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Why do we celebrate Parakram Diwas on January 23? History, significance and more

On january 23rd, india remembers the unparalleled courage and unwavering commitment of netaji subhas chandra bose. explore the significance of parakram diwas and how it honours his legacy..

Parakaram Diwas 2024: History

The idea to celebrate January 23rd as Parakram Diwas was officially proposed by the government of India in 2021. It was a decision made to commemorate Netaji Subash Chandra Bose's 124th birth anniversary and pay tribute to his relentless pursuit of India's freedom. Parakram Diwas, which translates to "Day of Valor" or "Day of Courage," holds significant importance in honouring Netaji's legacy and inspiring generations to come.

Parakaram Diwas 2024: Life and legacy of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose

Netaji Subash Chandra Bose, born on January 23, 1897, in Cuttack, Odisha, emerged as a prominent leader with a fervent dedication to India's freedom. Raised in a notable Bengali family, his early education in Cuttack paved the way for his later studies at Scottish Church College and Presidency College in Calcutta. Despite facing expulsion in 1916 due to his nationalist activities, Bose's determination remained unwavering.

In 1921, after excelling in the Indian Civil Service examination in England, Bose chose to return to India, driven by a deep-seated passion for the country's independence. Aligned with the Indian National Congress, he rapidly ascended through the ranks, becoming the president of the All India Youth Congress in 1923. His charismatic leadership led to his presidency of the Indian National Congress in 1938 and 1939, during which he tirelessly worked to fortify the party and galvanize support for the freedom struggle. In 1939, Bose founded the Forward Bloc within the Congress, aiming to unite anti-colonial forces against British rule. Amid World War II, he formed the Indian National Army in 1942, playing a pivotal role in India's fight for independence, capturing the nation's imagination through battles against British forces.

Parakaram Diwas 2024: Significance

Parakram Diwas holds immense significance in honouring the courage and determination of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose. It serves as a reminder of his unwavering spirit and selfless service to the nation. The observance of this day aims to inspire Indians, especially the youth, to emulate his bravery, perseverance, and patriotic fervour in the face of adversity.

Netaji's leadership of the Indian National Army and his establishment of the Azad Hind Government exemplify his commitment to the cause of freedom. Parakram Diwas encourages individuals to embrace these values and work towards a stronger, united, and independent India.

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Parakram Divas – January 23, 2025

Parakram Divas (also called Parakram Diwas) is celebrated on January 23 every year. It is an Indian national holiday marking the birthday of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose (popularly called Netaji), a prominent nationalist, politician, and freedom fighter. This day was set aside by the government of India on Netaji’s 125th birthday to inspire Indians, especially the youth, to emulate his courage, doggedness, selfless service, and patriotic fervor even in the face of oppression.

History of Parakram Divas

On January 19, 2021, the government of India through the Ministry of Culture issued a release that the nation would celebrate the posthumous 125th birthday of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose starting on January 23, 2021. This holiday was called Parakram Diwas (or Parakram Divas), meaning “Day of Courage” or “Day of Valor,” to acknowledge Netaji’s sacrifice and immense contribution to India’s independence movement.

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was born on January 23, 1897, in Cuttack, Orissa/Odisha. His parents were Janakinath Bose and Prabhavati Dutt. A brilliant scholar and true Indian patriot, Netaji Bose obtained a B.A. in Philosophy at the Scottish Church College under the University of Calcutta. He subsequently went to complete the Indian Civil Service (I.C.S.) in England in 1919 and was fourth in his class with the highest mark in English. However, he resigned from his position in 1921 and returned to India because he didn’t want to serve the British government.

Back in India, Netaji joined the Indian National Congress (I.N.C.) under the tutelage of Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, who became his political mentor. He was also highly influenced by Swami Vivekananda’s ideologies and considered him his spiritual guru. In 1923, Bose became the President of the All India Youth Congress and later became the Congress President in 1938 and 1939.

In 1942, during WWII, Netaji formed and led a 5,000-man force known as the Azad Hind Fauj (Indian National Army) in Southeast Asia with the slogan of ‘Delhi Chalo.’ He also founded a new party, “the Forward Bloc,” to garner popular support in his home state Bengal.

Netaji reportedly died from third-degree burns sustained in a plane crash in Tohuku, Japanese Taiwan, on August 18, 1945. Although his demise was confirmed by the government in 2017, several conspiracy theories still exist about his disappearance.

Parakram Divas timeline

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose is born in Cuttack, Orissa/Odisha.

Netaji is forced to vacate his leadership position in the Indian National Congress due to ideological differences between Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress High Command.

Netaji announces the formation of the Indian National Army (I.N.A.) on October, 21 in Japanese-controlled Singapore.

India’s central government confirms Netaji’s death and the cause of his demise.

Parakram Divas FAQ s

What is parakram divas in india.

Parakram Divas or Parakram Diwas is the national day declared by the Central Government of India to commemorate the 125th birth anniversary of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. The day was declared in January 2021 as a day of courage to celebrate Netaji’s spirit of courage and patriotism on January 23 every year.

Which day is Parakram Divas?

Parakram Divas (day of valor) is observed on January 23 as an Indian national day. The day was inaugurated on January 19, 2021, as a day to commemorate prominent nationalist, politician, and leader Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s 125th birth anniversary.

Why is Parakram Divas celebrated in India?

Parakram Divas is celebrated on January 23 to honor, celebrate and remember Netaji’s courageous spirit, devotion, commitment, and selfless service to India. The government of India also said the national day is aimed at inspiring citizens, especially the youth, to act with fortitude in the face of adversity, just like Netaji.

How to Observe Parakram Divas

Join the national programs.

You can simply observe Parakram Diwas by partaking in the national events as lined up by the central government. Be a part of the activities coordinated by the Union Ministry of Culture involving prominent citizens for the observance of this national day.

Read a book

A book based on Netaji’s letters titled “Book: Letters of Netaji (1926–1936)” was unveiled at the inaugural ceremony of Parakram Diwas. You can read this book and other relevant books about the lives and times of the iconic nationalist to understand his ideologies and tenets.

Teach others

How about educating others about the life and ideologies of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose on Parakram Diwas? Use the opportunity to teach about patriotism, speaking up for freedom, courage, and standing against injustice, in your school or organization.

5 INTERESTING FACTS ABOUT NETAJI SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE

Born into a large family.

Netaji Bose was born in Cuttack, Bengal Province, and had 14 siblings.

Once assaulted a professor

Netaji thrashed a British Professor E.F. Otten in the Presidency College of Calcutta in 1916 for his racist remark against Indians and was initially expelled from the college.

Imprisoned 11 times

Netaji was jailed 11 times for his anti-British radical activities and agitation for freedom.

Ventured into journalism

Before his I.N.C presidency, Netaji started the newspaper “Swaraj” and later worked as editor of Chittaranjan Das’s newspaper “Forward.”

Secretly married a typist

Subhash married Emily Shankel, a typist he had met on a medical trip to Austria, and they had a daughter, Anita Bose.

Why Parakram Divas is Important

It honors a patriotic nationalist.

Netaji stood for India’s freedom and liberation from British colonization, and against oppressive forces. He was an icon, the true epitome of selfless service and patriotism.

It celebrates courage

The central government of India aptly named Netaji’s birthday “Parakram Diwas” because courage and valor were the virtues the nationalist truly lived by. Netaji’s posthumous birthday is celebrated as a national day to honor and remember his dogged spirit and selfless service to India.

Inspiring the youth

According to the official statement by the Ministry of Culture, Parakram Diwas is celebrated to inspire Indians, “especially the youth, to act with fortitude in the face of adversity as Netaji did, and to infuse in them a spirit of patriotic fervor.”

Parakram Divas dates

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Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose Jayanti 2023: Why Parakram Diwas is celebrated in India on this day

Bose’s idea was quite different from the other leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. While Gandhiji was spreading his thought of non-violence, Netaji believed only blood could bring independence

India is celebrating the 126th birth anniversary of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose today, 23 January. Two years ago in 2021, the Government of India designated the day as the annual celebration of ‘Parakram Diwas’ to honour the indomitable spirit and selfless contribution of Netaji to India’s freedom movements. Moreover, the purpose of the day is to develop a sense of patriotism in the hearts of Indian citizens, particularly the younger generation and to encourage them to act with courage when faced with challenges as Netaji did.

