks that might last for years and can help people find jobs after their schooling is complete. Of course, with social media such as Facebook and LinkedIn, these networks are easier than ever to maintain. Another latent function is the ability to work with others in small groups, a skill that is transferable to a workplace and that might not be learned in a homeschool setting.

The educational system, especially as experienced on university campuses, has traditionally provided a place for students to learn about various social issues. There is ample opportunity for social and political advocacy, as well as the ability to develop tolerance to the many views represented on campus. In 2011, the Occupy Wall Street movement swept across college campuses all over the United States, leading to demonstrations in which diverse groups of students were unified with the purpose of changing the political climate of the country.

Functionalists recognize other ways that schools educate and enculturate students. One of the most important U.S. values students in the United States learn is that of individualism—the valuing of the individual over the value of groups or society as a whole. In countries such as Japan and China, where the good of the group is valued over the rights of the individual, students do not learn as they do in the United States that the highest rewards go to the “best” individual in academics as well as athletics. One of the roles of schools in the United States is fostering self-esteem; conversely, schools in Japan focus on fostering social esteem—the honoring of the group over the individual.

In the United States, schools also fill the role of preparing students for competition in life. Obviously, athletics foster a competitive nature, but even in the classroom students compete against one another academically. Schools also fill the role of teaching patriotism. Students recite the Pledge of Allegiance each morning and take history classes where they learn about national heroes and the nation’s past.

Another role of schools, according to functionalist theory, is that of sorting , or classifying students based on academic merit or potential. The most capable students are identified early in schools through testing and classroom achievements. Such students are placed in accelerated programs in anticipation of successful college attendance.

Functionalists also contend that school, particularly in recent years, is taking over some of the functions that were traditionally undertaken by family. Society relies on schools to teach about human sexuality as well as basic skills such as budgeting and job applications—topics that at one time were addressed by the family.

Conflict Theory

Conflict theorists do not believe that public schools reduce social inequality. Rather, they believe that the educational system reinforces and perpetuates social inequalities that arise from differences in class, gender, race, and ethnicity. Where functionalists see education as serving a beneficial role, conflict theorists view it more negatively. To them, educational systems preserve the status quo and push people of lower status into obedience.

The fulfillment of one’s education is closely linked to social class. Students of low socioeconomic status are generally not afforded the same opportunities as students of higher status, no matter how great their academic ability or desire to learn. Picture a student from a working-class home who wants to do well in school. On a Monday, he’s assigned a paper that’s due Friday. Monday evening, he has to babysit his younger sister while his divorced mother works. Tuesday and Wednesday, he works stocking shelves after school until 10:00 p.m. By Thursday, the only day he might have available to work on that assignment, he’s so exhausted he can’t bring himself to start the paper. His mother, though she’d like to help him, is so tired herself that she isn’t able to give him the encouragement or support he needs. And since English is her second language, she has difficulty with some of his educational materials. They also lack a computer and printer at home, which most of his classmates have, so they have to rely on the public library or school system for access to technology. As this story shows, many students from working-class families have to contend with helping out at home, contributing financially to the family, poor study environments and a lack of support from their families. This is a difficult match with education systems that adhere to a traditional curriculum that is more easily understood and completed by students of higher social classes.

Such a situation leads to social class reproduction, extensively studied by French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. He researched how cultural capital , or cultural knowledge that serves (metaphorically) as currency that helps us navigate a culture, alters the experiences and opportunities available to French students from different social classes. Members of the upper and middle classes have more cultural capital than do families of lower-class status. As a result, the educational system maintains a cycle in which the dominant culture’s values are rewarded. Instruction and tests cater to the dominant culture and leave others struggling to identify with values and competencies outside their social class. For example, there has been a great deal of discussion over what standardized tests such as the SAT truly measure. Many argue that the tests group students by cultural ability rather than by natural intelligence.

The cycle of rewarding those who possess cultural capital is found in formal educational curricula as well as in the hidden curriculum , which refers to the type of nonacademic knowledge that students learn through informal learning and cultural transmission. This hidden curriculum reinforces the positions of those with higher cultural capital and serves to bestow status unequally.

Conflict theorists point to tracking , a formalized sorting system that places students on “tracks” (advanced versus low achievers) that perpetuate inequalities. While educators may believe that students do better in tracked classes because they are with students of similar ability and may have access to more individual attention from teachers, conflict theorists feel that tracking leads to self-fulfilling prophecies in which students live up (or down) to teacher and societal expectations (Education Week 2004).

To conflict theorists, schools play the role of training working-class students to accept and retain their position as lower members of society. They argue that this role is fulfilled through the disparity of resources available to students in richer and poorer neighborhoods as well as through testing (Lauen and Tyson 2008).

IQ tests have been attacked for being biased—for testing cultural knowledge rather than actual intelligence. For example, a test item may ask students what instruments belong in an orchestra. To correctly answer this question requires certain cultural knowledge—knowledge most often held by more affluent people who typically have more exposure to orchestral music. Though experts in testing claim that bias has been eliminated from tests, conflict theorists maintain that this is impossible. These tests, to conflict theorists, are another way in which education does not provide opportunities, but instead maintains an established configuration of power.

Feminist Theory

Feminist theory aims to understand the mechanisms and roots of gender inequality in education, as well as their societal repercussions. Like many other institutions of society, educational systems are characterized by unequal treatment and opportunity for women. Almost two-thirds of the world’s 862 million illiterate people are women, and the illiteracy rate among women is expected to increase in many regions, especially in several African and Asian countries (UNESCO 2005; World Bank 2007).

Women in the United States have been relatively late, historically speaking, to be granted entry to the public university system. In fact, it wasn’t until the establishment of Title IX of the Education Amendments in 1972 that discriminating on the basis of sex in U.S. education programs became illegal. In the United States, there is also a post-education gender disparity between what male and female college graduates earn. A study released in May 2011 showed that, among men and women who graduated from college between 2006 and 2010, men out-earned women by an average of more than $5,000 each year. First-year job earnings for men averaged $33,150; for women the average was $28,000 (Godofsky, Zukin, and van Horn 2011). Similar trends are seen among salaries of professionals in virtually all industries.

When women face limited opportunities for education, their capacity to achieve equal rights, including financial independence, are limited. Feminist theory seeks to promote women’s rights to equal education (and its resultant benefits) across the world.

Sociology in the Real World

Grade inflation: when is an a really a c.

In 2019, news emerged of a criminal conspiracy regarding wealthy and, in some cases, celebrity parents who illegally secured college admission for their children. Over 50 people were implicated in the scandal, including employees from prestigious universities; several people were sentenced to prison. Their activity included manipulating test scores, falsifying students’ academic or athletic credentials, and acquiring testing accommodations through dishonest claims of having a disability.

One of the questions that emerged at the time was how the students at the subject of these efforts could succeed at these challenging and elite colleges. Meaning, if they couldn’t get in without cheating, they probably wouldn’t do well. Wouldn’t their lack of preparation quickly become clear?

Many people would say no. First, many of the students involved (the children of the conspirators) had no knowledge or no involvement of the fraud; those students may have been admitted anyway. But there may be another safeguard for underprepared students at certain universities: grade inflation.

Grade inflation generally refers to a practice of awarding students higher grades than they have earned. It reflects the observation that the relationship between letter grades and the achievements they reflect has been changing over time. Put simply, what used to be considered C-level, or average, now often earns a student a B, or even an A.

Some, including administrators at elite universities, argue that grade inflation does not exist, or that there are other factors at play, or even that it has benefits such as increased funding and elimination of inequality (Boleslavsky 2014). But the evidence reveals a stark change. Based on data compiled from a wide array of four-year colleges and universities, a widely cited study revealed that the number of A grades has been increasing by several percentage points per decade, and that A’s were the most common grade awarded (Jaschik 2016). In an anecdotal case, a Harvard dean acknowledged that the median grade there was an A-, and the most common was also an A. Williams College found that the number of A+ grades had grown from 212 instances in 2009-10 to 426 instances in 2017-18 (Berlinsky-Schine 2020). Princeton University took steps to reduce inflation by limiting the number of A’s that could be issued, though it then reversed course (Greason 2020).

Why is this happening? Some cite the alleged shift toward a culture that rewards effort instead of product, i.e., the amount of work a student puts in raises the grade, even if the resulting product is poor quality. Another oft-cited contributor is the pressure for instructors to earn positive course evaluations from their students. Finally, many colleges may accept a level of grade inflation because it works. Analysis and formal experiments involving graduate school admissions and hiring practices showed that students with higher grades are more likely to be selected for a job or a grad school. And those higher-grade applicants are still preferred even if decision-maker knows that the applicant’s college may be inflating grades (Swift 2013). In other words, people with high GPA at a school with a higher average GPA are preferred over people who have a high GPA at a school with a lower average GPA.

Ironically, grade inflation is not simply a college issue. Many of the same college faculty and administrators who encounter or engage in some level of grade inflation may lament that it is also occurring at high schools (Murphy 2017).

Symbolic Interactionism

Symbolic interactionism sees education as one way that labeling theory is seen in action. A symbolic interactionist might say that this labeling has a direct correlation to those who are in power and those who are labeled. For example, low standardized test scores or poor performance in a particular class often lead to a student who is labeled as a low achiever. Such labels are difficult to “shake off,” which can create a self-fulfilling prophecy (Merton 1968).

In his book High School Confidential , Jeremy Iversen details his experience as a Stanford graduate posing as a student at a California high school. One of the problems he identifies in his research is that of teachers applying labels that students are never able to lose. One teacher told him, without knowing he was a bright graduate of a top university, that he would never amount to anything (Iversen 2006). Iversen obviously didn’t take this teacher’s false assessment to heart. But when an actual seventeen-year-old student hears this from a person with authority over her, it’s no wonder that the student might begin to “live down to” that label.

The labeling with which symbolic interactionists concern themselves extends to the very degrees that symbolize completion of education. Credentialism embodies the emphasis on certificates or degrees to show that a person has a certain skill, has attained a certain level of education, or has met certain job qualifications. These certificates or degrees serve as a symbol of what a person has achieved, and allows the labeling of that individual.

Indeed, as these examples show, labeling theory can significantly impact a student’s schooling. This is easily seen in the educational setting, as teachers and more powerful social groups within the school dole out labels that are adopted by the entire school population.

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Functional Behavior Assessment in General Education Classrooms

First Online: 29 August 2023

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Tyler C. Ré 4 ,
Jair Yepez Torres 4 ,
Jennifer Quigley 4 &
Tricia R. Clement 4

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The basis for behavior change management is to determine why a behavior is occurring. This is known as the behavioral function. A functional behavior assessment is often conducted with an aim to determine function and then pair a function-based intervention to the behavior. This chapter will introduce you to the steps of conducting a functional behavior assessment and the four functions of behavior.

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Alter, P. J., Conroy, M. A., Mancil, G. R., & Haydon, T. (2008). A comparison of functional behavior assessment methodologies with young children: descriptive methods and functional analysis. Journal of Behavioral Education, 17 (2), 200–219. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10864-008-9064-3

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Cooper, J. O. (2020). Applied behavior analysis (3rd ed.). Pearson Education, Inc.

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FAST ; Iwata, B., & DeLeon, I. (2005). The functional analysis screening tool. Gainesville, FL: The Florida Center on Self-Injury, University of Florida. https://depts.washington.edu/dbpeds/Screening%20Tools/FAST.pdf

QABF ; Paclawskyj, T. R. (1998). Questions About Behavioral Function (QABF): A Behavioral Checklist for Functional Assessment of Aberrant Behavior. 127. https://arbss.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Questions-about-Behavioral-Function-QABF-Google-Docs.pdf

FACTS ; March, R. E., Horner, R. H., Lewis-Palmer, T., Brown, D., Crone, D. A., Todd, A. W., et al. (2000). Functional assessment checklist for teachers and staff (FACTS). Eugene, OR: University of Oregon. https://doe.virginia.gov/support/student_conduct/functional_assessment_checklist.pdf

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Ré, T.C., Torres, J.Y., Quigley, J., Clement, T.R. (2023). Functional Behavior Assessment in General Education Classrooms. In: Quigley, J., Cassano, M.J., Ackerlund Brandt, J.A. (eds) Incorporating Applied Behavior Analysis into the General Education Classroom. Springer Texts in Education. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35825-8_3

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The 4 Functions of Behavior

September 9, 2022
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What are the functions of behavior?

Everything we do has a reason behind it, right? In special education , ABA , and counseling settings, we are often asked to address challenging behavior—behavior that impedes the learning of the student or that of others. Whether you have a reluctant learner , you're working on an FBA , or simply want to be proactive in your teaching strategies, thinking about behavior functions is where to start!

One way to analyze challenging behavior is start with the WHY… the FUNCTION of the behavior. It's not the ONLY thing we do, but it's a BIG thing, so let's dive in.

Form does not equal Function

First, a word. Many times in my career, I received requests for behavioral support for a student which typically included information about what the student was DOING that was disrupting the class or setting. From the standpoint of a behavior analyst, I'm much less interested in what a behavior looked like as I am about why it's happening in the first place.

“I could be yelling because I want your attention, or I could be yelling because I want that cookie, or I could be yelling because my tummy hurts.”