Bose, fondly known as Netaji, was one of the most prominent figures who were involved in India’s freedom struggle. He was born on 23 January 1897 in Cuttack (now Odisha) to Janakinath Bose and Prabhavati Dutt. Since his childhood, he was determined to claim independence from the British Empire. He actively participated in a number of local movements and protests before joining the Indian National Congress. He served as the President of the Indian National Congress from 1938 to 1939.

However, Bose’s idea was quite different from the other leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. While Gandhiji was spreading his thought of non-violence, Netaji believed only blood could bring independence. In an effort to inspire the countrymen, he addressed them saying, “Give me your blood, and I shall give you freedom.” After parting his ways with Congress, Netaji used to deliver motivational speeches on Free India Radio, which he founded with German assistance.

Bose aimed to get rid of the British in India during World War ll. In an attempt to strengthen the manpower, he established the Azad Hind Fauj or Indian National Army. He travelled to many countries and met powerful leaders seeking their assistance in order to overthrow British rule from the nation. He visited Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, and Imperial Germany during the Second World War to find a way to free India from British domination.

It still remains a mystery how Nejaji died. According to government documents, he died as a result of the third-degree burns he received in a plane crash in Taiwan. It is generally accepted that Bose breathed his last on 18 August 1945, in Taiwan, following an aeroplane crash. However, other people think he survived the accident and went undercover to elude the British.

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The 75th Indian Republic Day 2024: History, Theme, Events, Parade, Chief Guest & More

Indian Republic Day is the day when “ We, the People of India ,” celebrate democracy, diversity, and the collective spirit of India. As the nation is gearing up for the grand celebrations of the 75th Indian Republic Day on 26th January 2024, let’s delve into various aspects of this momentous occasion.

About Republic Day of India

Indian Republic Day is a national festival of India that commemorates the enactment of the Constitution of India , which occurred on January 26, 1950 . It is celebrated annually on 26th January and marks the day when the Constitution of India came into effect, making India a sovereign republic.

Historical Background of Indian Republic Day

The historical context of Republic Day of India goes back to India’s struggle for independence. Though India gained independence on 15th August 1947, it did not yet have its own constitution. Instead, its laws and governance system continued to be based on a modified version of the Government of India Act of 1935.

On 29th August 1947, a resolution was moved in the Constituent Assembly for the appointment of a Drafting Committee to draft a permanent constitution of India. Accordingly, the Drafting Committee was appointed under the Chairmanship of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. The Committee introduced the final draft of the Constitution in the Constituent Assembly on 4th November 1948.

After many deliberations and some modifications, the Draft Constitution was declared as passed by the Constituent Assembly on 26th November 1949. A few provisions of the Constitution came into force on 26th November 1949 itself. However, the major part of the Constitution came into force on 26th January 1950. It was on that date that India truly became a sovereign republic. The occasion on 26th January 1950 was marked by a salute of 21 guns and the unfurling of the Indian National Flag by Dr. Rajendra Prasad. Thereafter, 26th January was recognized as the Republic Day of India.

26th January was specifically chosen as the ‘date of commencement’ of the Constitution because it was on this day in 1930 that Purna Swaraj Day was celebrated, following the resolution of the Lahore Session (December 1929) of the INC.

Chronological Order of Events during Republic Day Celebrations

Though Indian Republic Day is celebrated across the country, the main event takes place in the national capital – New Delhi. A series of events unfold as the celebrations proceed. These events are listed below chronologically:

Pre-Parade Events

The republic day parade.

The commences after the unfurling of the national flag and forms the main part of the Republic Day Celebrations. Some of the major highlights of the parade include:

Post-Parade Events

The 75th republic day of india 2024.

India is commemorating its 75th Republic Day on January 26, 2024. Being the 75th anniversary of Republic Day, it is going to be an extra special affair. The events planned and the themes they are based upon promise to be a grand celebration of the country’s progress, democracy, and rich cultural heritage.

The sections that follow explain various aspects of the India Republic Day Celebrations 2024.

Themes of Republic Day Celebrations 2024

The themes of the 75th Republic Day 2024 are: ‘ Viksit Bharat’ and ‘Bharat – Loktantra ki Matruka ’.
These themes have been selected in line with the honorable PM Shri Narendra Modi’s views that ‘India is truly a mother of democracy’.
These themes will be reflected in the tableaux presented by various states and government departments, showcasing India’s progress in various sectors like technology, infrastructure, and cultural heritage.

Major Highlights of the 75th Indian Republic Day Celebrations 2024

A women-centric republic day parade.

The 75th Republic Day 2024 Parade at Kartavya Path will be women-centric and women marching contingents will form the major chunk of the parade.
For the first time, the parade will commence with 100 women artists playing Indian musical instruments such as Sankh, Naadswaram, Nagada, etc.
The parade will also witness an all-women Tri-Service Contingent marching down Kartavya Path for the first time.
The CAPF contingents will also consist of women personnel.
Overall, the India Republic Day Parade 2024 has been designed in a manner to showcase the best representation of women in the Republic Day Parade to date.

French Participation in the Republic Day Parade

A 33-member band contingent and 95-member marching contingent from France will also take part in the 75th Indian Republic Day Parade 2024.
Along with the aircraft of the Indian Air Force, the French Air Force, with its one Multi Role Tanker Transport (MRTT) aircraft and two Rafale aircraft, will also participate in the fly-past this year.

Farmers as Special Guests

They consist of farmer representatives of Farmers Producers Organisations (FPOs), beneficiaries of PM-KISAN and micro irrigation schemes.
This invitation has been extended keeping in line with the Government’s vision of Jan Bhagidari.
The objective of inviting the farmers is to provide people from all walks of life an opportunity to take part in the national festival.
A total of 25 tableaux from 16 States/UTs and 9 Ministries/Departments will participate in the parade.

Textile Installation ‘Anant Sutra – The Endless Thread’

As part of the Republic Day Celebrations 2024, the Ministry of Culture will be showcasing a textile installation named ‘Anant Sutra – The Endless Thread’ at Kartavya Path.
As a visually stunning tribute to the Indian Saree, this unique installation will showcase nearly 1,900 sarees and drapes from across the country.
The textiles so installed will have QR codes that can be scanned to know the details about weaving and embroidery arts used in them.

Commemorative Coin & Stamp

The Ministry of Defense will release a Commemorative Coin and Commemorative Stamp during the celebrations.

National School Band Competition

As part of the Republic Day Celebrations 2024, a National School Band Competition was conducted at the All-India level.
It was aimed to evoke feelings of patriotism, unity, and national pride among the school children.

Vande Bharatam 3.0

The organization of Vande Bharatam 3.0, the third edition of the Vande Bharatam dance competition, also formed a part of Republic Day Celebrations 2024. Groups of women artists selected from this competition will carry out a performance at the Kartavya Path during the Republic Day Parade 2024.

Veer Gatha 3.0

The Ministry of Defence in collaboration with the Ministry of Education organized the third edition of Project Veer Gatha as a part of Republic Day Celebrations 2024.
A total of 100 school students, called ‘Super-100’, have been declared winners, who will attend the 75th India Republic Day Parade 2024.
Veer Gatha is a pan-India initiative that was introduced at Azadi ka Amrit Mohatsav to educate school children about the valorous deeds and sacrifices made by the armed services.

Bharat Parv

The Ministry of Tourism will organize ‘Bharat Parv’ at the Red Fort, Delhi.
Reflecting the ‘Jan Bhagidari’ theme, it will showcase Republic Day Tableaux, cultural performances, performances by the Military Bands, Crafts Bazaar as well as Food Courts serving pan India cuisines.

Parakram Diwas

The organization of the event named Parakram Diwas at Red Fort by the Ministry of Culture is also planned as part of the India Republic Day Celebrations 2024.
It will be based on the life of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose.
Various activities planned during the event include 3-D projection mapping/light & sound show, projection mapping with plays/dance performances, etc.

Beating Retreat Ceremony

The culmination of the 75th Republic Day 2024 Celebrations will be marked by the Beating Retreat Ceremony, to be held at Vijay Chowk on January 29, 2024
It will witness all Indian tunes being played by bands of the Indian Army, Indian Navy, Indian Air Force, and CAPFs.
As part of the Beating Retreat Ceremony, an online competition will be held wherein people can sing or play Indian tunes, highlighting the patriotism and sacrifices of soldiers, and upload them on MyGov Portal. Top entries will be given rewards.

Chief Guest of the 75th Indian Republic Day 2024

The President of France, Emmanuel Macron, has been invited as the chief guest at India’s Republic Day Celebrations 2024. This is the 6th time that a French leader will be the chief guest on the Indian Republic Day.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi was the chief guest at the Republic Day 2023 last year.

Interesting Facts about the Republic Day Chief Guest

Importance of republic day celebration.

The varied importance of the Republic Day Celebration can be seen as follows:

More than just a commemoration of an important political milestone, the Indian Republic Day is a celebration of India’s journey, identity, and the democratic principles that bind its diverse population. It is a day to pay tribute to the sacrifices of the past, celebrate the achievements of the present, and envision a future where the nation towards progress and prosperity.

As the fervor of the 75th Republic Day 2024 celebrations dons upon the nation, NEXT IAS wishes you a Happy Republic Day!

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) on Republic Day of India

What is republic day.

Republic Day of India is a national festival of our country that commemorates the enactment of the Constitution of India on January 26, 1950.

Why Do We Celebrate Republic Day?

Republic Day in India is celebrated to commemorate the day when the Constitution of India came into effect.

Why 26 January is Celebrated as Republic Day?

January 26 is celebrated as Republic Day in India because it was on this day in the year 1950 that the Constitution of India came into effect.

Netaji birth anniversary on Jan 23 to be part of Republic Day celebrations: Official

Last year, the government announced that netaji subhas chandra bose’s birth anniversary on january 23 will be celebrated as parakram diwas or the day of valour..

NEW DELHI: The Republic Day celebrations from this year will start from January 23 instead of January 24 to include the birth anniversary of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in line with the Prime Minister Narendra Modi government’s “focus to commemorate important aspects of our history and culture,” a government official said on Saturday.

The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, however, did not clarify what the decision will translate into. One possibility is that the government will count events to commemorate Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s birth anniversary held every year to be part of the R-Day celebrations.

Last year, the Centre announced that January 23 will be celebrated as Parakram Diwas or the day of valour.

Other such days, observance of which has become a yearly affair, are August 14 as Partition Horrors Remembrance Day, October 31 as National Unity Day (birth anniversary of Sardar Patel), November 15 as Janjatiya Gaurav Divas (Birsa Munda’s birth anniversary), November 26 as Constitution Day and December 26 as Veer Baal Divas (a tribute to the four sons of Guru Gobind Singh), the official cited above added.

Reacting to the decision, Chandra Bose, kin of Subhas Chandra Bose, said even though it is a good decision but to really honour the freedom fighter, the government needs to understand and implement his ideology.

“Subhas Chandra Bose is extremely relevant in 21st century India. We see all across the country, I don’t suggest any specific political party, all parties are engaged in divisive politics. This must stop, Netaji envisioned a united India. If Netaji had returned to India, there would not have been a Partition of India or Partition of Bengal. India will again get divided, unless you bring Netaji’s ideology into the national mainstream of politics,” he added.

Ahead of the 125th birth anniversary this year, Chandra Bose, who is also a member of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi asking him to have the freedom fighter’s image on currency notes. He also suggested declaring January 23 as a national holiday.

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Presidential Speeches

January 23, 1973: address to the nation announcing an agreement on ending the war in vietnam, about this speech.

Richard M. Nixon

January 23, 1973

President Nixon announces to the nation and the world that the United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam have come to an agreement to end the war in Vietnam. He describes his desire not to settle for just any peace, but one which is sustainable and amenable to the parties involved. The President commends the efforts of the South Vietnamese people and the sacrifices of the American military, and he asks the American people to honor their efforts by supporting lasting peace in the region.

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Good evening: I have asked for this radio and television time tonight for the purpose of announcing that we today have concluded an agreement to end the war and bring peace with honor in Vietnam and in Southeast Asia. The following statement is being issued at this moment in Washington and Hanoi: At 12:30 Paris time today, January 23, 1973, the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam was initialed by Dr. Henry Kissinger on behalf of the United States, and Special Adviser Le Duc Tho on behalf of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The agreement will be formally signed by the parties participating in the Paris Conference on Vietnam on January 27, 1973, at the International Conference Center in Paris. The cease-fire will take effect at 2400 Greenwich Mean Time, January 27, 1973. The United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam express the hope that this agreement will insure stable peace in Vietnam and contribute to the preservation of lasting peace in Indochina and Southeast Asia. That concludes the formal statement. Throughout the years of negotiations, we have insisted on peace with honor. In my addresses to the Nation from this room of January 25 and May 8 [1972], I set forth the goals that we considered essential for peace with honor. In the settlement that has now been agreed to, all the conditions that I laid down then have been met: A cease-fire, internationally supervised, will begin at 7 p.m., this Saturday, January 27, Washington time. Within 60 days from this Saturday, all Americans held prisoners of war throughout Indochina will be released. There will be the fullest possible accounting for all of those who are missing in action. During the same 60-day period, all American forces will be withdrawn from South Vietnam. The people of South Vietnam have been guaranteed the right to determine their own future, without outside interference. By joint agreement, the full text of the agreement and the protocol to carry it out will be issued tomorrow. Throughout these negotiations we have been in the closest consultation with President Thieu and other representatives of the Republic of Vietnam. This settlement meets the goals and has the full support of President Thieu and the Government of the Republic of Vietnam, as well as that of our other allies who are affected. The United States will continue to recognize the Government of the Republic of Vietnam as the sole legitimate government of South Vietnam. We shall continue to aid South Vietnam within the terms of the agreement, and we shall support efforts by the people of South Vietnam to settle their problems peacefully among themselves. We must recognize that ending the war is only the first step toward building the peace. All parties must now see to it that this is a peace that lasts, and also a peace that heals—and a peace that not only ends the war in Southeast Asia but contributes to the prospects of peace in the whole world. This will mean that the terms of the agreement must be scrupulously adhered to. We shall do everything the agreement requires of us, and we shall expect the other parties to do everything it requires of them. We shall also expect other interested nations to help insure that the agreement is carried out and peace is maintained. As this long and very difficult war ends, I would like to address a few special words to each of those who have been parties in the conflict. First, to the people and Government of South Vietnam: By your courage, by your sacrifice, you have won the precious right to determine your own future, and you have developed the strength to defend that right. We look forward to working with you in the future—friends in peace as we have been allies in war. To the leaders of North Vietnam: As we have ended the war through negotiations, let us now build a peace of reconciliation. For our part, we are prepared to make a major effort to help achieve that goal. But just as reciprocity was needed to end the war, so too will it be needed to build and strengthen the peace. To the other major powers that have been involved even indirectly: Now is the time for mutual restraint so that the peace we have achieved can last. And finally, to all of you who are listening, the American people: Your steadfastness in supporting our insistence on peace with honor has made peace with honor possible. I know that you would not have wanted that peace jeopardized. With our secret negotiations at the sensitive stage they were in during this recent period, for me to have discussed publicly our efforts to secure peace would not only have violated our understanding with North Vietnam, it would have seriously harmed and possibly destroyed the chances for peace. Therefore, I know that you now can understand why, during these past several weeks, I have not made any public statements about those efforts. The important thing was not to talk about peace, but to get peace—and to get the right kind of peace. This we have done. Now that we have achieved an honorable agreement, let us be proud that America did not settle for a peace that would have betrayed our allies, that would have abandoned our prisoners of war, or that would have ended the war for us but would have continued the war for the 50 million people of Indochina. Let us be proud of the 2 1/2 million young Americans who served in Vietnam, who served with honor and distinction in one of the most selfless enterprises in the history of nations. And let us be proud of those who sacrificed, who gave their lives so that the people of South Vietnam might live in freedom and so that the world might live in peace. In particular, I would like to say a word to some of the bravest people I have ever met—the wives, the children, the families of our prisoners of war and the missing in action. When others called on us to settle on any terms, you had the courage to stand for the right kind of peace so that those who died and those who suffered would not have died and suffered in vain, and so that where this generation knew war, the next generation would know peace. Nothing means more to me at this moment than the fact that your long vigil is coming to an end. Just yesterday, a great American, who once occupied this office, died. In his life, President Johnson endured the vilification of those who sought to portray him as a man of war. But there was nothing he cared about more deeply than achieving a lasting peace in the world. I remember the last time I talked with him. It was just the day after New Year's. He spoke then of his concern with bringing peace, with making it the right kind of peace, and I was grateful that he once again expressed his support for my efforts to gain such a peace. No one would have welcomed this peace more than he. And I know he would join me in asking—for those who died and for those who live—let us consecrate this moment by resolving together to make the peace we have achieved a peace that will last. Thank you and good evening.