This is why we talk so much about function. Learning what the student is saying with their behavior will better guide us in our decision of what strategies to try and also why we focus so much on communication! So when we ask lots of questions about what was happening before a behavior and what happened after a behavior, this is why.

TWO functions of behavior

We will expand more on this, but if you really hone in on the functions of behavior, you can refine it to just two things: something you want, and something you don't want. We're either trying to get something or avoid something in about everything we do. For the most part, however, we talk about the 4 functions of behavior…

What are the FOUR functions of behavior?

The most common categories that functions of behavior fall into are: Access, Attention, Escape, and Sensory. You'll hear them called different things from different organizations, and they've evolved over time. You may also hear “control” and “medical” as possible functions, but those 4 functions are the most accepted and referred to in all the literature, so I'll focus on those.

Some Data Collection Ideas for You...

Functions of behavior -- access or tangible, "i want something".

This could be items, activities, food, whatever.

Examples : Jacob is shopping with mom. Jacob sees a candy bar. Jacob cries and pulls on mom. Mom gives Jacob the candy bar. Jacob stops crying.

Janie hits another child at recess because she wants the ball.

Jude drops to the floor because he wanted to be line leader.

Jamie continues to go to a job they don't like because it pays well.

Strategies to consider:

Teach “Can I have?”
First this, then you can have…
Not now, but …
Not this, but …

Functions of Behavior -- Escape or Avoid

"i don't want something".

Get me out of here; Stop that, I don’t like it; I’m not doing that.

Escape = getting away from something the student doesn’t like

Avoidance = getting away from something the student doesn’t like BEFORE it actually happens

Examples: Jacob is shopping with mom. Mom wants Jacob to walk. Jacob pulls on mom’s hand and then sits down on the floor. Mom picks him up and puts him in the cart.

Janie crosses her arms and slumps in chair during math time.

Jude runs to the corner when his OT comes to get him.

Jamie doesn't take their boyfriend's call after a big fight.

Strategies to consider:

Teach “I don't want” or “I need a break”
Do this much, then break
I know, but we need to because…
Let's find something different to do

Functions of Behavior -- Attention or Connection

"i need someone".

I need your attention and I’ll get it if it’s positive or negative. I am lacking positive connections in my life, so I will engage in a behavior to try to fill that void.

It is common for challenging behavior to occur for attention if we are only paying attention when students are behaving “correctly.”

Examples : Jacob is shopping with mom. Mom is concentrating on her list. Jacob begins to cry and pull on mom. Mom turns to Jacob and kisses on his face. Jacob stops crying.

Janie makes farting noises in class, and the other students laugh.

Jude breaks his pencil everyday. When he does, the teacher always comes over to bring him a new one.

Uh, just about everyone on TikTok. 🙂

Teach “Can I have a minute/chat?”
First this, then we can…
We can … [when], and I'm so excited to spend that time with you then!
Opportunities to “shine”

Functions of Behavior -- Sensory or Automatic

"i have an internal need".

I have an internal need that needs to be met.

In this case, reinforcement is not environmental or delivered by another person, it is internal, a physical consequence for the individual. We all have these!

Scratching a bug bite
Reading a book
Eating good food

The most common in autism include repetitive motor movements (e.g., toe walking, flapping, body rocking, humming, pacing), perseverative thoughts, actions, and verbals (e.g., talking about the same subject, making same noises), visual stimulations (e.g., string flicking, staring at lights, turning things on/off to see them, and restricted food preferences.

***A note here about self-stimulatory behavior (or “stimming”). There is NOTHING wrong with stimming! It's often a way for someone to self-regulate or reduce anxiety. As long as it's not dangerous or impeding (significantly) someone's learning or the learning of others, it's all good! Let the person regulate themself. 🙂

Examples : Jacob is shopping with mom. Jacob sees a candy bar. Jacob picks up the candy bar and flicks the paper in front of his eyes. Mom can’t get him to leave it alone and eventually gives Jacob the candy bar, and he continues to play with the paper.

Janie covers her ears when walking into class every day.

Jude cries for no known reason but appears to be holding his tummy.

Jamie isn't able to maintain a personal relationship because they can't kick their addiction to porn.

Teach “I need …”
Teach when and where
Teach/provide alternatives that meets same need

Multi-faceted

While we try to find “the” function of a behavior when we're looking to change it, it's almost never that simple, is it? Behaviors can be complex and intricate.

The most common dual-function I have observed in my career is a behavior that is triggered by the need to escape or avoid something, and then maintained by the attention the behavior has evoked in others. So a student may start ripping paper and breaking pencils in class because they don't want to do the math, but then the students are watching, and when the teacher has to step in, the student is also getting all that attention for the behavior! Makes it tricky to address!

In the end, we just have to do our best to get to know our students, build solid relationships with them, set up an environment for their success, and then do our best to address the primary function. In the case of the math, we can make sure the NEXT time we provide supports and reinforcement opportunities to the student beforehand with the intention to prevent the need to express their displeasure by taking it out on the paper and pencils in the first place.

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Functions of Behavior in ABA: Complete Guide

ABA uses the functions of behavior to understand behavior and why it occurs. When you accurately identify the function of a behavior, you answer the question: What does this person “get” out of engaging in this behavior. This answer allows you to select function-based interventions to address the behavior.

All behavior occurs because the individual gets something out of it. In Applied Behavior Analysis (ABA), the reason a behavior continues is called the function of that behavior. These functions are reinforcers for the child. If the behavior no longer works for that purpose, the behavior will stop and a new behavior will take its place.

In this article we will use examples related to challenging behavior; however, the information here can be applied to teaching new skills. Once the appropriate function of a child’s behavior has been identified, you can use this information to identify potential reinforcers for more appropriate behaviors.

The examples in this article are available in this free download for your reference:

Functions of Behavior

Accurately identifying function allows you to make informed decisions to change behavior. Understanding why a behavior occurs leads to meaningful change. You can then use this information to alter the conditions surrounding the behavior.

While there are many factors that motivate behavior, there are 2 primary functions of behavior that make a behavior more likely to happen in the future:

Access
Escape

Looking further at these primary functions, you can dig a little deeper to determine if the reinfocer is received directly or is socially mediated (provided by someone else). Knowing how the individual accesses the reinforcer assists you in determining how best to change the behavior.

Start with this quick overview and see below for more detail:

Access Maintained Behaviors

Many behaviors occur because the individual gains access to something that is of value to them. The individual can gain access to a variety of different reinforcers including:

Something tangible
An activity
A sensory experience

Access to Tangibles

A tangible is something the person can touch or pick up. It could be anything from a toy to a piece of candy or even something that appears uninteresting to you. Young children with autism often develop intense interests in items that appear random such as flags, straws or pipes.

Access to Activities

Many children are motivated by activities that they find enjoyable. Does your client enjoy any of the following?

Access to these activities may reinforce behavior. Other activities may also reinforce a behavior without you being aware of it.

Access to a Sensory Experience

Another type of activity that your client might find reinforcing is stereotype. This might look like hand flapping, arm waving, hand tapping or finger wiggling. These types of behaviors, often referred to as “nonfunctional,” feel good to the individual. In this case, “nonfunctional” means that they don’t serve a useful purpose. Stereotypies are often considered in their own category of function of behavior called Automatic Reinforcement. For the purposes of this article, we will include them in the Access category and discuss their counterpart: escape from a sensory experience. Although some children with autism avoid extraneous sensory input, many seek sensory input from a variety of activities.

Access to Attention

Attention and social interactions reinforce many behaviors. Some children have positive reactions when an adult delivers praise or even provides a reprimand. Inappropriate behaviors can be unintentionally reinforced by attention such as reprimands if the learner is reinforced by access to attention.

Modes of Accessing a Reinforcer

Once you determine if a behavior is maintained by access, you can look deeper to determine how the individual is gaining access to the reinforcer. There are 2 ways that the individual gains access to the reinforcer:

Direct access
Socially mediated access

Direct Access

Many times individuals are able to directly access a reinforcer without the help of another individual. The child who takes a toy out of the hands of a peer has gotten direct access to the toy. The child who runs to the swing on the playground and swings on his belly has direct access to that activity. When a child spins in circles, she has access to that sensory experience.

While direct access is easy to understand, it may be difficult to prevent. A child who struggles with overeating but knows how to get into the refrigerator and cabinet can directly access food unless his parents find a way to block this behavior or teach an alternative.

Socially Mediated Access

Socially mediated access requires a bit deeper look. This mode provides access to the reinforcer through another person. Whether that access is granted intentionally or inadvertently, the other person is necessary for the individual to gain access to the tangible, activity, sensory experience or attention. Why would anyone reinforce a challenging behavior by giving access to a reinforcer? Often the person mediating (providing) the access is not aware of the potential consequences. It may also be that the benefits for that person are greater than the perceived risk of granting access.

Socially mediated access to a tangible

Often socially mediated access to a tangible reinforces challenging behavior because the adult didn’t anticipate a problem developing by allowing access to that tangible. Here’s an example:

Jim enjoys small fidget toys, especially ones that are squishy. Jim often struggles during group activities where there are no hands-on activities such as circle time or story time. The OT recommends watching his behavior and once he shows signs of distress (calling out, increased motor movement, crying), the teacher should give him a fidget toy to help him remain part of the group. Over time, Jim starts showing signs of distress earlier in circle and story time and he has begun to display these behaviors during other times as well.

In this example, the OT had good intentions. However, she did not consider the unintended effects of waiting for Jim to engage in problematic behavior before giving him access to the fidgets. Jim’s teacher was unaware that she inadvertently reinforced this behavior until it started to become a problem.

At times, nearly all parents have been guilty of “giving in” in order to make a behavior stop or to head off an impending explosion. When working with parents, it’s essential to remember that it’s unrealistic to expect that parents will never do this. Help parents identify the situations where they need to be consistent and where they might choose to “pick their battles” and let things slide a little.

Socially mediated access to activities

Many of the activities listed above motivate both desired and undesired behaviors depending on the context within which the child has gained access to the activities in the past. In much the same way as socially mediated access to a tangible occurs without intentionally reinforcing maladaptive behavior, socially mediated access to activities develops along a similar path. Here’s an example:

Tara’s mother can always tell when she’s getting “amped up” because she starts yelling at her brother and taking toys away from him. In order to avoid a massive meltdown, Tara’s mother turns on the TV as soon as Tara starts these behaviors. Over time, Tara’s mother has noticed that Tara is becoming “amped up” more often and she’s not sure what to do about it.

Socially mediated access to a sensory experience

While many sensory experiences don’t require another person in order to gain access, some do. Some children like deep pressure in the form of head squeezes, tight hugs or even tight fitting clothing. Other sensory experiences might include running fingernails along an arm or being spun on a swing. Take a look at this example:

Jennifer often has dramatic tantrums that include self-injurious behavior (SIB) and aggression. It’s difficult for her parents to identify what triggers these tantrums and they have become afraid of them as she has gotten bigger. They have found that providing deep pressure in the form of head and hand squeezes usually calms her. Each time she escalates, they begin to provide that pressure and they will often take turns when one gets tired.

Socially mediated access to attention

Attention always requires social mediation, but it is a powerful reinforcer. Many parents, caregivers and professionals feel the need to “correct” challenging behavior. They may feel that the child won’t learn that the behavior is undesirable unless they tell the child every time it occurs. Often adults feel as though they are letting the child “get away with” the behavior by not doing something to address it.

Many traditional parenting techniques require the parent to provide an extensive amount of attention contingent on problem behavior. Think about this example:

Jaime often throws toys when her parents ask her to clean up. Her parents have read many parenting books that recommend consistent consequences when challenging behaviors occur and they have decided to try “time out.” From what they read, Jaime should receive 1 minute of “time out” for each year of her age. Since she’s 5, she should be in “time out” for 5 minutes. They have chosen their “time out” spot, a hard chair in the corner of the living room.

The next time Jaime throws toys, her parents direct her to “time out.” She gets up repeatedly and her parents have to redirect her back to the chair. Finally, not knowing how else to keep her in “time out,” her mother sits in the time out chair with Jaime on her lap and holds her there for the full 5 minutes.

Escape Maintained Behaviors

Escape from something aversive can be a powerful motivator. Individuals will go to great lengths to escape or avoid things that are unpleasant such as:

A relatively lengthy task
A relatively difficult task
Unpleasant sensory experience
Attention or social interaction

Escape from a Relatively Lengthy Task

Some children find tasks that take a long time aversive. What constitutes a long time varies by the individual. One child might think that sitting at a table for 5 minutes is a long time. Another finds sitting for 30 seconds aversive. The aversiveness of the task is specific to the perspective of the individual. Even though you might feel as though it’s a quick task, the child might feel that it will take an unachievable amount of time.

Escape from a Relatively Difficult Task

For some children, it’s not how long the task will take but how difficult they expect the task to be. Again, this is specific to the child’s perception of the task, not how easy or difficult you think the task is for the child.

Escape from an Unpleasant Sensory Experience

While some children seek sensory experiences, many find specific sensations highly aversive. Unexpected loud noises, strobe lights, light touches or strong smells might appeal to one child and be aversive to another. A scent or sound you find pleasant might trigger a strong reaction from your client.