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Richard Nixon

Address to the nation announcing conclusion of an agreement on ending the war and restoring peace in vietnam.

Good evening:

I have asked for this radio and television time tonight for the purpose of announcing that we today have concluded an agreement to end the war and bring peace with honor in Vietnam and in Southeast Asia.

The following statement is being issued at this moment in Washington and Hanoi:

At 12:30 Paris time today, January 23, 1973, the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam was initialed by Dr. Henry Kissinger on behalf of the United States, and Special Adviser Le Duc Tho on behalf of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.

The agreement will be formally signed by the parties participating in the Paris Conference on Vietnam on January 27, 1973, at the International Conference Center in Paris.

The cease-fire will take effect at 2400 Greenwich Mean Time, January 27, 1973. The United States and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam express the hope that this agreement will insure stable peace in Vietnam and contribute to the preservation of lasting peace in Indochina and Southeast Asia.

That concludes the formal statement. Throughout the years of negotiations, we have insisted on peace with honor. In my addresses to the Nation from this room of January 25 and May 8 [1972], I set forth the goals that we considered essential for peace with honor.

In the settlement that has now been agreed to, all the conditions that I laid down then have been met:

A cease-fire, internationally supervised, will begin at 7 p.m., this Saturday, January 27, Washington time.

Within 60 days from this Saturday, all Americans held prisoners of war throughout Indochina will be released. There will be the fullest possible accounting for all of those who are missing in action.

During the same 60-day period, all American forces will be withdrawn from South Vietnam.

The people of South Vietnam have been guaranteed the right to determine their own future, without outside interference.

By joint agreement, the full text of the agreement and the protocol to carry it out will be issued tomorrow.

Throughout these negotiations we have been in the closest consultation with President Thieu and other representatives of the Republic of Vietnam. This settlement meets the goals and has the full support of President Thieu and the Government of the Republic of Vietnam, as well as that of our other allies who are affected.

The United States will continue to recognize the Government of the Republic of Vietnam as the sole legitimate government of South Vietnam.

We shall continue to aid South Vietnam within the terms of the agreement, and we shall support efforts by the people of South Vietnam to settle their problems peacefully among themselves.

We must recognize that ending the war is only the first step toward building the peace. All parties must now see to it that this is a peace that lasts, and also a peace that heals--and a peace that not only ends the war in Southeast Asia but contributes to the prospects of peace in the whole world.

This will mean that the terms of the agreement must be scrupulously adhered to. We shall do everything the agreement requires of us, and we shall expect the other parties to do everything it requires of them. We shall also expect other interested nations to help insure that the agreement is carried out and peace is maintained.

As this long and very difficult war ends, I would like to address a few special words to each of those who have been parties in the conflict.

First, to the people and Government of South Vietnam: By your courage, by your sacrifice, you have won the precious right to determine your own future, and you have developed the strength to defend that right. We look forward to working with you in the future--friends in peace as we have been allies in war.

To the leaders of North Vietnam: As we have ended the war through negotiations, let us now build a peace of reconciliation. For our part, we are prepared to make a major effort to help achieve that goal. But just as reciprocity was needed to end the war, so too will it be needed to build and strengthen the peace.

To the other major powers that have been involved even indirectly: Now is the time for mutual restraint so that the peace we have achieved can last.

And finally, to all of you who are listening, the American people: Your steadfastness in supporting our insistence on peace with honor has made peace with honor possible. I know that you would not have wanted that peace jeopardized. With our secret negotiations at the sensitive stage they were in during this recent period, for me to have discussed publicly our efforts to secure peace would not only have violated our understanding with North Vietnam, it would have seriously harmed and possibly destroyed the chances for peace. Therefore, I know that you now can understand why, during these past several weeks, I have not made any public statements about those efforts.

The important thing was not to talk about peace, but to get peace--and to get the right kind of peace. This we have done.

Now that we have achieved an honorable agreement, let us be proud that America did not settle for a peace that would have betrayed our allies, that would have abandoned our prisoners of war, or that would have ended the war for us but would have continued the war for the 50 million people of Indochina. Let us be proud of the 2 1/2 million young Americans who served in Vietnam, who served with honor and distinction in one of the most selfless enterprises in the history of nations. And let us be proud of those who sacrificed, who gave their lives so that the people of South Vietnam might live in freedom and so that the world might live in peace.

In particular, I would like to say a word to some of the bravest people I have ever met--the wives, the children, the families of our prisoners of war and the missing in action. When others called on us to settle on any terms, you had the courage to stand for the right kind of peace so that those who died and those who suffered would not have died and suffered in vain, and so that where this generation knew war, the next generation would know peace. Nothing means more to me at this moment than the fact that your long vigil is coming to an end.

Just yesterday, a great American, who once occupied this office, died. In his life, President Johnson endured the vilification of those who sought to portray him as a man of war. But there was nothing he cared about more deeply than achieving a lasting peace in the world.

I remember the last time I talked with him. It was just the day after New Year's. He spoke then of his concern with bringing peace, with making it the right kind of peace, and I was grateful that he once again expressed his support for my efforts to gain such a peace. No one would have welcomed this peace more than he.

And I know .he would join me in asking-for those who died and for those who live--let us consecrate this moment by resolving together to make the peace we have achieved a peace that will last. Thank you and good evening.

Note: The President spoke at 10:01 p.m. in the Oval Office at the White House. His address was broadcast live on nationwide radio and television. An advance text of the President's address was released on the same day.

Before delivering the address, the President met separately with members of the Cabinet and 6 members of the bipartisan leadership of the Congress.

On January 24, 1973, the President met with the expanded bipartisan leadership of the Congress to discuss the agreement. On the same day, the White House released the following related material: the texts of the agreement and protocol to the agreement; the transcript of a news briefing on the agreement by Henry A. Kissinger, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; and fact sheets on the basic elements of the agreement, the International Commission of Control and Supervision, and the Four-Party Joint Military Commission. The texts of the agreement and protocol and Dr. Kissinger's news briefing are printed in the Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents (vol. 9, pp. 45-74).

Richard Nixon, Address to the Nation Announcing Conclusion of an Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/node/255311

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David Cameron's EU speech - full text

This morning I want to talk about the future of Europe .

But first, let us remember the past.

Seventy years ago, Europe was being torn apart by its second catastrophic conflict in a generation. A war which saw the streets of European cities strewn with rubble. The skies of London lit by flames night after night. And millions dead across the world in the battle for peace and liberty.

As we remember their sacrifice, so we should also remember how the shift in Europe from war to sustained peace came about. It did not happen like a change in the weather. It happened because of determined work over generations. A commitment to friendship and a resolve never to revisit that dark past – a commitment epitomised by the Elysee treaty signed 50 years ago this week.

After the Berlin Wall came down I visited that city and I will never forget it.

The abandoned checkpoints. The sense of excitement about the future. The knowledge that a great continent was coming together. Healing those wounds of our history is the central story of the European Union .

What Churchill described as the twin marauders of war and tyranny have been almost entirely banished from our continent. Today, hundreds of millions dwell in freedom, from the Baltic to the Adriatic, from the Western Approaches to the Aegean.

And while we must never take this for granted, the first purpose of the European Union – to secure peace – has been achieved and we should pay tribute to all those in the EU, alongside Nato, who made that happen.

But today the main, overriding purpose of the European Union is different: not to win peace, but to secure prosperity.

The challenges come not from within this continent but outside it. From the surging economies in the east and south. Of course a growing world economy benefits us all, but we should be in no doubt that a new global race of nations is under way today.

A race for the wealth and jobs of the future.

The map of global influence is changing before our eyes. And these changes are already being felt by the entrepreneur in the Netherlands, the worker in Germany, the family in Britain.

So I want to speak to you today with urgency and frankness about the European Union and how it must change – both to deliver prosperity and to retain the support of its peoples.

But first, I want to set out the spirit in which I approach these issues.

I know that the United Kingdom is sometimes seen as an argumentative and rather strong-minded member of the family of European nations.

And it's true that our geography has shaped our psychology.

We have the character of an island nation: independent, forthright, passionate in defence of our sovereignty.

We can no more change this British sensibility than we can drain the English Channel.

And because of this sensibility, we come to the European Union with a frame of mind that is more practical than emotional.

For us, the European Union is a means to an end – prosperity, stability, the anchor of freedom and democracy both within Europe and beyond her shores – not an end in itself.

We insistently ask: how, why, to what end?

But all this doesn't make us somehow un-European.