Escape from Attention or Social Interaction

Attention and social interactions reinforce many behaviors; however, for some children, these are aversive experiences. Some children have strong negative reactions when an adult delivers praise or provides a reprimand. Others engage in behaviors to avoid social interactions because socializing with others is an unpleasant experience.

Modes of Escape

As with access maintained behaviors, escape maintained behaviors can be either:

Direct escape
Socially mediated escape

Direct Escape

As with direct access, direct escape is pretty straightforward. Direct escape involves the individual being able to escape without the help of another person. A child who walks away from the dinner table escapes having to sit at the table for the whole duration of mealtime. The child who rips up her math homework escapes completing this difficult task. When a child covers his ears when the hand dryer starts in the public restroom, he directly escapes the sound of the dryer. Hiding under a blanket when someone walks into the room effectively escapes that social interaction.

Socially Mediated Escape

Socially mediated escape maintained behaviors are a bit more complex than direct escape maintained behaviors because they require the assistance of another person. As with socially mediated access maintained behaviors, undesired behaviors are often inadvertently reinforced by the adult for a variety of reasons.

Socially mediated escape from a relatively lengthy task

When an adult presents a lengthy task and subsequently allows the child to complete only a portion of the task or even escape the task altogether in response to the child’s objections, the child’s behavior is reinforced. Take a look at this example:

Kevin has been playing in his room for the last hour and has strewn trains, cars and blocks all over his room. Kevin’s mother comes in and tells him to clean up. Kevin begins to kick his legs, cry and throw toys. Kevin’s mother knows that the mess might seem overwhelming to him so she begins to help him clean up. When there are only a few blocks left to pick up, she has him complete the task. Kevin has successfully used his behavior to reduce the length this task will take. Understanding this contingency, you can begin to teach Kevin to use language (functional communication training) to reduce the length of the task. Teach Kevin to say “can you help me clean up?” rather than using maladaptive behavior.

Socially mediated escape from a relatively difficult task

Socially mediated escape from a relatively difficult task is similar to the above condition except another person is required to reduce the difficulty of the task or to escape the task altogether. Everyone likes to feel successful and when faced with a task that appears too difficult, challenging behavior can emerge. Consider this example:

Katie hates doing homework, especially reading because she has a hard time sounding out the words in new books. Her father does homework with her every night. Katie screams and cries through the process and repeatedly says she can’t do it. Usually the book ends up on the floor. Her father feels bad that she’s struggling and speaks to her teacher about reducing her homework. The teacher says that for homework Katie can read familiar books rather than the new ones she has been sending home with her. Katie’s father has helped her escape the task of reading new books for homework. Katie will be more likely to engage in these behaviors in the future when she is faced with difficult tasks.

Socially mediated escape from an unpleasant sensory experience

Many children will engage in serious maladaptive behavior in order to escape from an unpleasant sensory experience. Especially for young children, this behavior often requires the help of another person making this a socially mediated escape maintained behavior. Look at the following example:

The automatic hand dryers in public restrooms are extremely aversive to Juan. Each time his mother takes him into a public restroom and sees one of these hand dryers, Juan begins to scream and hit his mother’s arm. His mother immediately takes him out of the restroom and avoids restrooms with automatic hand dryers in the future. Juan’s mother didn’t intentionally reinforce his screaming and aggression; however, Juan will likely engage in these behaviors if she takes him into a restroom with these hand dryers in the future. This is another great opportunity for functional communication training to teach Juan to escape the unpleasant sensory experience using more adaptive behavior.

Socially mediated escape from attention or social interaction

Just as some attention and social interactions are reinforcing for some children, the same attention or social interactions may be aversive for others. When an adult helps the child escape from these situations, the child’s behavior is potentially reinforced. For example:

Sam loves to play at the playground; however, she does not enjoy other children playing with her. Sam’s mother sits near her and watches as she plays in the sandbox digging holes. When another child approaches and tries to play with Sam, Sam begins to scream and throw sand. Sam’s mother tells the other child that Sam has autism and would rather play alone. When the other child leaves, Sam’s behavior may be reinforced.

Access and Escape in Action

To see some of the functions of behavior in action watch Functions of Behaviour by Tara Rodas :

How Many Functions Are There, Really?

Traditional sources say there are 3-4 functions of behavior (access, escape, attention and automatic), however there is a better way to conceptualize the functions of behavior. Cipani and Schock (2010) created a behavioral diagnostic system that expands on traditional models to help us understand behavior on a deeper level. They describe 2 primary functions: access and escape then go on to identify the type of reinforcer and the mode of access (direct or socially-mediated). This method provides a comprehensive approach to understanding the functions of behavior.

Depending on your source, the functions are presented in different ways which can make understanding this concept confusing for students new to the field. Many traditional resources as well as current ones, reference 3-4 functions of behavior: Access, Escape, [Attention] and Automatic. Some resources group attention with access, others present it as a separate behavioral function. Tools, including questionnaires like the Question About Behavioral Function (QABF) and the Functional Assessment Screening Tool (FAST) also provide different behavioral categories. Here we will compare just 3 common models of describing behavioral funciton.

Classic Functions of Behavior

Jamison et al. (2016) present this limited view of function in their presentation ABA in 2016 . They describe the 4 primary functions of behavior as access, attention, escape and automatic reinforcement. In this model, behaviors that receive positive reinforcement in the form of an activity or something tangible fall in the access category. The attention category covers behaviors maintained by positive reinforcement in the form of attention. Escape includes behaviors that are negatively reinforced through escaping or avoiding an aversive stimulus. Automatic describes behaviors maintained by a pleasant sensory experience.

Three of these categories cover positive reinforcement, leaving one to describe negative reinforcement. A benefit to this perspective is the simplicity, but the categories of access, attention and automatic are somewhat redundant and unclear. Instructors in many ABA courses present this model when teaching about the functions of behavior. Students of these instructors may feel confused when they encounter alternative conceptualization of this critical concept.

The image below shows the extent to which this model describes behavioral function. The analyst may include more narrative information to further clarify maintaining variables, but the categories themselves fail to provide much description.

Identifying Reinforcers to Determine Functions of Behavior

To identify the function of a particular behavior, professionals conduct a functional analysis or functional behavior assessment. This involves either manipulating variables surrounding the behavior of interest or collecting data when the behavior occurs in a more natural setting. The analysts consider what reinforcer occurs as a result of that behavior (or at least within a temporal relation to that behavior).

In their book Applied Behavior Analysis, which is often referred to as the ABA bible, Cooper, Heron and Heward (1987, p. 501-502) describe 2 primary categories of behavioral function with subcategories for each: Positive Reinforcement and Negative Reinforcement. Remember that reinforcement is a stimulus that follows behavior AND strengthens that behavior along some measure (i.e. frequency, intensity, duration, etc.). Positive reinforcement refers to the addition of a stimulus and negative reinforcement refers to the removal of a stimulus.

This view of behavioral function is more detailed than the one described above and starts to dig more specifically into what stimulus is added (positive) or removed (negative) to strengthen the behavior (reinforcement). The subcategories included by the authors are represented in the image below. These subcategories provide more information about the maintaining variables which leads to more accuracy when selecting function-based interventions.

Functions of behavior according to Cooper, Heron and Heward (1987)

Diagnosis of Function

Cipani and Schock (2010) use a slightly different model when describing behavioral function. Their comprehensive approach avoids redundancy while thoroughly capturing all possibilities. This system specifies not only positive reinforcement (access) or negative reinforcement (escape) but also the type of reinforcer and whether another person provides access to the reinforcer (direct or socially-mediated). The authors include additional descriptive language when appropriate such as describing whether attention from peers or adults maintains the behavior.

Understanding behavior at this level helps you develop a plan that effectively addresses that behavior. Grey and Hastings (2005) emphasized the use of function in selecting evidenced-based interventions. Functional behavioral assessment and functional analysis allow the analyst to identify or hypothesize the function of challenging behavior. Once you collect data to determine controlling variables, use this diagnostic tool to describe those variables in detail.

First, identify if the reinforcer is positive or negative. Then, determine what type of reinforcer controls the behavior. Finally, determine if access to that reinforcer requires the presence of another person. Although this model requires 3 steps, it becomes fluid with some practice.

Look at this example:

Your client engages in aggression when asked to perform a task he doesn’t want to do. After looking at descriptive analysis data and observing the behavior yourself, you see that his aggression results in a delay of the task and staff altering how long they expect him to perform the task.

Without conducting a full analysis of the behavior, you can only hypothesize the function. In this example, the behavior is maintained by both the direct escape (delay of onset of the task) and socially-mediated escape (staff shortening the task) of a relatively lengthy task. The task might not actually take a long time to complete, but consider the task from his perspective.

This quick example highlights the benefit of describing function in this way. Now you understand more specifically what aspect of the task he finds aversive. Teaching him to request a delay in starting the task or a shorter task or a even break during the task provides an alternative that addresses the details of what maintains the challenging behavior.

Functions of Behavior according to Cipani and Schock (2010)

Comparing the 3 Models

While the model you choose may impact your ability to choose effective, function-based interventions, they aren’t necessarily mutually exclusive. You may choose to use Cipani and Schock’s model when selecting interventions, but a simpler one when speaking with or training parents or caregivers.

Look at the following example and how each model describes the function of the behavior:

You conduct a functional behavior assessment and determine that your client’s spitting most often results in attention from both his peers and classroom teacher.

The first model described above would put this behavior in the attention category. The second model puts this behavior in the social positive reinforcement category. The third model describes this behavior as maintained by socially-mediated access to attention from both adults and peers. Sure, the information is reasonably similar, but the third example provides a bit more detail that assists you in your search for effective interventions.

Choose the model of functions of behavior that makes the most sense to you and meets the needs of your specific situation. Each model presents unique advantages, but your audience’s understanding of the model might be the most important consideration. Although you use this information to select appropriate function-based interventions, other people likely need to understand your analysis. Parents, RBTs, and payers each read and process your documentation for different purposes. Avoid using language from one of the models that will confuse your intended audience, if possible.

Determining the Function of a Behavior

How do you know what the function of an individual’s behavior is? Unfortunately we can’t just ask them because even if they could tell us, they’re likely not aware of it themselves. Consider your own behavior for a minute:

Most people could probably tell you why they go to work: to get a paycheck, right? So the function of the behavior “going to work” would be pretty obvious.

But let’s dig a little deeper. What if you consistently work hard to go above and beyond what’s expected of you at work? What might the function of this behavior be? There are actually several possibilities. You might get:

Satisfaction from the work you’re doing
Praise from your boss, parents, coworkers, teachers, clients, etc.
Compensated for doing your job well (i.e. a raise, bonus or commissions)

Unless you stop to think about this, you might not even realize what you’re doing, or why you’re doing it.

Your learners likely don’t know why they do what they do, so how can you figure it out?

ABA relies heavily on ABC data to understand the context of a behavior. Our post ABC Data: The Key to Understanding Behavior goes into detail about what ABC data is and how to collect it…but then what?

Well, that depends on whether the ABC data alone provides a clear function of the behavior. Let’s look at an example.

On an ABC data sheet the data looks like this:

In the antecedent column, you write what happened just before the behavior, Debra said it was time for school.
In the behavior column, you write Jake yelled no and threw his toy toward Debra.
And in the consequence column you write what happened right after the behavior, Debra gasped and Jake delayed going to school.

There might be other antecedents and consequences that also influence the behavior that you might make note of. Maybe Debra forgot to bring Jake’s lunchbox into the room or it’s already in his backpack and he doesn’t know it. Maybe the airplane made a cool noise when it hit the floor.

Which factors might be impacting his behavior? With this data, you can ask yourself, “what is he telling me with his behavior?” What is he accessing or avoiding with the behavior? He gets a small reaction from Debra and he delays going to school. Maybe he’s saying, “I don’t want to stop playing. I would rather stay with you.”

While this example seems pretty clear, often the data is more complex, and a series of challenges may build on each other.

Let’s take this example a little further. The consequence for the first behavior might become the antecedent for the next behavior.

Jake might be upset that his routine was disrupted by missing the bus and that could trigger another behavior.

Here we write down what behavior Jake engages in, he cries, stomps his feet and then pushes Debra. The consequence of this behavior is Debra says, “we have to go now. I’m going to be late for work.” This consequence becomes the antecedent for the next behavior which is Jake hitting Debra and then running to his room. The consequence to this behavior is that Debra follows him and offers to stop to get a doughnut on the way to school.

We can see through this example that Jake’s behavior escalated pretty quickly and Debra was doing whatever she could just to get him out the door. What is Jake saying with his behavior? How about, “I don’t know how to handle sudden changes in my routine and I want you to help me.” He also gets a doughnut out of the deal.

The data sheet might look like this:

While all this is important information, you may find that ABC data alone isn’t enough to determine the function, and you need to collect other types of data such as questionnaires and scatterplot data.

Questionnaires

There are several questionnaires available to help determine the function of a behavior: Motivational Assessment Scale (MAS) and Questions about Behavioral Function (QAFB) . In Assessment of the convergent validity of the Questions About Behavioral Function scale with analogue functional analysis and the Motivation Assessment ScaleT. R. Paclawskyj,, J. L. Matson,, K. S. Rush,, Y. Smalls, T. R. Vollmer (2008) determined that these two questionnaires provide similar results.

As an alternative, we have created interactive “quiz” to help determine the function of a behavior (note, this opens in a popup window).

Scatterplot Data

Scatterplot data can also provide insight into the time of day, or day of the week behaviors are more likely to happen. Using a grid to map out the time of day and the day of the week, simply record the number of instances of a behavior in the allotted time.

Download a blank template now!

Analyzing the Data

Once you have all the data assembled, you need to understand what it all means. If you’ve collected the data in a tool, either through your employer, or one you’ve purchased like our AID Document Creation Tool (an add on to the ABLE Support for BCBAs , the program can likely do a lot of the analysis for you. AID, for example, takes the data and creates graphs that make it easy for you to find patterns in the data.

For a less technical approach, you can use something like the Data Triangulation Chart pictured here to collect your findings. While this document has a fancy title, it’s simply a form where you can make notes about the most common antecedents and consequences from each source of data. Download a blank template here:

Try It for Yourself

Click the image below to launch our interactive form in a popup window.

References and Related Reading

Cipani, E., & Schock, K. M. (2010). Functional behavioral assessment, diagnosis, and treatment: A complete system for education and mental health settings . Springer Publishing Company.

Cooper, J. O., Heron, T. E., & Heward, W. L. (1987). Applied behavior analysis . Merrill Publishing Co.

Grey, I. M., & Hastings, R. P. (2005). Evidence-based practices in intellectual disability and behaviour disorder s . Current opinion in psychiatry, 18 (5), 469-475.

Jamison, W. J., Hard, A., B. A.,Tara, Allen, C., Clark, J. & Hagy, S. (2016). ABA in 2016. [PowerPoint slides].

Paclawskyj, Theodosia Renata, “Questions About Behavioral Function (QABF): A Behavioral Checklist for Functional Assessment of Aberrant Behavior.” (1998). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 6855. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/6855

T. R. Paclawskyj,, J. L. Matson,, K. S. Rush,, Y. Smalls, T. R. Vollmer. (2008). Assessment of the convergent validity of the Questions About Behavioral Function scale with analogue functional analysis and the Motivation Assessment Scale . Journal of Intellectual Disability Research. https://doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-2788.2001.00364.x

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Initial Thoughts

Perspectives & resources, what should ms. rollison know about behavior in order to help joseph.

Page 1: Understanding Behavior
Page 2: Learning Key Behavior Principles
Page 3: Applying Behavior Principles

How can Ms. Rollison determine why Joseph behaves the way he does?

Page 4: Conduct a Functional Behavioral Assessment
Page 5: Identify and Define Problem and Replacement Behaviors
Page 6: Collect Data: Interviews and Rating Scales
Page 7: Collect Data: Direct Observations
Page 8: Identify the Function of the Behavior

What can Ms. Rollison do to modify Joseph’s behavior?

Page 9: Design a Function-Based Intervention
Page 10: Maximize Intervention Success
Page 11: Implement the Intervention

How will Ms. Rollison know whether the intervention is successful?

Page 12: Evaluate the Intervention
Page 13: References & Additional Resources
Page 14: Credits

Functional Behavioral Assessment: Identifying the Reasons for Problem Behavior and Developing a Behavior Plan

This module explores the basic principles of behavior and the importance of discovering the reasons that students engage in problem behavior. The steps to conducting a functional behavioral assessment and developing a behavior plan are also described (est. completion time: 2 hours).

Work through the sections of this module in the order presented in the STAR graphic above.

Related to this module

The Learning Process

Behaviorism

Behaviorism is a perspective on learning that focuses on changes in individuals’ observable behaviors— changes in what people say or do. At some point we all use this perspective, whether we call it “behaviorism” or something else. The first time that I drove a car, for example, I was concerned primarily with whether I could actually do the driving, not with whether I could describe or explain how to drive. For another example: when I reached the point in life where I began cooking meals for myself, I was more focused on whether I could actually produce edible food in a kitchen than with whether I could explain my recipes and cooking procedures to others. And still another example—one often relevant to new teachers: when I began my first year of teaching, I was more focused on doing the job of teaching—on day-to-day survival—than on pausing to reflect on what I was doing.

Note that in all of these examples, focusing attention on behavior instead of on “thoughts” may have been desirable at that moment, but not necessarily desirable indefinitely or all of the time. Even as a beginner, there are times when it is more important to be able to describe how to drive or to cook than to actually do these things. And there definitely are many times when reflecting on and thinking about teaching can improve teaching itself. (As a teacher-friend once said to me: “Don’t just do something; stand there!”) But neither is focusing on behavior which is not necessarily less desirable than focusing on students’ “inner” changes, such as gains in their knowledge or their personal attitudes. If you are teaching, you will need to attend to all forms of learning in students, whether inner or outward.

In classrooms, behaviorism is most useful for identifying relationships between specific actions by a student and the immediate precursors and consequences of the actions. It is less useful for understanding changes in students’ thinking; for this purpose, we need theories that are more cognitive (or thinking-oriented) or social, like the ones described later in this chapter. This fact is not a criticism of behaviorism as a perspective, but just a clarification of its particular strength or usefulness, which is to highlight observable relationships among actions, precursors, and consequences. Behaviorists use particular terms (or “lingo,” some might say) for these relationships. One variety of behaviorism that has proved especially useful to educators is operant conditioning, described in the next section.

Classical Conditioning

Have you ever had the experience of taking a shower when suddenly someone in the apartment above you, or in a nearby bathroom, flushes the toilet? The shower’s relaxing warmth turns to scalding heat! You flinch, tense up, maybe even scream in pain. But soon the water returns to its former temperature, and you relax once again—but this time your ears are alert to the sound. When you hear the flush again, you anticipate the burning water and jump back even before the temperature changes. You have learned an important lesson—that there is a predictable relationship or association between two events, a sound and a change in water temperature. It has learned this association through a process called classical conditioning .

Pavlov’s Experiment

Before a dog undergoes the conditioning process, the bell is a neutral stimulus (NS) . In other words, a bell does not automatically elicit a physiological response from a dog. Food, on the other hand, automatically causes a dog to salivate. The food, therefore, is an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) , meaning “naturally conditioned” or “conditioned by nature.” Salivation is an unconditioned response (UCR) , a reaction that automatically follows an unconditioned stimulus.

Figure 4.3.1. Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936).

In Pavlov’s experiments, the dogs salivated each time food was presented to them. Before conditioning, think of the dogs’ stimulus and response like this:

Food (UCS) → Salivatin (UCR)

In classical conditioning, a neutral stimulus is presented immediately before an unconditioned stimulus. Pavlov would sound a tone (like ringing a bell) and then give the dogs the food . The bell was the neutral stimulus (NS) , which is a stimulus that does not naturally elicit a response. Prior to conditioning, the dogs did not salivate when they just heard the bell because the bell had no association for the dogs.

Bell (UCS) + Food (CS) → Salivation (UCS)

When Pavlov paired the tone with the meat powder over and over again, the previously neutral stimulus (the tone) also began to elicit salivation from the dogs. Thus, the neutral stimulus became the conditioned stimulus (CS) , which is a stimulus that elicits a response after repeatedly being paired with an unconditioned stimulus. Eventually, the dogs began to salivate to the tone alone, just as they previously had salivated at the sound of the assistants’ footsteps. The behavior caused by the conditioned stimulus is called the conditioned response (CR) . In the case of Pavlov’s dogs, they had learned to associate the tone (CS) with being fed, and they began to salivate (CR) in anticipation of food.

Bell (CS) → Salivation (CR)

Two illustrations are labeled “before conditioning” and show a dog salivating over a dish of food, and a dog not salivating while a bell is rung. An illustration labeled “during conditioning” shows a dog salivating over a bowl of food while a bell is rung. An illustration labeled “after conditioning” shows a dog salivating while a bell is rung.

Video 4.3.1. Classical Conditioning explains the process used in creating an association between stimuli and response.

Many learning theorists use the classical conditioning paradigm to explain how we learn relationships between environmental stimuli and behavioral, cognitive, and emotional responses. For example, how do we account for the following phenomena?

The smell of a certain perfume reminds you of a close friend or loved one.
You recoil at the sight of a snake when you’ve never encountered one before except in pictures or stories.
As a first-grader, you became anxious at the sound of the school bell.
Your professor utters the word “exam” and you get a funny feeling in your stomach.
A familiar song on the radio creates mental images that change your mood.

What these events have in common is that a neutral stimulus (an odor, the sight of an animal, a sound, a spoken word, a song) has developed the power to evoke an emotional (affective), physiological (a muscle contraction), behavioral (running away), psychological (a shiver), or cognitive (an image) response. Thus, classical conditioning theorists propose that many of our behavioral, emotional, and cognitive responses to people, places, and things have been acquired through a process of classical conditioning.

For example, how might a learner develop a fear of math? Math, in and of itself, is a neutral stimulus. There is no natural connection between it and the emotional responses associated with fear (increased adrenalin flow, constriction of blood vessels, increased blood pressure, rapid breathing). However, there is a natural (unconditioned) association between being reprimanded (UCS) by a teacher or parent and the fear (UCR) that might immediately follow answering a question incorrectly or receiving a failing test grade. Such events, repeated over time, can condition a learner to respond with intense fear at the sight of a math test—or even the announcement that one is forthcoming.

Relevance for Teachers

As a teacher, you will want your learners to acquire positive attitudes toward you and your subject. Initially, you and your learning activities will be neutral stimuli, but over time you and how you teach can become conditioned stimuli that elicit emotions (or conditioned responses) of interest and joy, evoke approach behaviors such as studying and asking questions, and even arouse physiological responses of comfort and naturalness.

Learning theorists remind us that classical conditioning processes go on in classrooms all the time. Your role is to be aware of the classical conditioning paradigm and use it to build positive associations between your teaching activities and learning. We will offer some specific recommendations to help you achieve this goal.

While the classical conditioning paradigm can explain how children learn certain emotional, behavioral, and cognitive responses to neutral stimuli, it is not as successful in explaining how children learn to be successful in the classroom: to read and solve problems, follow directions, and work productively with others. Let’s look at a second learning paradigm, which can explain how learners develop these skills in their learners.

Operant Conditioning

Operant conditioning focuses on how the consequences of a behavior affect the behavior over time. It begins with the idea that certain consequences tend to make certain behaviors happen more frequently. If I compliment a student for a good comment made during discussion, there is more of a chance that I will hear further comments from the student in the future. If a student tells a joke to classmates and they laugh at it, then the student is likely to tell more jokes in the future and so on.

Psychologist B. F. Skinner saw that classical conditioning is limited to existing behaviors that are reflexively elicited, and it doesn’t account for new behaviors such as riding a bike. He proposed a theory about how such behaviors come about. Skinner believed that behavior is motivated by the consequences we receive for the behavior: the reinforcements and punishments. His idea that learning is the result of consequences is based on the law of effect, which was first proposed by psychologist Edward Thorndike . According to the law of effect , behaviors that are followed by consequences that are satisfying to the organism are more likely to be repeated, and behaviors that are followed by unpleasant consequences are less likely to be repeated (Thorndike, 1911). Essentially, if an organism does something that brings about a desired result, the organism is more likely to do it again. If an organism does something that does not bring about the desired result, the organism is less likely to do it again. An example of the law of effect is in employment. One of the reasons (and often the main reason) we show up for work is because we get paid to do so. If we stop getting paid, we will likely stop showing up—even if we love our job.

Working with Thorndike’s law of effect as his foundation, Skinner began conducting scientific experiments on animals (mainly rats and pigeons) to determine how organisms learn through operant conditioning (Skinner, 1938). He placed these animals inside an operant conditioning chamber, which has come to be known as a “Skinner box.” A Skinner box contains a lever (for rats) or disk (for pigeons) that the animal can press or peck for a food reward via the dispenser. Speakers and lights can be associated with certain behaviors. A recorder counts the number of responses made by the animal.

A photograph shows B.F. Skinner. An illustration shows a rat in a Skinner box: a chamber with a speaker, lights, a lever, and a food dispenser.

In discussing operant conditioning, we use several everyday words—positive, negative, reinforcement, and punishment—in a specialized manner. In operant conditioning, positive and negative do not mean good and bad. Instead, positive means you are adding something, and negative means you are taking something away. Reinforcement means you are increasing a behavior, and punishment means you are decreasing a behavior. Reinforcement can be positive or negative, and punishment can also be positive or negative. All reinforcers (positive or negative) increase the likelihood of a behavioral response. All punishers (positive or negative) decrease the likelihood of a behavioral response. Now let’s combine these four terms: positive reinforcement, negative reinforcement, positive punishment, and negative punishment.

Reinforcement

The most effective way to teach a person or animal a new behavior is with positive reinforcement. In positive reinforcement , a desirable stimulus is added to increase a behavior.