The fact is that ours is not just an island story – it is also a continental story.

For all our connections to the rest of the world – of which we are rightly proud – we have always been a European power, and we always will be.

From Caesar's legions to the Napoleonic wars. From the Reformation, the Enlightenment and the industrial revolution to the defeat of nazism. We have helped to write European history, and Europe has helped write ours.

Over the years, Britain has made her own, unique contribution to Europe. We have provided a haven to those fleeing tyranny and persecution. And in Europe's darkest hour, we helped keep the flame of liberty alight. Across the continent, in silent cemeteries, lie the hundreds of thousands of British servicemen who gave their lives for Europe's freedom.

In more recent decades, we have played our part in tearing down the iron curtain and championing the entry into the EU of those countries that lost so many years to Communism. And contained in this history is the crucial point about Britain, our national character, our attitude to Europe.

Britain is characterised not just by its independence but, above all, by its openness.

We have always been a country that reaches out. That turns its face to the world. That leads the charge in the fight for global trade and against protectionism.

This is Britain today, as it's always been: independent, yes – but open, too.

I never want us to pull up the drawbridge and retreat from the world.

I am not a British isolationist.

I don't just want a better deal for Britain. I want a better deal for Europe too.

So I speak as British prime minister with a positive vision for the future of the European Union. A future in which Britain wants, and should want, to play a committed and active part.

Some might then ask: why raise fundamental questions about the future of Europe when Europe is already in the midst of a deep crisis?

Why raise questions about Britain's role when support in Britain is already so thin.

There are always voices saying: "Don't ask the difficult questions."

But it's essential for Europe – and for Britain – that we do because there are three major challenges confronting us today.

First, the problems in the eurozone are driving fundamental change in Europe.

Second, there is a crisis of European competitiveness, as other nations across the world soar ahead. And third, there is a gap between the EU and its citizens which has grown dramatically in recent years. And which represents a lack of democratic accountability and consent that is – yes – felt particularly acutely in Britain.

If we don't address these challenges, the danger is that Europe will fail and the British people will drift towards the exit.

I do not want that to happen. I want the European Union to be a success. And I want a relationship between Britain and the EU that keeps us in it.

That is why I am here today: to acknowledge the nature of the challenges we face. To set out how I believe the European Union should respond to them. And to explain what I want to achieve for Britain and its place within the European Union.

Let me start with the nature of the challenges we face.

First, the eurozone.

The future shape of Europe is being forged. There are some serious questions that will define the future of the European Union – and the future of every country within it.

The union is changing to help fix the currency – and that has profound implications for all of us, whether we are in the single currency or not.

Britain is not in the single currency, and we're not going to be. But we all need the eurozone to have the right governance and structures to secure a successful currency for the long term.

And those of us outside the eurozone also need certain safeguards to ensure, for example, that our access to the single market is not in any way compromised.

And it's right we begin to address these issues now.

Second, while there are some countries within the EU which are doing pretty well. Taken as a whole, Europe's share of world output is projected to fall by almost a third in the next two decades. This is the competitiveness challenge – and much of our weakness in meeting it is self-inflicted.

Complex rules restricting our labour markets are not some naturally occurring phenomenon. Just as excessive regulation is not some external plague that's been visited on our businesses.

These problems have been around too long. And the progress in dealing with them, far too slow.

As Chancellor Merkel has said, if Europe today accounts for just over 7% of the world's population, produces around 25% of global GDP and has to finance 50% of global social spending, then it's obvious that it will have to work very hard to maintain its prosperity and way of life.

Third, there is a growing frustration that the EU is seen as something that is done to people rather than acting on their behalf. And this is being intensified by the very solutions required to resolve the economic problems.

People are increasingly frustrated that decisions taken further and further away from them mean their living standards are slashed through enforced austerity or their taxes are used to bail out governments on the other side of the continent.

We are starting to see this in the demonstrations on the streets of Athens, Madrid and Rome. We are seeing it in the parliaments of Berlin, Helsinki and the Hague.

And yes, of course, we are seeing this frustration with the EU very dramatically in Britain.

Europe's leaders have a duty to hear these concerns. Indeed, we have a duty to act on them. And not just to fix the problems in the eurozone.

For just as in any emergency you should plan for the aftermath as well as dealing with the present crisis, so too in the midst of the present challenges we should plan for the future, and what the world will look like when the difficulties in the eurozone have been overcome.

The biggest danger to the European Union comes not from those who advocate change, but from those who denounce new thinking as heresy. In its long history Europe has experience of heretics who turned out to have a point.

And my point is this. More of the same will not secure a long-term future for the eurozone. More of the same will not see the European Union keeping pace with the new powerhouse economies. More of the same will not bring the European Union any closer to its citizens. More of the same will just produce more of the same: less competitiveness, less growth, fewer jobs.

And that will make our countries weaker not stronger.

That is why we need fundamental, far-reaching change.

So let me set out my vision for a new European Union, fit for the 21st century.

It is built on five principles.

The first: competitiveness. At the core of the European Union must be, as it is now, the single market. Britain is at the heart of that single market, and must remain so.

But when the single market remains incomplete in services, energy and digital – the very sectors that are the engines of a modern economy – it is only half the success it could be.

It is nonsense that people shopping online in some parts of Europe are unable to access the best deals because of where they live. I want completing the single market to be our driving mission.

I want us to be at the forefront of transformative trade deals with the US, Japan and India as part of the drive towards global free trade. And I want us to be pushing to exempt Europe's smallest entrepreneurial companies from more EU directives.

These should be the tasks that get European officials up in the morning – and keep them working late into the night. And so we urgently need to address the sclerotic, ineffective decision-making that is holding us back.

That means creating a leaner, less bureaucratic union, relentlessly focused on helping its member countries to compete.

In a global race, can we really justify the huge number of expensive peripheral European institutions?

Can we justify a commission that gets ever larger?

Can we carry on with an organisation that has a multibillion pound budget but not enough focus on controlling spending and shutting down programmes that haven't worked?

And I would ask: when the competitiveness of the single market is so important, why is there an environment council, a transport council, an education council but not a single market council?

The second principle should be flexibility.

We need a structure that can accommodate the diversity of its members – north, south, east, west, large, small, old and new. Some of whom are contemplating much closer economic and political integration. And many others, including Britain, who would never embrace that goal.

I accept, of course, that for the single market to function we need a common set of rules and a way of enforcing them. But we also need to be able to respond quickly to the latest developments and trends.

Competitiveness demands flexibility, choice and openness – or Europe will fetch up in a no-man's land between the rising economies of Asia and market-driven North America.

The EU must be able to act with the speed and flexibility of a network, not the cumbersome rigidity of a bloc.

We must not be weighed down by an insistence on a one size fits all approach which implies that all countries want the same level of integration. The fact is that they don't and we shouldn't assert that they do.

Some will claim that this offends a central tenet of the EU's founding philosophy. I say it merely reflects the reality of the European Union today. 17 members are part of the eurozone. 10 are not.

26 European countries are members of Schengen – including four outside the European Union – Switzerland, Norway, Liechtenstein and Iceland. Two EU countries – Britain and Ireland – have retained their border controls.

Some members, like Britain and France, are ready, willing and able to take action in Libya or Mali. Others are uncomfortable with the use of military force.

Let's welcome that diversity, instead of trying to snuff it out.

Let's stop all this talk of two-speed Europe, of fast lanes and slow lanes, of countries missing trains and buses, and consign the whole weary caravan of metaphors to a permanent siding.

Instead, let's start from this proposition: we are a family of democratic nations, all members of one European Union, whose essential foundation is the single market rather than the single currency. Those of us outside the euro recognise that those in it are likely to need to make some big institutional changes.

By the same token, the members of the eurozone should accept that we, and indeed all member states, will have changes that we need to safeguard our interests and strengthen democratic legitimacy. And we should be able to make these changes too.

Some say this will unravel the principle of the EU – and that you can't pick and choose on the basis of what your nation needs.

But far from unravelling the EU, this will in fact bind its members more closely because such flexible, willing co-operation is a much stronger glue than compulsion from the centre.

Let me make a further heretical proposition.

The European treaty commits the member states to "lay the foundations of an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe".

This has been consistently interpreted as applying not to the peoples but rather to the states and institutions compounded by a European court of justice that has consistently supported greater centralisation.

We understand and respect the right of others to maintain their commitment to this goal. But for Britain – and perhaps for others – it is not the objective.