For example, you tell your five-year-old son, Jerome, that if he cleans his room, he will get a toy. Jerome quickly cleans his room because he wants a new art set. Let’s pause for a moment. Some people might say, “Why should I reward my child for doing what is expected?” But in fact we are constantly and consistently rewarded in our lives. Our paychecks are rewards, as are high grades and acceptance into our preferred school. Being praised for doing a good job and for passing a driver’s test is also a reward. Positive reinforcement as a learning tool is extremely effective. It has been found that one of the most effective ways to increase achievement in school districts with below-average reading scores was to pay the children to read. Specifically, second-grade students in Dallas were paid $2 each time they read a book and passed a short quiz about the book. The result was a significant increase in reading comprehension (Fryer, 2010). What do you think about this program? If Skinner were alive today, he would probably think this was a great idea. He was a strong proponent of using operant conditioning principles to influence students’ behavior at school. In fact, in addition to the Skinner box, he also invented what he called a teaching machine that was designed to reward small steps in learning (Skinner, 1961)—an early forerunner of computer-assisted learning. His teaching machine tested students’ knowledge as they worked through various school subjects. If students answered questions correctly, they received immediate positive reinforcement and could continue; if they answered incorrectly, they did not receive any reinforcement. The idea was that students would spend additional time studying the material to increase their chance of being reinforced the next time (Skinner, 1961).

In negative reinforcement , an undesirable stimulus is removed to increase a behavior. For example, car manufacturers use the principles of negative reinforcement in their seatbelt systems, which go “beep, beep, beep” until you fasten your seatbelt. The annoying sound stops when you exhibit the desired behavior, increasing the likelihood that you will buckle up in the future. Negative reinforcement is also used frequently in horse training. Riders apply pressure—by pulling the reins or squeezing their legs—and then remove the pressure when the horse performs the desired behavior, such as turning or speeding up. The pressure is the negative stimulus that the horse wants to remove.

Many people confuse negative reinforcement with punishment in operant conditioning, but they are two very different mechanisms. Remember that reinforcement, even when it is negative, always increases a behavior. In contrast, punishment always decreases a behavior. In positive punishment , you add an undesirable stimulus to decrease a behavior. An example of positive punishment is scolding a student to get the student to stop texting in class. In this case, a stimulus (the reprimand) is added in order to decrease the behavior (texting in class). In negative punishment , you remove a pleasant stimulus to decrease behavior. For example, when a child misbehaves, a parent can take away a favorite toy. In this case, a stimulus (the toy) is removed in order to decrease the behavior.

Punishment, especially when it is immediate, is one way to decrease undesirable behavior. For example, imagine your four-year-old son, Brandon, hitting his younger brother. You have Brandon write 100 times “I will not hit my brother” (positive punishment). Chances are he won’t repeat this behavior. While strategies like this are common today, in the past children were often subject to physical punishment, such as spanking. It’s important to be aware of some of the drawbacks in using physical punishment on children. First, punishment may teach fear. Brandon may become fearful of the street, but he also may become fearful of the person who delivered the punishment—you, his parent. Similarly, children who are punished by teachers may come to fear the teacher and try to avoid school (Gershoff et al., 2010). Consequently, most schools in the United States have banned corporal punishment. Second, punishment may cause children to become more aggressive and prone to antisocial behavior and delinquency (Gershoff, 2002). They see their parents resort to spanking when they become angry and frustrated, so, in turn, they may act out this same behavior when they become angry and frustrated. For example, because you spank Brenda when you are angry with her for her misbehavior, she might start hitting her friends when they won’t share their toys.

While positive punishment can be effective in some cases, Skinner suggested that the use of punishment should be weighed against the possible negative effects. Today’s psychologists and parenting experts favor reinforcement over punishment—they recommend that you catch your child doing something good and reward her for it.

Video 4.3.2. Operant Conditioning explains the processes of positive and negative reinforcement and punishment.

Key Concepts of Conditioning

Operant conditioning is made more complicated, but also more realistic, by several additional ideas. They can be confusing because the ideas have names that sound rather ordinary, but that have special meanings within the framework of operant theory. Among the most important concepts to understand are the following:

generalization
discrimination
intermittent schedules

The paragraphs below explain each of these briefly, as well as their relevance to classroom teaching and learning.

In his operant conditioning experiments, Skinner often used an approach called shaping. Instead of rewarding only the target behavior, in shaping , we reward successive approximations of a target behavior. Why is shaping needed? Remember that in order for reinforcement to work, the organism must first display the behavior. Shaping is needed because it is extremely unlikely that an organism will display anything but the simplest of behaviors spontaneously. In shaping, behaviors are broken down into many small, achievable steps. The specific steps used in the process are the following:

Reinforce any response that resembles the desired behavior.
Then reinforce the response that more closely resembles the desired behavior. You will no longer reinforce the previously reinforced response.
Next, begin to reinforce the response that even more closely resembles the desired behavior.
Continue to reinforce closer and closer approximations of the desired behavior.
Finally, only reinforce the desired behavior.

Shaping is often used in teaching a complex behavior or chain of behaviors. Skinner used shaping to teach pigeons not only such relatively simple behaviors as pecking a disk in a Skinner box, but also many unusual and entertaining behaviors, such as turning in circles, walking in figure eights, and even playing ping pong; the technique is commonly used by animal trainers today. An important part of shaping is stimulus discrimination. Recall Pavlov’s dogs—he trained them to respond to the tone of a bell, and not to similar tones or sounds. This discrimination is also important in operant conditioning and in shaping behavior.

Video 4.3.3. Shaping explains the process of using shaping to help condition more complex behaviors.

It’s easy to see how shaping is effective in teaching behaviors to animals, but how does shaping work with humans? Let’s consider parents whose goal is to have their child learn to clean his room. They use shaping to help him master steps toward the goal. Instead of performing the entire task, they set up these steps and reinforce each step. First, he cleans up one toy. Second, he cleans up five toys. Third, he chooses whether to pick up ten toys or put his books and clothes away. Fourth, he cleans up everything except two toys. Finally, he cleans his entire room.

Extinction refers to the disappearance of an operant behavior because of a lack of reinforcement. A student who stops receiving gold stars or compliments for prolific reading of library books, for example, may extinguish (i.e. decrease or stop) book-reading behavior. A student who used to be reinforced for acting like a clown in class may stop clowning once classmates stop paying attention to the antics.

Generalization and Discrimination

Generalization refers to the incidental conditioning of behaviors similar to an original operant . If a student gets gold stars for reading library books, then we may find her reading more other material as well—newspapers, comics, etc.–even if the activity is not reinforced directly. The “spread” of the new behavior to similar behaviors is called generalization. Generalization is a lot like the concept of transfer discussed early in this chapter, in that it is about extending prior learning to new situations or contexts. From the perspective of operant conditioning, though, what is being extended (or “transferred” or generalized) is a behavior, not knowledge or skill.

Discrimination means learning not to generalize. In operant conditioning, what is not overgeneralized (i.e. what is discriminated against) is the operant behavior. If I am a student who is being complimented (reinforced) for contributing to discussions, I must also learn to discriminate when to make verbal contributions from when not to make them—such as when classmates or the teacher are busy with other tasks. Discrimination learning usually results from the combined effects of reinforcement of the target behavior and extinction of similar generalized behaviors. In a classroom, for example, a teacher might praise a student for speaking during discussion, but ignore him for making very similar remarks out of turn. In operant conditioning, the schedule of reinforcement refers to the pattern or frequency by which reinforcement is linked with the operant. If a teacher praises me for my work, does she do it every time, or only sometimes? Frequently or only once in a while? In respondent conditioning, however, the schedule in question is the pattern by which the conditioned stimulus is paired with the unconditioned stimulus. If I am a student with Mr. Horrible as my teacher, does he scowl every time he is in the classroom, or only sometimes? Frequently or rarely?

Intermittent Schedules

Behavioral psychologists have studied intermittent schedules extensively (for example, Ferster, et al., 1997; Mazur, 2005), and found a number of interesting effects of different schedules. For teachers, however, the most important finding may be this: partial or intermittent schedules of reinforcement generally cause learning to take longer, but also cause the extinction of learning to take longer. This dual principle is important for teachers because so much of the reinforcement we give is partial or intermittent. Typically, if I am teaching, I can compliment a student a lot of the time, for example, but there will inevitably be occasions when I cannot do so because I am busy elsewhere in the classroom. For teachers concerned both about motivating students and minimizing inappropriate behaviors, this is both good news and bad. The good news is that the benefits of my praising students’ constructive behavior will be more lasting because they will not extinguish their constructive behaviors immediately if I fail to support them every single time they happen. The bad news is that students’ negative behaviors may take longer to extinguish as well, because those too may have developed through partial reinforcement. A student who clowns around inappropriately in class, for example, may not be “supported” by classmates’ laughter every time it happens, but only some of the time. Once the inappropriate behavior is learned, though, it will take somewhat longer to disappear even if everyone—both teacher and classmates—makes a concerted effort to ignore (or extinguish) it.

Video 4.3.4. Schedules of Reinforcement explains the various intermittent schedules.

Finally, behavioral psychologists have studied the effects of cues . In operant conditioning, a cue is a stimulus that happens just prior to the operant behavior and that signals that performing the behavior may lead to reinforcement. In the original conditioning experiments, Skinner’s rats were sometimes cued by the presence or absence of a small electric light in their cage. Reinforcement was associated with pressing a lever when, and only when, the light was on. In classrooms, cues are sometimes provided by the teacher deliberately, and sometimes simply by the established routines of the class. Calling on a student to speak, for example, can be a cue that if the student does say something at that moment, then he or she may be reinforced with praise or acknowledgment. But if that cue does not occur—if the student is not called on—speaking may not be rewarded. In more every day, non-behaviorist terms, the cue allows the student to learn when it is acceptable to speak, and when it is not.

Primary and Secondary Reinforcers

Rewards such as stickers, praise, money, toys, and more can be used to reinforce learning. Let’s go back to Skinner’s rats again. How did the rats learn to press the lever in the Skinner box? They were rewarded with food each time they pressed the lever. For animals, food would be an obvious reinforcer.

What would be a good reinforcer for humans? For your child Chris, it was the promise of a toy when they cleaned their room. How about Sydney, the soccer player? If you gave Sydney a piece of candy every time Sydney scored a goal, you would be using a primary reinforcer . Primary reinforcers are reinforcers that have innate reinforcing qualities. These kinds of reinforcers are not learned. Water, food, sleep, shelter, sex, and touch, among others, are primary reinforcers. Pleasure is also a primary reinforcer. Organisms do not lose their drive for these things. For most people, jumping in a cool lake on a very hot day would be reinforcing and the cool lake would be innately reinforcing—the water would cool the person off (a physical need), as well as provide pleasure.

A secondary reinforcer has no inherent value and only has reinforcing qualities when linked with a primary reinforcer. Praise, linked to affection, is one example of a secondary reinforcer, as when you called out “Great shot!” every time Sydney made a goal. Another example, money, is only worth something when you can use it to buy other things—either things that satisfy basic needs (food, water, shelter—all primary reinforcers) or other secondary reinforcers. If you were on a remote island in the middle of the Pacific Ocean and you had stacks of money, the money would not be useful if you could not spend it. What about the stickers on the behavior chart? They also are secondary reinforcers.

Sometimes, instead of stickers on a sticker chart, a token is used. Tokens, which are also secondary reinforcers, can then be traded in for rewards and prizes. Entire behavior management systems, known as token economies, are built around the use of these kinds of token reinforcers. Token economies have been found to be very effective at modifying behavior in a variety of settings such as schools, prisons, and mental hospitals. For example, a study by Cangi and Daly (2013) found that the use of a token economy increased appropriate social behaviors and reduced inappropriate behaviors in a group of autistic school children. Autistic children tend to exhibit disruptive behaviors such as pinching and hitting. When the children in the study exhibited appropriate behavior (not hitting or pinching), they received a “quiet hands” token. When they hit or pinched, they lost a token. The children could then exchange specified amounts of tokens for minutes of playtime.

Skinner and other behavioral psychologists experimented with using various reinforcers and operants. They also experimented with various patterns of intermittent reinforcement, as well as with various cues or signals to the animal about when reinforcement was available. It turned out that all of these factors—the operant, the reinforcement, the schedule, and the cues—affected how easily and thoroughly operant conditioning occurred. For example, reinforcement was more effective if it came immediately after the crucial operant behavior, rather than being delayed, and reinforcements that happened intermittently (only part of the time) caused learning to take longer, but also caused it to last longer.

Relevance for Teaching

Since the original research about operant conditioning used animals, it is important to ask whether operant conditioning also describes learning in human beings, especially in students in classrooms. On this point, the answer seems to be clearly “yes.” There are countless classroom examples of consequences affecting students’ behavior in ways that resemble operant conditioning, although the process certainly does not account for all forms of student learning (Alberto & Troutman, 2005). Consider the following examples. In most of them the operant behavior tends to become more frequent on repeated occasions:

A seventh-grade boy makes a silly face (the operant) at the girl sitting next to him. Classmates sitting around them giggle in response (the reinforcement).
A kindergarten child raises her hand in response to the teacher’s question about a story (the operant). The teacher calls on her and she makes her comment (the reinforcement).
Another kindergarten child blurts out her comment without being called on (the operant). The teacher frowns, and ignores this behavior, but before the teacher calls on a different student, classmates are listening attentively (the reinforcement) to the student even though he did not raise his hand as he should have.
A twelfth-grade student—a member of the track team—runs one mile during practice (the operant). He notes the time it takes him as well as his increase in speed since joining the team (the reinforcement).
A child who is usually very restless sits for five minutes doing an assignment (the operant). The teaching assistant compliments him for working hard (the reinforcement).
A sixth-grader takes home a book from the classroom library to read overnight (the operant). When she returns the book the next morning, her teacher puts a gold star by her name on a chart posted in the room (the reinforcement).

These examples are enough to make several points about operant conditioning. First, the process is widespread in classrooms—probably more widespread than teachers realize. This fact makes sense, given the nature of public education: to a large extent, teaching is about making certain consequences (like praise or marks) depend on students’ engaging in certain activities (like reading certain material or doing assignments). Second, learning by operant conditioning is not confined to any particular grade, subject area, or style of teaching, but by nature happens in every imaginable classroom. Third, teachers are not the only persons controlling reinforcements. Sometimes they are controlled by the activity itself (as in the track team example), or by classmates (as in the “giggling” example). This leads to the fourth point: multiple examples of operant conditioning often happen at the same time.

Because operant conditioning happens so widely, its effects on motivation are a bit complex. Operant conditioning can encourage intrinsic motivation , to the extent that the reinforcement for an activity is the activity itself. When a student reads a book for the sheer enjoyment of reading, for example, he is reinforced by the reading itself, and we can say that his reading is “intrinsically motivated.” More often, however, operant conditioning stimulates both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation at the same time. The combining of both is noticeable in the examples in the previous paragraph. In each example, it is reasonable to assume that the student felt intrinsically motivated to some partial extent, even when the reward came from outside the student as well. This was because part of what reinforced their behavior was the behavior itself—whether it was making faces, running a mile, or contributing to a discussion. At the same time, though, note that each student probably was also extrinsically motivated , meaning that another part of the reinforcement came from consequences or experiences not inherently part of the activity or behavior itself. The boy who made a face was reinforced not only by the pleasure of making a face, for example, but also by the giggles of classmates. The track student was reinforced not only by the pleasure of running itself but also by knowledge of his improved times and speeds. Even the usually restless child sitting still for five minutes may have been reinforced partly by this brief experience of unusually focused activity, even if he was also reinforced by the teacher aide’s compliment. Note that the extrinsic part of the reinforcement may sometimes be more easily observed or noticed than the intrinsic part, which by definition may sometimes only be experienced within the individual and not also displayed outwardly. This latter fact may contribute to an impression that sometimes occurs, that operant conditioning is really just “bribery in disguise,” and that only the external reinforcements operate on students’ behavior. It is true that external reinforcement may sometimes alter the nature or strength of internal (or intrinsic) reinforcement, but this is not the same as saying that it destroys or replaces intrinsic reinforcement. But more about this issue later!

Behavior Modification in Children

Parents and teachers often use behavior modification to change a child’s behavior. Behavior modification uses the principles of operant conditioning to accomplish behavior change so that undesirable behaviors are switched to more socially acceptable ones. Some teachers and parents create a sticker chart, in which several behaviors are listed. Sticker charts are a form of token economies, as described in the text. Each time children perform the behavior, they get a sticker, and after a certain number of stickers, they get a prize, or reinforcer. The goal is to increase acceptable behaviors and decrease misbehavior. Remember, it is best to reinforce desired behaviors, rather than to use punishment. In the classroom, the teacher can reinforce a wide range of behaviors, from students raising their hands, to walking quietly in the hall, to turning in their homework. At home, parents might create a behavior chart that rewards children for things such as putting away toys, brushing their teeth, and helping with dinner. In order for behavior modification to be effective, the reinforcement needs to be connected with the behavior; the reinforcement must matter to the child and be done consistently.

Figure 4.3.4. Sticker charts are a form of positive reinforcement and a tool for behavior modification. Once this child earns a certain number of stickers for demonstrating the desired behavior, she will be rewarded with a trip to the ice cream parlor. (credit: Abigail Batchelder)

Time-out is another popular technique used in behavior modification with children. It operates on the principle of negative punishment. When a child demonstrates an undesirable behavior, she is removed from the desirable activity at hand. For example, say that Sophia and her brother Mario are playing with building blocks. Sophia throws some blocks at her brother, so you give her a warning that she will go to time-out if she does it again. A few minutes later, she throws more blocks at Mario. You remove Sophia from the room for a few minutes. When she comes back, she doesn’t throw blocks.

There are several important points that you should know if you plan to implement time-out as a behavior modification technique. First, make sure the child is being removed from a desirable activity and placed in a less desirable location. If the activity is something undesirable for the child, this technique will backfire because it is more enjoyable for the child to be removed from the activity. Second, the length of the time-out is important. The general rule of thumb is one minute for each year of the child’s age. Sophia is five; therefore, she sits in a time-out for five minutes. Setting a timer helps children know how long they have to sit in time-out. Finally, as a caregiver, keep several guidelines in mind over the course of a time-out: remain calm when directing your child to time-out; ignore your child during time-out (because caregiver attention may reinforce misbehavior); and give the child a hug or a kind word when time-out is over.

Photograph A shows several children climbing on playground equipment. Photograph B shows a child sitting alone on a bench.

Figure 4.3.5. Time-out is a popular form of negative punishment used by caregivers. When a child misbehaves, he or she is removed from a desirable activity in an effort to decrease unwanted behavior. For example, (a) a child might be playing on the playground with friends and push another child; (b) the child who misbehaved would then be removed from the activity for a short period of time. (credit a: modification of work by Simone Ramella; credit b: modification of work by “Spring Dew”/Flickr)

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Child Development - Understanding Why We Do What We Do: The Function of Behaviors

Cristy James Jul 17, 2019

A young child plays with bubbles

By Christine Raches, PsyD, HSPP, BCBA Assistant Professor of Clinical Pediatrics Department of Pediatrics, Division of Child Development

Why do we do the things that we do? What drives children to engage in negative and inappropriate behaviors? Behavior Analysts have frequently discussed the importance of understanding the function of behaviors when attempting to change behaviors. There are generally 4 accepted functions used to explain how and why a behavior occurs.

1. Attention At times, children (and adults) will engage in a behavior simply because they want to gain the attention of someone else. This behavior can be a good behavior (such as saying “Hey mom. Look at this!” or a negative behavior (such as hitting your brother). While it seems unusual that a child (or adult) would want attention for a negative behavior, the old saying that “any attention is better than no attention” can ring true.

Behavior Suggestion: If your child is engaging in attention-seeking behaviors, it is important that these behaviors are NOT reinforced. This means that they should not get any response or attention from anyone present. Planned ignoring is an excellent strategy to help minimize this type of behavior. Additionally, parents/caregivers need to give a significant amount of attention when something positive happens. Show the child that he/she can get your attention, but only when they are doing something appropriate.

2. Access to Tangibles or Activities A child will often engage in a behavior to gain access to something. Again, this can be positive behavior (such as asking permission to get a snack) or it can be a negative behavior (such as screaming and crying until mom/dad breaks down and buys them a desired toy).

Behavior Suggestion: If your child wants to gain access to an item and is engaging in a negative behavior, it is important to teach a more appropriate replacement behavior. This may be giving him/her the language to ask nicely or this may be showing them a new way to do something. It is extremely important that the parent/caregiver NOT allow the child to have access to the desired item when the child is engaging in a negative behavior. This is giving in and only teaches the child that he/she can get what he/she wants by doing the negative behavior.

3. Escape/Avoidance A child will engage in a negative behavior to get out of doing a nonpreferred task. This may be throwing a temper tantrum or hitting as a way to get out of doing something. This can also be running away or leaving the room. The key here is that the child DOES NOT want to do something that is being asked of them and they are engaging in behavior to get out of doing it.

Behavior Suggestion: Children who are engaging in negative behaviors for escapes/avoidance should be required to finish the task. Time-out is not appropriate here because the child is getting what he/she wants (avoiding or early termination of the task). Parents need to see the task through to completion by requiring the child participate before allowing them to leave or end a task. This may mean offering physical assistance (putting your hand over their hand while they put toys away) or not allowing them to do anything else until the required task is completed.

4. Sensory Stimulation If none of the three above mentioned functions appears to explain the behavior, it might be that the behavior is occurring simply because the child is getting some sort of sensory input or stimulation from it. For example, a child may rock back and forth because it is pleasing to them.

Behavior Suggestion: If a child is engaging in a behavior for sensory stimulation purposes, we need to work to find a more appropriate replacement behavior. Identify what the sensory input is and see if there is something else that can give that input but that is more socially acceptable.

Parents often report negative and difficult behaviors. Understanding why a behavior is happening can assist with identifying how to minimize or stop a negative behavior.

Dr. Christine Raches is a clinical psychologist and Board Certified Behavior Analyst at the Riley Child Development Center. She currently serves as the Training Director for the LEND Program . She participates on an interdisciplinary team that conducts evaluations on children with suspected neurodevelopmental disabilities, behavioral disorders, or developmental delays. She also supervises graduate- and post-graduate- level trainees.

Cristy James

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TGH celebrates its Behavioral Health Teaching Hospital nearing completion

TAMPA, Fla. — Tampa General Hospital is taking a big step towards addressing behavioral health concerns in the Tampa Bay community.

Earlier this year Senate Bill 330 , also known as the Live Healthy Act, was passed. It helped to establish TGH as one of four behavioral health teaching hospitals.

What You Need To Know

Tampa general hospital’s behavioral teaching hospital is almost complete the new facility is one of four behavioral health teaching hospitals with more than 100 beds, the new facility will provide specialized care for patients.

State and local leaders posed outside the building Monday to celebrate the milestone of the teaching center nearing completion.

It’s a project months in the making, and one that will help treat patients suffering with mental health and substance abuse.

John Couris, the president and CEO of TGH, says it’s a place people can get the help they desperately need.

“We want to build something that is not only resilient and innovative but is wrapped with academics and research because what will be behind you will have residents, it will have research,” he said.

The center is a partnership between TGH, the University of South Florida and LifePoint Behavioral Health.

As of last year, more than half of the U.S. population was reported living in a space that lacks mental health professionals.

Dr. Charles Lockwood, the executive vice president with USF, says the facility is one that will give students an opportunity to learn while also helping.

“We will increase the number and quality of state-of-the-art clinical trials," he said. "Working with our partners will provide a new level of accessible, innovative and effective cate for those who need it most.”

With more than 100 beds, the new facility will provide specialized care for patients.

Terri Balliet, CEO of Children's Network of Hillsborough, attended the event to learn more about the resources that will be available.

“There’s so much tragedy that happens within our families and we need to make sure that the treatment that we’re providing is consistent and accurate,” she said. “We want to be able to get to a point where our parents and our children raise their hand and say I need help.”

The hospital is expected to be completed by later this year.

TGH says the goal will be to collaborate with other health centers to continue expanding their research and helping others through their diagnosis.

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Alumnus melds compassion with public health at Medstar Health

Nicholas Streicher, MD, MPH ’20

Health Behavior and Health Education

May 13, 2024

For Nicholas Streicher, MD, MPH ’20, the path to a career in medicine was paved not only with the tangible tools of the trade—the degree, stethoscope, the blood pressure cuff—but also with the intangible qualities of sensitivity, compassion and understanding.

Streicher’s journey into medicine was driven by a desire to transcend the traditional confines of medical practice.

“My feeling was that I wanted to do something different,” he said. “The practice of medicine can be insular—where doctors only see a small part of the healthcare landscape—but I wanted to be involved with how we communicate with patients and how public health policies intersect with people’s lives.”

He found the ideal foundation for that big-picture approach to healthcare at the University of Michigan .

“Michigan has an emphasis on the broader issue of how we help patients make decisions related to their healthcare and how we make those decisions as a society,” Streicher said. “As physicians, we are not always trained to look at the broader aspects of medicine, but the School of Public Health has that focus.”

The practice of medicine can be insular—where doctors only see a small part of the healthcare landscape—but I wanted to be involved with how we communicate with patients and how public health policies intersect with people’s lives.”

Streicher completed his undergraduate studies at the University of Michigan, earning a bachelor’s degree in Molecular, Cellular, and Developmental Biology from the College of Literature, Science, and the Arts . After getting his medical degree from New York University, he returned to Ann Arbor to earn a Master of Public Health degree in Health Behavior and Health Education .

Streicher’s family history is deeply connected to medicine and research. His great-uncle was a director at the National Institutes of Health (NIH) in the 1970s. His father is a physician who worked at NIH with Dr. Anthony Fauci during the HIV pandemic in the 1980s. His 101-year-old grandmother, who currently lives in New York City, was a nurse during World War II.

“I grew up around people in medicine who were involved with public health and were aware of the public need,” Streicher said. “Public health adds perspective to medicine. It helps one see the system problems and work to address them.”

After medical school, his extensive medical training included a neurology residency at the University of Iowa and a fellowship in neuromuscular medicine at the Weill Cornell Medicine and Hospital for Special Surgery.

He currently serves as an assistant professor at MedStar Georgetown University Hospital in Washington, DC, where he specializes in neuromuscular diseases, contributing to patient care, research and clinical trials with an emphasis on data-driven approaches. His work is guided by a deep understanding of the impacts of treatment on patients, navigating diverse populations and clinical landscapes.

Additionally, Streicher completed a fellowship in Sports Neurology at Michigan Medicine and treats sports-related concussions. He said the long-term impact of sports-related concussions is linked to public health.

“There is a risk involved in these sports, which becomes a public health issue—what degree of risk we accept not just as individuals but as a society,” he said.