And we would be much more comfortable if the treaty specifically said so, freeing those who want to go further, faster, to do so, without being held back by the others.

So to those who say we have no vision for Europe, I say we have.

We believe in a flexible union of free member states who share treaties and institutions and pursue together the ideal of co-operation. To represent and promote the values of European civilisation in the world. To advance our shared interests by using our collective power to open markets. And to build a strong economic base across the whole of Europe.

And we believe in our nations working together to protect the security and diversity of our energy supplies. To tackle climate change and global poverty. To work together against terrorism and organised crime. And to continue to welcome new countries into the EU.

This vision of flexibility and co-operation is not the same as those who want to build an ever closer political union – but it is just as valid.

My third principle is that power must be able to flow back to member states, not just away from them. This was promised by European leaders at Laeken a decade ago.

It was put in the treaty. But the promise has never really been fulfilled. We need to implement this principle properly.

So let us use this moment, as the Dutch prime minister has recently suggested, to examine thoroughly what the EU as a whole should do and should stop doing.

In Britain we have already launched our balance of competences review – to give us an informed and objective analysis of where the EU helps and where it hampers.

Let us not be misled by the fallacy that a deep and workable single market requires everything to be harmonised, to hanker after some unattainable and infinitely level playing field.

Countries are different. They make different choices. We cannot harmonise everything. For example, it is neither right nor necessary to claim that the integrity of the single market, or full membership of the European Union requires the working hours of British hospital doctors to be set in Brussels irrespective of the views of British parliamentarians and practitioners.

In the same way we need to examine whether the balance is right in so many areas where the European Union has legislated including on the environment, social affairs and crime.

Nothing should be off the table.

My fourth principle is democratic accountability: we need to have a bigger and more significant role for national parliaments.

There is not, in my view, a single European demos.

It is national parliaments, which are, and will remain, the true source of real democratic legitimacy and accountability in the EU.

It is to the Bundestag that Angela Merkel has to answer. It is through the Greek parliament that Antonis Samaras has to pass his government's austerity measures.

It is to the British parliament that I must account on the EU budget negotiations, or on the safeguarding of our place in the single market.

Those are the parliaments which instil proper respect – even fear – into national leaders.

We need to recognise that in the way the EU does business.

My fifth principle is fairness: whatever new arrangements are enacted for the eurozone, they must work fairly for those inside it and out.

That will be of particular importance to Britain. As I have said, we will not join the single currency. But there is no overwhelming economic reason why the single currency and the single market should share the same boundary, any more than the single market and Schengen.

Our participation in the single market, and our ability to help set its rules is the principal reason for our membership of the EU.

So it is a vital interest for us to protect the integrity and fairness of the single market for all its members.

And that is why Britain has been so concerned to promote and defend the single market as the eurozone crisis rewrites the rules on fiscal co-ordination and banking union.

These five principles provide what, I believe, is the right approach for the European Union.

So now let me turn to what this means for Britain.

Today, public disillusionment with the EU is at an all-time high. There are several reasons for this.

People feel that the EU is heading in a direction that they never signed up to. They resent the interference in our national life by what they see as unnecessary rules and regulation. And they wonder what the point of it all is.

Put simply, many ask "why can't we just have what we voted to join – a common market?"

They are angered by some legal judgements made in Europe that impact on life in Britain. Some of this antipathy about Europe in general really relates of course to the European court of human rights, rather than the EU. And Britain is leading European efforts to address this.

There is, indeed, much more that needs to be done on this front. But people also feel that the EU is now heading for a level of political integration that is far outside Britain's comfort zone.

They see treaty after treaty changing the balance between member states and the EU. And note they were never given a say.

They've had referendums promised – but not delivered. They see what has happened to the euro. And they note that many of our political and business leaders urged Britain to join at the time.

And they haven't noticed many expressions of contrition.

And they look at the steps the eurozone is taking and wonder what deeper integration for the eurozone will mean for a country which is not going to join the euro.

The result is that democratic consent for the EU in Britain is now wafer-thin.

Some people say that to point this out is irresponsible, creates uncertainty for business and puts a question mark over Britain's place in the European Union.

But the question mark is already there and ignoring it won't make it go away.

In fact, quite the reverse. Those who refuse to contemplate consulting the British people, would in my view make more likely our eventual exit.

Simply asking the British people to carry on accepting a European settlement over which they have had little choice is a path to ensuring that when the question is finally put – and at some stage it will have to be – it is much more likely that the British people will reject the EU.

That is why I am in favour of a referendum. I believe in confronting this issue – shaping it, leading the debate. Not simply hoping a difficult situation will go away.

Some argue that the solution is therefore to hold a straight in-out referendum now.

I understand the impatience of wanting to make that choice immediately.

But I don't believe that to make a decision at this moment is the right way forward, either for Britain or for Europe as a whole.

A vote today between the status quo and leaving would be an entirely false choice.

Now – while the EU is in flux, and when we don't know what the future holds and what sort of EU will emerge from this crisis – is not the right time to make such a momentous decision about the future of our country.

It is wrong to ask people whether to stay or go before we have had a chance to put the relationship right.

How can we sensibly answer the question "in or out" without being able to answer the most basic question: "What is it exactly that we are choosing to be in or out of?"

The European Union that emerges from the eurozone crisis is going to be a very different body. It will be transformed perhaps beyond recognition by the measures needed to save the eurozone.

We need to allow some time for that to happen – and help to shape the future of the European Union, so that when the choice comes it will be a real one.

A real choice between leaving or being part of a new settlement in which Britain shapes and respects the rules of the single market but is protected by fair safeguards, and free of the spurious regulation which damages Europe's competitiveness.

A choice between leaving or being part of a new settlement in which Britain is at the forefront of collective action on issues like foreign policy and trade and where we leave the door firmly open to new members.

A new settlement subject to the democratic legitimacy and accountability of national parliaments where member states combine in flexible co-operation, respecting national differences not always trying to eliminate them and in which we have proved that some powers can in fact be returned to member states.

In other words, a settlement which would be entirely in keeping with the mission for an updated European Union I have described today. More flexible, more adaptable, more open – fit for the challenges of the modern age.

And to those who say a new settlement can't be negotiated, I would say listen to the views of other parties in other European countries arguing for powers to flow back to European states.

And look too at what we have achieved already. Ending Britain's obligation to bail out eurozone members. Keeping Britain out of the fiscal compact. Launching a process to return some existing justice and home affairs powers. Securing protections on banking union. And reforming fisheries policy.

So we are starting to shape the reforms we need now. Some will not require treaty change.

But I agree too with what President Barroso and others have said. At some stage in the next few years the EU will need to agree on treaty change to make the changes needed for the long-term future of the euro and to entrench the diverse, competitive, democratically accountable Europe that we seek.

I believe the best way to do this will be in a new treaty so I add my voice to those who are already calling for this.

My strong preference is to enact these changes for the entire EU, not just for Britain.

But if there is no appetite for a new treaty for us all then of course Britain should be ready to address the changes we need in a negotiation with our European partners.

The next Conservative manifesto in 2015 will ask for a mandate from the British people for a Conservative government to negotiate a new settlement with our European partners in the next parliament.

It will be a relationship with the single market at its heart.

And when we have negotiated that new settlement, we will give the British people a referendum with a very simple in or out choice. To stay in the EU on these new terms, or come out altogether.

It will be an in-out referendum.

Legislation will be drafted before the next election. And if a Conservative government is elected we will introduce the enabling legislation immediately and pass it by the end of that year. And we will complete this negotiation and hold this referendum within the first half of the next parliament.

It is time for the British people to have their say. It is time to settle this European question in British politics.

I say to the British people: this will be your decision.

And when that choice comes, you will have an important choice to make about our country's destiny.

I understand the appeal of going it alone, of charting our own course. But it will be a decision we will have to take with cool heads. Proponents of both sides of the argument will need to avoid exaggerating their claims.

Of course Britain could make her own way in the world, outside the EU, if we chose to do so. So could any other member state.

But the question we will have to ask ourselves is this: is that the very best future for our country?

We will have to weigh carefully where our true national interest lies.

Alone, we would be free to take our own decisions, just as we would be freed of our solemn obligation to defend our allies if we left Nato. But we don't leave Nato because it is in our national interest to stay and benefit from its collective defence guarantee.

We have more power and influence – whether implementing sanctions against Iran or Syria, or promoting democracy in Burma – if we can act together.

If we leave the EU, we cannot of course leave Europe. It will remain for many years our biggest market, and forever our geographical neighbourhood. We are tied by a complex web of legal commitments.

Hundreds of thousands of British people now take for granted their right to work, live or retire in any other EU country.

Even if we pulled out completely, decisions made in the EU would continue to have a profound effect on our country. But we would have lost all our remaining vetoes and our voice in those decisions.

We would need to weigh up very carefully the consequences of no longer being inside the EU and its single market, as a full member.

Continued access to the single market is vital for British businesses and British jobs.

Since 2004, Britain has been the destination for one in five of all inward investments into Europe.

And being part of the single market has been key to that success.

There will be plenty of time to test all the arguments thoroughly, in favour and against the arrangement we negotiate. But let me just deal with one point we hear a lot about.

There are some who suggest we could turn ourselves into Norway or Switzerland – with access to the single market but outside the EU. But would that really be in our best interests?

I admire those countries and they are friends of ours – but they are very different from us. Norway sits on the biggest energy reserves in Europe, and has a sovereign wealth fund of over €500bn. And while Norway is part of the single market – and pays for the principle – it has no say at all in setting its rules. It just has to implement its directives.

The Swiss have to negotiate access to the single market sector by sector, accepting EU rules – over which they have no say – or else not getting full access to the single market, including in key sectors like financial services.

The fact is that if you join an organisation like the European Union, there are rules.

You will not always get what you want. But that does not mean we should leave – not if the benefits of staying and working together are greater.

We would have to think carefully too about the impact on our influence at the top table of international affairs.

There is no doubt that we are more powerful in Washington, in Beijing, in Delhi because we are a powerful player in the European Union.

That matters for British jobs and British security.

It matters to our ability to get things done in the world. It matters to the United States and other friends around the world, which is why many tell us very clearly that they want Britain to remain in the EU.

We should think very carefully before giving that position up.

If we left the European Union, it would be a one-way ticket, not a return.

So we will have time for a proper, reasoned debate.

At the end of that debate you, the British people, will decide.

And I say to our European partners, frustrated as some of them no doubt are by Britain's attitude: work with us on this.

Consider the extraordinary steps which the eurozone members are taking to keep the euro together, steps which a year ago would have seemed impossible.

It does not seem to me that the steps which would be needed to make Britain – and others – more comfortable in their relationship in the European Union are inherently so outlandish or unreasonable.

And just as I believe that Britain should want to remain in the EU so the EU should want us to stay.

For an EU without Britain, without one of Europe's strongest powers, a country which in many ways invented the single market, and which brings real heft to Europe's influence on the world stage, which plays by the rules and which is a force for liberal economic reform would be a very different kind of European Union.

And it is hard to argue that the EU would not be greatly diminished by Britain's departure.

Let me finish today by saying this.

I have no illusions about the scale of the task ahead.

I know there will be those who say the vision I have outlined will be impossible to achieve. That there is no way our partners will co-operate. That the British people have set themselves on a path to inevitable exit. And that if we aren't comfortable being in the EU after 40 years, we never will be.

But I refuse to take such a defeatist attitude – either for Britain or for Europe.

Because with courage and conviction I believe we can deliver a more flexible, adaptable and open European Union in which the interests and ambitions of all its members can be met.

With courage and conviction I believe we can achieve a new settlement in which Britain can be comfortable and all our countries can thrive.

And when the referendum comes let me say now that if we can negotiate such an arrangement, I will campaign for it with all my heart and soul.

Because I believe something very deeply. That Britain's national interest is best served in a flexible, adaptable and open European Union and that such a European Union is best with Britain in it.

Over the coming weeks, months and years, I will not rest until this debate is won. For the future of my country. For the success of the European Union. And for the prosperity of our peoples for generations to come.

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Under the leadership of Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav is an initiative of the Government of India to celebrate and commemorate 75 years of independence and the glorious history of India’s people, culture and achievements Ministry of Home Affairs under the guidance of Union Home Minister and Minister of Cooperation Shri Amit Shah to celebrate Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav Iconic Events Week from 17th to 23rd January, 2023 to commemorate 75 years of India’s Independence & Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s 126th Birth Anniversary Shri Amit Shah will be the Chief Guest at a grand culmination event to be held in Port Blair, Andaman & Nicobar Islands on 23rd of January, 2023 Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi in his speech on the occasion of the 75th Independence Day had called upon all Indians to take pride in their heritage and legacy India has a rich and glorious history, which is replete with stories of unprecedented bravery, valour, sacrifice, penance, wars and victories of our heroes One of such great son of Mother India was Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose whose contributions to the independence movement has inspired generations of Indians and inculcates a sense of pride amongst the countrymen During the iconic week an array of activities will be organized at locations related to Netaji’s life and work in Manipur, Nagaland, Gujarat, Odisha, West Bengal and Andaman & Nicobar Island

Under the leadership of Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav is an initiative of the Government of India to celebrate and commemorate 75 years of independence and the glorious history of India’s people, culture and achievements. Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi in his speech on the occasion of the 75th Independence Day, had called upon all Indians to take pride in their heritage and legacy. India has a rich and glorious history, which is replete with stories of unprecedented bravery, valour, sacrifice, penance, wars and victories of our heroes. One of such great son of Mother India was Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose whose contributions to the independence movement has inspired generations of Indians and inculcates a sense of pride amongst the countrymen.

The Ministry of Home Affairs under the guidance of Union Home Minister and Minister of Cooperation Shri Amit Shah is celebrating Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav Iconic Events Week from 17th to 23rd January, 2023, to celebrate 75 years of India’s Independence. The events will be organized on the theme of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s life and his contribution to the freedom struggle. Union Home Minister and Minister of Cooperation Shri Amit Shah will be the Chief Guest at a grand culmination event to be held in Port Blair, Andaman & Nicobar Islands on the 23 rd of January, 2023.

The events will be organized in collaboration with the Central Armed Police Forces and Central Police Organisations, the Andaman & Nicobar Islands Administration, and the State Governments of Manipur, Nagaland, Gujarat, Odisha and West Bengal at locations which are related to Netaji’s life and work. In Manipur the events will be held at Mantripukhri, Keithalmanbi, Kangvai, Moirang and Nambol on 17 th January, in Nagaland at Ruzazho and Chesezu Villages, Kohima on 18 th January, in Gujarat at Haripura, Bardoli, and Surat on 19 th January, in Odisha at Cuttack on 20 th January and in West Bengal event will be organized in Kolkata on 21 st January, 2023. An array of activities celebrating Netaji’s immense contribution to India’s freedom struggle have been planned to be held throughout the week at these locations,

In the spirit of Jan Bhagidari, the programmes have been designed to promote large scale public involvement in all the events, so that the citizens can take inspiration from our national heroes and carry forward the great ideals that they stood for.

A grand mega event will be organized at Port Blair in Andaman & Nicobar Islands, where Netaji hoisted the Tri-colour on 30.12.1943 for the first time on the Indian soil, much before India attained Independence.

The Ministry of Home Affairs’ Iconic Events Week is an ode to the life and contributions of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in the India’s struggle for freedom. It is a remembrance of his high ideals and a moment for all the country to draw inspiration from lives of our freedom fighters.

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Speech on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose in English – 23 January 2024

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Speech on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose in English – 23 January 2023

Good Morning Respected Principal, Teacher and all my dear friends. My Name is Chetan Darji, I am here today to speak a few words about Subhash Chandra Bose.

Subhash Chandra Bose was one of the greatest leaders of India. He is famous by the name of Netaji. He gave up his life for his motherland. Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose was born on 23 January 1897 in Cuttack. His father was a famous lawyer. Netaji was a brilliant student who had scored the second position in the matriculation exam. He completed his B.A Hons. in Philosophy in 1918 from the University of Calcutta. He later went to England in September 1919, for further studies.

Netaji was selected for the Indian Civil Service but he did not want to stay in England and serve the British government. So, he quit his job and started fighting for the freedom of India. The Azad Hind Fauj was formed by Subhash Chandra bose. He coined the term ‘Jai indi’. His charisma and powerful personality inspired many people into the freedom struggle andcontinues to inspire Indians.

It is believed that he died in a plane crash on 18th August 1945, Though Netaji is no more in this world, yet his name will ever shine. He will always be counted as one of the greatest martyrs of the Country.

Thank You to All.

Jai Hind.. Jai Bharat

Demo Speech – 2 : Speech on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose in English – 23 January 2023

Respected Principal Sir, Teachers and My Dear Friends Good Morning to All.