The DC native said Michigan Public Health was his top choice for its strong foundation in public health and its reputation for excellence.

Every patient deserves concentrated attention and personalized treatment. It’s important to listen to patients to understand not only what they are telling you about their medical history but also what they are telling you about their personal history.”

“Michigan has a long history in public health dating back to Jonas Salk and his work on vaccines,” said Streicher, who was a member of the Running Club and wrote for the Michigan Daily at the university. “At Michigan Public Health, you receive a broad and connected experience, with balance between academics and student life.”

Streicher’s Michigan Public Health experience impressed upon him the value of a collaborative approach to care.

“Treating patients with complex diseases requires teamwork and multidisciplinary care,” he said. “Neurologic diseases can be challenging, but collaboration can improve the overall level of care.”

No matter the complexity of the case or the challenges it might present, Streicher finds significant value in listening to patients.

“Every patient deserves concentrated attention and personalized treatment,” he said. “It’s important to listen to patients to understand not only what they are telling you about their medical history but also what they are telling you about their personal history.

“My time at the University of Michigan School of Public Health gave me the tools and perspective to make a difference in the lives of my patients.”

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At Duke Health, we're driven by a commitment to compassionate care that changes the lives of patients, their loved ones, and the greater community. No matter where your talents lie, join us and discover how we can advance health together.

About Duke University Hospital

Pursue your passion for caring with Duke University Hospital in Durham, North Carolina, which is consistently ranked among the best in the United States and is the number one hospital in North Carolina, according to U.S. News and World Report for 2023-2024. Duke University Hospital is the largest of Duke Health's three hospitals and features 1048 patient beds, 65 operating rooms, as well as comprehensive diagnostic and therapeutic facilities, including a regional emergency/trauma center, an endo-surgery center, and more.

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Pediatric Psychiatry team, Rotating Schedule 11a-11p weekends and holidays included

Full NC LCSW license required for position

General Summary

Manage a designated caseload to coordinate and complete timely assessment, planning, implementation and evaluation of discharge plans and care transitions across the continuum of care. Ensure optimum utilization of the patient's and the Health System's resources and perform these duties within the requirements of CMS and other external review agencies.

Work Hours : Pediatric Psychiatry team, Rotating Schedule 11a-11p weekends and holidays included

Work Performed

Monitor daily census and assignment to assure all patients are assessed for case management needs including care coordination/transition and discharge planning, consultations, advocacy, education.
Maintain effective communication with health care team members related to assessment findings, discharge planning needs and provider orders needed to arrange Homecare, Durable Medical Equipment, Transportation, Skilled Nursing or Acute Rehab Facility placement, Substance Abuse Treatment and outpatient follow-up.
Maintain working knowledge of specific benefits and reimbursement guidelines, the discharge planning process and applicable federal, state and local regulations. Provide education and guidance on these topics to providers, patients and families as needed.
Work with Utilization Management partners to provide information and feedback that will enhance negotiations and denial prevention with payers.
Maintain timely documentation of assessment findings, discharge arrangements and actions taken according to departmental guidelines; prepare reports and maintain records as requested and/or required. Monitor daily census and assignment to assure all patients are assessed for case management needs including care coordination/transition and discharge planning, consultations, advocacy, education.
Maintain timely documentation of assessment findings, discharge arrangements and actions taken according to departmental guidelines; prepare reports and maintain records as requested and/or required.
Inpatient Job Responsibilities/Activities
Complete initial assessment within 72 hours to identify psychosocial strengths, weaknesses, community living supports present and needed.
Contact with patient primary support systems to gather information regarding dynamics and needs of support system.
Conduct support system/family therapy to allow patient/support to practice skills needed to support community living and/or assist in development of functional patterns of interactions.
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Assist patient in development of safety plan to promote positive coping while living in community setting.
Facilitate discharge planning for patients, involving support systems when possible, to provide level of intervention that creates environment for crisis contacts and safe community living.
Interface with team to determine multidisciplinary assessment of discharge planning needs and provide information regarding support system/family function.
Update Interqual.
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Typical case load is 10 patients.

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3 yrs. Adult/Mental health experience preferred
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Open access
Published: 09 May 2024

The substitution effect of financial and non-financial incentives at different income levels in physician recruitment: evidence from medical students in China

Xinyan Li 1 ,
Yue Zhang 1 , 2 &
Youli Han 1

BMC Medical Education volume 24 , Article number: 503 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

142 Accesses

Metrics details

Understanding how medical students respond to financial and non-financial incentives is crucial for recruiting health workers and attracting health talents in medical education. However, both incentives are integrated in working practice, and existing theoretical studies have suggested that various income levels may influence the substitution effect of both incentives, while the empirical evidence is lacking. Furthermore, little attention has been paid to the intrinsic motivation. This study aimed to explore the substitution effect of extrinsic incentives at different income levels, also taking intrinsic altruism into account.

We used the behavioral data from Zhang et al. ’s experiments, which involved discrete choice experiments (DCEs) to assess the job preferences of medical students from six teaching hospitals in Beijing, China. The incentive factors included monthly income, work location, work environment, training and career development opportunities, work load, and professional recognition. Additionally, a lab-like experiment in the medical decision-making context was conducted to quantify altruism based on utility function. Furthermore, we separated the choice sets based on the actual income and distinguished the medical students on altruism. The willingness to pay (WTP) was used to estimate the substitution effect of incentives through conditional logit model.

There was a significant substitution effect between non-financial and financial incentives. As income increased, non-financial incentives such as an excellent work environment, and sufficient career development became relatively more important. The impact of the increase in income on the substitution effect was more pronounced among individuals with higher altruism. Concerning the non-financial incentive work environment, in contrast to the growth of 546 CNY (84 USD) observed in the low-altruism group, the high-altruism group experienced a growth of 1040 CNY (160 USD) in the substitution effect.

Conclusions

The increase in the income level exerted an influence on the substitution effect of non-financial incentives and financial incentives, especially in high-altruism medical students. Policymakers should attach importance to a favorable environment and promising career prospects on the basis of ensuring a higher income level. Medical school administrations should focus on promoting altruistic values in medical education, enhancing talent incentives and teaching strategies to encourage medical students to devote themselves to the medical professions.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

The health workforce as a primary resource to meet population healthcare needs, has become a central focus in healthcare reform. A growing body of evidence suggested that the quality of health services depended on highly motivated health workforce members who were satisfied with their jobs, and therefore stayed at their positions [ 1 , 2 ]. In recent years, many countries have been faced with insufficient health workers and poor health indicators to achieve population health goals, especially in low and middle-income countries. (WHO, 2006). One effective approach to address this challenge is to implement incentive schemes [ 3 ]. Medical students, regarded as the future workforce of medical professions, have been urged to receive meaningful incentives aimed at fostering motivation to study medicine and dedicate themselves to healthcare careers [ 4 ]. Understanding how medical students respond to incentives is crucial for enhancing the health worker recruitment, and developing talent incentive strategies for guiding professionals in medical education [ 5 ].

In the guideline for incentives to health workers, WHO categorizes extrinsic incentives into two major groups, financial and non-financial ones [ 6 ]. Financial incentives, typically integral to the employment contract, such as salary, allowances, and bonuses are designed to fulfill the needs of employees [ 7 ]. The success of financial incentives in attracting medical professionals has been long discussed [ 8 , 9 ]. In contrast to the commonly held belief, Ellis and Pennington (2004) suggested that financial incentives were observed to exert only a short-term effect on the motivation level [ 10 ]. Solely relying on financial incentives are insufficient as a motivator for medical students’ job choice, for sustainability, schemes must be completed by non-financial incentives [ 11 ]. Hence, instead of a range of financial incentives, non-financial elements seem to be necessary.

Non-financial incentives, defined as incentives that transfer monetary values or equivalents, generally include health workers’ job promotion, recognition, training and development, and other managerial factors [ 12 , 13 ]. Moreover, a range of evidence indicated that there was a substitution relationship between financial and non-financial incentives [ 14 ]. Both financial and non-financial incentives likely contribute to the motivation of medical profession, and it now appears to be sufficient. Nevertheless, non-financial incentives are occasionally integrated with financial incentives. It is difficult to attribute outcomes to single incentives only, as the interactive effects may be quite complicated. What crucial is understanding the relative importance of incentives.

A concern emerges from recent needs-theories, indicating that while the fundamental human needs served as motivators, extrinsic motivators possessed a limited utility and had the potential to diminish individual effectiveness [ 15 ]. Additionally, from the economic perspective, there exists a threshold where additional financial incentives will have a limited effect [ 16 ]. The emerging empirical studies have found that the relationship between income and job satisfaction has become to be asymptotic when modeled as a curvilinear function [ 17 , 18 ]. Consequently, there is a necessity to investigate the substitution effect between financial and non-financial incentives at various income levels.

Many studies have based on the DCEs to identify the substitution effect of different incentive factors on medical students’ job choices [ 19 , 20 ]. Recent DCEs have gradually brought to attention that the financial rewards may not be as fundamental as previously believed [ 21 ]. Simultaneously, theories of organizational behaviors have emphasized the significance of intrinsic motives. Altruism, as an important intrinsic motivation in the principal-agent relationship between physicians and patients [ 22 ], also holds a pivotal role in physicians’ responses to incentives [ 23 ]. Zhang et al. (2023) investigated the effect of intrinsic altruism on the influence of extrinsic incentives on the job preference of medical students [ 24 ]. However, the substitution effect of external incentives has not received adequate attention regarding the impact of income levels. Furthermore, despite the significance of intrinsic motivation, little is known about whether altruism can be attributed to the fluctuation of substitution effect across different income levels.

This study contributes to filling the gap in the evidence on the link between the substitution effect of extrinsic incentives in medical students’ job choices across different income levels, combining with the intrinsic motivations. Firstly, we estimate the substitution effect of external factors relying on the data in Zhang et al.’s [ 24 ] DCEs among medical students, specifically financial and non-financial incentives, taking into account the actual design of basic income levels. Additionally, altruism measured by a lab-like economic experiment is included to examine whether it contributes to the income level and the substitution effect.

Our structural estimation provides two main results. Firstly, we find that at higher income level, medical students place a greater emphasis on non-financial incentives, which results in an elevated substitution effect between non-financial and financial incentives. Secondly, altruism has the potential to impact the extent of substitution effect at different income levels, with a greater variation observed in individuals with higher altruism. These findings offer principles regarding appropriate incentives for physicians’ recruitment, and developing talent incentives and teaching strategies to encourage medical students to dedicate themselves to health careers in medical education.

Research hypotheses

The process of medical job choice can be served as a manifestation of the substitution effect between financial and non-financial incentives, and the marginal rate of substitution (MRS) between different incentives, provides insights into the trade-offs in job preferences. Our framework operated under the assumption that medical students would opt for a working condition with the highest utility considering both financial ( M ) and non-financial ( N ) incentives at different income levels ( $i$ ).

Additionally, an increase in the income may result in diminishing marginal utility, ultimately leading to the ineffectiveness of financial incentives [ 25 ]. The relationship between income level and the utility function for financial incentives would exhibit a curve, reaching its maximum at $ {i}^{*}$ . Furthermore, as basic needs satisfaction increased, the value attributed to non-financial incentives also increased [ 26 ] (formula in Appendix Table S1 ). Thus, we formulated the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 1

As income reaches a certain point, the substitution effect between non-financial and financial incentives is higher than that at the lower income level.

In the principal-agent relationship between physicians and patients, altruism represented the extent to which emphasis was placed on patient benefit under the assumption of utility maximization [ 27 ]. Individuals with higher altruism exhibited a higher weight attachment to patient benefits over their own financial profits. Furthermore, medical students with higher altruism paid more attention to non-financial incentives [ 24 ] (formula in Appendix Table S2). Thus, we formulated the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 2

Medical students with higher altruism demonstrate a more pronounced degree of variation in the substitution effect of non-financial and financial incentives across different income levels.

The schematic diagram depicting the derivation of theoretical hypotheses is presented in Fig. 1 .

The theoretical hypothesis derivation schematic. The blue curve: utility function of non-financial ( N ) and financial ( M ) incentives in low-altruism group across different income levels; The yellow curve: utility function of non-financial ( N ) and financial ( M ) incentives in high-altruism group across different income levels; The tangent point on the curve: The substitution effect of non-financial and financial incentives ( $ {MRS}_{MN}$ )

Behavioural data

Our experimental data stem from the DCEs combined with a lab-like experiment of Zhang et al. (2023) [ 24 ] who analyzed medical students with different levels of altruism regarding extrinsic job attributes. In total, 741 medical students were integrated into the formal analysis, which were selected through cluster sampling from six teaching hospitals in Beijing, China. Participants were required to complete a self-reported questionnaire consisting of basic personal information, experiment on altruism, and DCEs job choice tasks.

DCEs were conducted to estimate the substitution of extrinsic incentive factors, particularly focused on the interplay between financial incentives and non-financial incentives. The final six critical factors related to the recruitment of medical students were as follows: monthly income, work location, work environment, training and career development opportunities, workload, and professional recognition. The details of incentives and their corresponding levels are presented in the Appendix Table S3-S4.

The economic experiment has been demonstrated to facilitate the measurement of medical students’ altruism [ 24 , 28 ]. Specifically, a laboratory-like experiment was designed in the context of medical decision-making, all medical students took the role of physicians and determined the quantity ( q ) of medical services, thereby influencing their self-profit ( π ( q )) and patient benefit ( B ( q )). Each subject, in accordance with the present parameters, selected quantities form the set q ∈ [0, 1, 2, 3, 4……10] for nine different patients, categorized into three types of illness k ∈ [ A , B , C ] and three levels of severities l ∈ [ x , y , z ]. Detailed experimental screen and parameter descriptions are available in Appendix Fig. S1 and Table S5. After the experiment, the physician profits were paid to the medical students and patient benefits were donated to the Red Cross Society of China to aid real patients. Based on this behavioral data, medical students’ altruism α can be quantified by evaluating the extent to which utility-maximizing physicians attach importance to B ( q ) in the trade-off between π ( q ) and B ( q ). Specifically, altruism α $ \in $ [0, 1] was calculated by using the first-order condition of utility function of physicians: U ( q ) = (1 − α ) π ( q ) + α B ( q ), whereby a larger α indicated higher altruism. α = 0 represented physician’s pursuit of profit-maximization, and α = 1 represented physician’s full consideration of patient benefit. More details on experiment can be found in Zhang et al. (2023) [ 24 ] and Appendix Table S5-S6.

Data analysis

Random Utility Models (RUMs) have been extensively utilized for the analysis of DCEs. Following the principle of the Akaike information criterion (AIC) and Bayesian information criterion (BIC) [ 29 ], we applied a conditional logit model for regression analysis (refer to the Appendix Table S7 for the estimation results of the mixed logit model). The monthly salary, representing the financial incentive was specified as a continuous variable, while all non-financial incentives were set as categorical variables. Based on the estimated coefficients, we calculated the substitution of extrinsic incentives by WTP, indicating the amount of money participants were willing to receive in exchange for a corresponding enhancement in a particular non-financial incentive.

The monthly income level for financial incentives was established based on the 2020 Hospital Salary Research Report in China. The average annual income of junior title doctors in the sample hospitals was approximately 110,000 CNY Footnote 1 (16,923 USD), equivalent to income of about 9000 CNY (1384 USD) per month. Adjustments, both upward and downward, were made by 3000 CNY (461 USD) from this base. Since the study aimed to analyze based on income levels, we assumed that the average level of monthly income 9000 CNY (1384 USD) as $ {i}^{*}$ , further distinguished between the choice set of basic-income level (6000 CNY vs. 9000 CNY) and higher-income level (9000 CNY vs. 12,000 CNY) to calculate the WTP, thereby confirming the variations in substitution effect.

The equation for the substitution of non-financial incentive $ x$ and financial incentive income was formulated as follows.

General characteristics

A total of 741 medical students successfully completed the foundational medical knowledge learning and advanced to the clinical internship. The participants had an average age of 24 years old, with 422 females (59.7%), and 511 (68.9%) being postgraduate students. The demographic details are presented in Table 1 .

Estimations of the job preferences

In estimation of all analyzed samples (Model 1 in Table 2 ), we observed that the coefficients of all extrinsic incentives were statistically significant positive, indicating that all incentives had an effect on job preference. Concerning non-financial incentives, the participants manifested the greatest job preference for a job with a better location ( $ \beta $ =0.820, P < 0.001), followed by a favorable work environment ( $ \beta $ =0.554, P < 0.001), and ample training and career development ( $ \beta $ =0.529, P < 0.001). The workload and professional recognition were relatively less important.

To investigate the influence of various income levels on the substitution effect, we made distinctions among specific choice set of income. At the basic-income level (Model 2 in Table 2 ), the coefficient of monthly income ( $ \beta $ =0.000449, P < 0.001) surpassed that observed in the overall analysis sample ( $ \beta $ =0.000379, P < 0.001), whereas the coefficients of other non-financial incentives were comparatively lower than those in overall sample. Conversely, the opposite situation was observed at the higher-income level (Model 3 in Table 2 ).

The substitution effect of non-financial and financial incentives

Based on the above estimation and the calculation of WTP, we estimated the substitution between financial and non-financial incentives. The results showed a significant difference in the substitution effect between two income levels, with a greater WTP observed at the higher-income level compared to the basic-income level.

In the basic-income level, individuals were only willing to allocate 1641 CNY (252 USD) per month for workplace enhancement. However, as their monthly income elevated, the substitution effect increased to 2234 CNY (344 USD) per month for acquiring an identical better workplace. This character was particularly noticeable in the work environment incentive. In contrast to the 1107 CNY (170 USD) per month they were willing to denote at the basic-income level, at the higher-income level, they demonstrated a willingness to forgo an additional 992 CNY (153 USD) to achieve the identical enhanced work environment. Figure 2 illustrates the variation in the substitution effect of each non-financial incentive across various income levels.

The substitution of non-financial and financial incentives. location: Work location; environment: Work environment; opportunities: Training and career development opportunities; workload: Workload; recognition: Professional recognition. The exchange rate for USD/CNY = 6.5

Heterogeneity analysis on altruism

The altruism α was quantified through the quantity choices made in the lab-like experiment and the utility function. The median value of α stood at 0.89. Further, we divided the participants into two groups based on the median of altruism. Distinguishing between levels of intrinsic altruism, we analyzed heterogeneity in job preferences for each incentive across income levels.

The results showed that the substitution effect in the high-altruism group was greater than that in the low-altruism at the same income level (see Fig. 2 ). Within the low-altruism group, the substitution effect demonstrated an upward trend across all attributes with increasing income levels. The workplace attribute exhibited the most substantial increase in WTP, amounted to 890 CNY (140 USD), observing a shift from 1045 CNY (160 USD) per month at the basic-income level to 1935 CNY (298 USD) per month at the higher-income level (see Fig. 3 ; Table 3 ).

The substitution of non-financial and financial incentives of subgroups at different income levels with different levels of altruism. location: Work location; environment: Work environment; opportunities: Training and career development opportunities; workload: Workload; recognition: Professional recognition. The exchange rate for USD/CNY = 6.5

However, disparities in trends surfaced within the high-altruism group. The substitution effect of work location did not exhibit a significant increase across varying income levels. WTP was 2529 CNY (390 USD) per month at basic-income level, while it decreased to 2338 CNY (360 USD) per month at the higher-income level. Except for the workplace, the substitution effects of the remaining non-financial incentives in the high-altruism group exhibited an upward trend with increasing income levels. The most notable change occurred in the work environment, escalating from 1544 CNY (238 USD) per month at the basic-income level to 2584 CNY (397 USD) per month at the higher-income level. Under equivalent proportions of income growth, the fluctuation in the substitution effect was greater in the high-altruism group than in the low-altruism. Regarding the work environment, as income increased from the basic to the higher level, the low-altruism group experienced a growth of 546 CNY (84 USD) per month in the substitution effect, whereas the high-altruism group exhibited a growth of 1040 CNY (160 USD) per month (see Fig. 3 ; Tables 3 and 4 ).

Consistent with similar works we found a positive relationship between financial incentives and medical students’ job choices [ 30 , 31 ]. However, with the upward trend in the monthly income, the results showed that jobs with same non-financial attributes consistently had higher utility, which demonstrated financial incentives were not as the most effective interventions underlying job preferences as previously believed. This outcome was also found with DCEs in Tanzania [ 32 ], Mozambique [ 21 ] and Malawi [ 26 ], suggesting the evidence of the diminishing marginal utility of income. The hierarchy of needs theory points that the lower needs must be externally satisfied through financial incentives [ 33 ]. When the income was relatively low, the marginal utility of unit monetary compensation was higher. In such circumstances, employees were more inclined to exert their maximum effort to acquire the increase in their monetary compensation. As income level increased, the lower needs were gradually satisfied and the higher-order needs became dominant. In our study, monthly income was set based on the actual figures, once remuneration reached a level allowing medical students to meet basic needs, the utility increase of financial incentives was smaller as income moved to the higher level, thus making other non-financial incentives become more compelling.

In particular, better work location, work environment and career development were the most important non-financial incentives. This outcome was consistent with the previous DCEs [ 34 , 35 , 36 ]. Despite the evidence in Blaauw et al. (2010) suggested that urban location may not be a high priority for health workers [ 37 ], there continues to be a strong emphasis on incentivizing them to rural location. Survey conducted in Indonesia [ 38 ], Uganda [ 39 ], and Nigeria [ 40 ] emphasized the importance of policy interventions that focused on providing a supportive management and an advanced facility as effective approaches. Our findings also suggested that the quality of a favorable work environment and sufficient career development were linked to the satisfaction of health workers, particularly when income reached a higher level. The work environment, as defined in this study, also included superior interpersonal relationships and organizational culture. Thus, more attention should be given to the internal cohesion and development prospects in medical institutions.

The self-determination theory (SDT) assert that individuals’ career attention is motivated by both internal and external conditions [ 41 ]. Similar results were found in this study that the both intrinsic altruism as well as external incentives contribute to job preference. Piatak (2015) indicated that a positive association existed between intrinsic altruism and the public sector job preference [ 42 ], while salary was a commonly important motivator for students who prefer either not-profit or for-profit jobs [ 43 ]. This study also found the role of altruism, and further identified medical students with higher altruism inclined to pay more attention to non-financial incentives, aligning with the results that health workers who prioritize intrinsic motivators over extrinsic ones were associated with a lower likelihood of turnover and greater job satisfaction [ 44 ]. At higher income level, the high-altruism group placed greater emphasis on the better working environment even over work location. Several studies indicated that a positive association between supportive work environment and intrinsic motivation [ 45 ]. The average altruistic parameter of 0.84 in our study exceeded 0.75 in Brosig-Koch et al. (2017) [ 28 ], further we demonstrated that altruism in medical students was significantly higher than non-medical students (0.60). The altruism among medical students was relatively higher, which may be one factor contributing to the importance of working environment. Earlier studies showed that health workers with higher altruism were more likely to accept work in rural locations [ 46 , 47 , 48 ]. Simultaneously, urban geographic location was at times associated with the highest salaries [ 49 ]. With the increase in income, these factors could potentially contribute even more to the diminished relative importance of work location within the high-altruism medical students.

In line with the hypothesis, individuals with higher altruism experienced elevated growth in the substitution effect of non-financial incentives on financial incentives as income increased. Consistent with the previous economic experiment [ 28 ], altruism in this study was also defined as medical students’ weight on patients’ benefit. Altruistic individuals themselves paid more attention to non-financial incentives, thereby increasing the degree of diminishing marginal utility of income.

This study offers a comprehensive perspective that income plays a role in substitution of non-financial and financial incentives, currently also influenced by intrinsic altruism of medical students. The results of this study demonstrate that the non-financial incentives become relatively more important as the income level increases. Additionally, the substitution effect of non-financial incentives is more pronounced among medical students with higher altruism. Therefore, policymakers and hospital managers should prioritize ensuring a higher income monetary compensation to maintain the motivation of health workers. On basis of this, it is advisable to appropriately integrate non-financial incentives, such as offering a favorable working environment and promising career prospects, to effectively address the diminishing marginal effectiveness of monetary compensation among medical students. Furthermore, medical school administrations should focus on promoting altruistic values in medical education and enhancing health talent incentive strategies to encourage medical students to devote themselves to professions related to medicine.

Limitations

This study has three limitations. Firstly, the data for this study are derived from teaching hospitals in Beijing. Although the medical students from Beijing will work in the nationwide, these teaching hospitals may not fully represent the national actual situation, and the international generalization is limited. Secondly, the results were derived from stated preference rather than revealed preferences, which might diverge when individuals were faced with real-life situations. Thirdly, the representation of monthly income in this study was confined to specific points, whereas actual income is continuous. Identifying critical points in income required further exploration through empirical study.

Data availability

The data for this study are available from the corresponding author, YLH, upon reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank Prof. Rui Chen and the reviewers for their constructive suggestions. We also thank all the medical students and teaching administrators at the sample hospitals who participated in this study.

This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant No.72174129).

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Xinyan Li: conceptualization, data curation, formal analysis, methodology, investigation, writing- original draft, writing- review & editing. Yue Zhang: conceptualization, methodology, data collection, validation, and review and editing drafts. Youli Han: conceptualization, methodology, supervision, project administration, writing- review & editing. All the authors have read and approved the final version of the manuscript.

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Li, X., Zhang, Y. & Han, Y. The substitution effect of financial and non-financial incentives at different income levels in physician recruitment: evidence from medical students in China. BMC Med Educ 24 , 503 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12909-024-05374-6

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Escape or Avoid a Situation or Aversive

Automatic or Sensory Behavior

How Do You Determine the Function of a Behavior?

Can Behaviors Have More Than One Function?

16.2 Theoretical Perspectives on Education

Functionalism

Manifest Functions

Latent Functions

Conflict Theory

Feminist Theory

Sociology in the Real World

Symbolic Interactionism

Functional Behavior Assessment in General Education Classrooms

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The 4 Functions of Behavior

What are the functions of behavior?

Form does not equal Function

TWO functions of behavior

What are the FOUR functions of behavior?

Some Data Collection Ideas for You...

Functions of Behavior -- Escape or Avoid

Functions of Behavior -- Attention or Connection

Functions of Behavior -- Sensory or Automatic

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