Subhash Chandra Bose is popularly known as Netaji in India. He was a well – known leader of the Indian independence movement and a promoter of Indian nationalism. He was a prominent member of the Indian National Congress and played a key role in the 1920 Non-Cooperation movements’ creation.

During the British Raj, Subhas Bose was born on January 23,1897, in Cuttack, Orissa, into a wealthy and privileged Bengali Family. The name of his mother was Prabhabati Bose. His father’s name was Janakinath Bose. In a family of fourteen children, he was the ninth child. His father was an advocate. He was a prominent Indian leader. He was an Indian Freedom fighter and he presided over the Indian National Congress from 1938 to 1939. Mahatma Gandhi’s influence led Subhas Chandra bose to become a member of the Indian National Congress in 1921 and start the newspaper “Swaraj”, which stands for self-governance. This was the beginning of his involvement in India’s protracted fight for independence and his introduction to politics.

10 Lines on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose in English – 23 January

Subhash Chandra Bose was a great freedom fighter.
He was born on 23rd January 1897 in Cuttack, Odisha.
His father’s name was Jankinath Bose and His mother’s name was Prabhavati Devi.
He was popularly known as ‘Netaji’.
Netaji started the newspaper ‘Swaraj’
Netaji was the president of the Indian National Congress.
Netaji formed Azad Hind Fauj and Indian National Army.
His famous slogans are “Tum Mujhe Khoon Do, Mai Tumhe Azadi Dunga, Jai Hind and Delhi Chalo “
Netaji wrote the book ‘The Indian Struggle 1920-1942.
It is said that, Netaji died on 18th August 1945 in a plane crash.

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About the author.

Chetan Darji

Hi, My name is Chetan Darji , and I am the owner and Founder of this website. I am 24 years old, Gujarat-based (India) blogger. I started this blog on 20th January 2019.

Very nice sppech bkz it give me gold medal

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EU speech at Bloomberg

Prime Minister David Cameron discussed the future of the European Union at Bloomberg.

This morning I want to talk about the future of Europe.

But first, let us remember the past.

70 years ago, Europe was being torn apart by its second catastrophic conflict in a generation. A war which saw the streets of European cities strewn with rubble. The skies of London lit by flames night after night. And millions dead across the world in the battle for peace and liberty.

As we remember their sacrifice, so we should also remember how the shift in Europe from war to sustained peace came about. It did not happen like a change in the weather. It happened because of determined work over generations. A commitment to friendship and a resolve never to re-visit that dark past - a commitment epitomised by the Elysee Treaty signed 50 years ago this week.

After the Berlin Wall came down I visited that city and I will never forget it.

And while we must never take this for granted, the first purpose of the European Union - to secure peace - has been achieved and we should pay tribute to all those in the EU, alongside NATO, who made that happen.

But today the main, over-riding purpose of the European Union is different: not to win peace, but to secure prosperity.

The challenges come not from within this continent but outside it. From the surging economies in the East and South. Of course a growing world economy benefits us all, but we should be in no doubt that a new global race of nations is underway today.

A race for the wealth and jobs of the future.

The map of global influence is changing before our eyes. And these changes are already being felt by the entrepreneur in the Netherlands, the worker in Germany, the family in Britain.

Deliver prosperity, retain support

So I want to speak to you today with urgency and frankness about the European Union and how it must change - both to deliver prosperity and to retain the support of its peoples.

But first, I want to set out the spirit in which I approach these issues.

I know that the United Kingdom is sometimes seen as an argumentative and rather strong-minded member of the family of European nations.

And it’s true that our geography has shaped our psychology.

We have the character of an island nation - independent, forthright, passionate in defence of our sovereignty.

We can no more change this British sensibility than we can drain the English Channel.

And because of this sensibility, we come to the European Union with a frame of mind that is more practical than emotional.

For us, the European Union is a means to an end - prosperity, stability, the anchor of freedom and democracy both within Europe and beyond her shores - not an end in itself.

We insistently ask: How? Why? To what end?

But all this doesn’t make us somehow un-European.

The fact is that ours is not just an island story - it is also a continental story.

For all our connections to the rest of the world - of which we are rightly proud - we have always been a European power - and we always will be.

From Caesar’s legions to the Napoleonic Wars. From the Reformation, the Enlightenment and the Industrial Revolution to the defeat of Nazism. We have helped to write European history, and Europe has helped write ours.

Over the years, Britain has made her own, unique contribution to Europe. We have provided a haven to those fleeing tyranny and persecution. And in Europe’s darkest hour, we helped keep the flame of liberty alight. Across the continent, in silent cemeteries, lie the hundreds of thousands of British servicemen who gave their lives for Europe’s freedom.

In more recent decades, we have played our part in tearing down the Iron Curtain and championing the entry into the EU of those countries that lost so many years to Communism. And contained in this history is the crucial point about Britain, our national character, our attitude to Europe.

Britain is characterised not just by its independence but, above all, by its openness.

We have always been a country that reaches out. That turns its face to the world…

That leads the charge in the fight for global trade and against protectionism.

This is Britain today, as it’s always been:Independent, yes - but open, too.

I never want us to pull up the drawbridge and retreat from the world.

I am not a British isolationist.

I don’t just want a better deal for Britain. I want a better deal for Europe too.

So I speak as British Prime Minister with a positive vision for the future of the European Union. A future in which Britain wants, and should want, to play a committed and active part.

Some might then ask: why raise fundamental questions about the future of Europe when Europe is already in the midst of a deep crisis?

Why raise questions about Britain’s role when support in Britain is already so thin.

There are always voices saying “don’t ask the difficult questions.”

3 major challenges

But it’s essential for Europe - and for Britain - that we do because there are 3 major challenges confronting us today.

First, the problems in the Eurozone are driving fundamental change in Europe.

If we don’t address these challenges, the danger is that Europe will fail and the British people will drift towards the exit.

I do not want that to happen. I want the European Union to be a success. And I want a relationship between Britain and the EU that keeps us in it.

That is why I am here today: To acknowledge the nature of the challenges we face. To set out how I believe the European Union should respond to them. And to explain what I want to achieve for Britain and its place within the European Union.

Let me start with the nature of the challenges we face.

First, the Eurozone.

The future shape of Europe is being forged. There are some serious questions that will define the future of the European Union - and the future of every country within it.

The Union is changing to help fix the currency - and that has profound implications for all of us, whether we are in the single currency or not.

Britain is not in the single currency, and we’re not going to be. But we all need the Eurozone to have the right governance and structures to secure a successful currency for the long term.

And those of us outside the Eurozone also need certain safeguards to ensure, for example, that our access to the Single Market is not in any way compromised.

And it’s right we begin to address these issues now.

Second, while there are some countries within the EU which are doing pretty well. Taken as a whole, Europe’s share of world output is projected to fall by almost a third in the next 2 decades. This is the competitiveness challenge - and much of our weakness in meeting it is self-inflicted.

Complex rules restricting our labour markets are not some naturally occurring phenomenon. Just as excessive regulation is not some external plague that’s been visited on our businesses.

These problems have been around too long. And the progress in dealing with them, far too slow.

As Chancellor Merkel has said - if Europe today accounts for just over 7 per cent of the world’s population, produces around 25 per cent of global GDP and has to finance 50 per cent of global social spending, then it’s obvious that it will have to work very hard to maintain its prosperity and way of life.

We are starting to see this in the demonstrations on the streets of Athens, Madrid and Rome. We are seeing it in the parliaments of Berlin, Helsinki and the Hague.

And yes, of course, we are seeing this frustration with the EU very dramatically in Britain.

Europe’s leaders have a duty to hear these concerns. Indeed, we have a duty to act on them. And not just to fix the problems in the Eurozone.

For just as in any emergency you should plan for the aftermath as well as dealing with the present crisis so too in the midst of the present challenges we should plan for the future, and what the world will look like when the difficulties in the Eurozone have been overcome.

And my point is this. More of the same will not secure a long-term future for the Eurozone. More of the same will not see the European Union keeping pace with the new powerhouse economies. More of the same will not bring the European Union any closer to its citizens. More of the same will just produce more of the same - less competitiveness, less growth, fewer jobs.

And that will make our countries weaker not stronger.

That is why we need fundamental, far-reaching change.

21st century European Union

So let me set out my vision for a new European Union, fit for the 21st Century.

It is built on 5 principles.

The first: competitiveness. At the core of the European Union must be, as it is now, the single market. Britain is at the heart of that Single Market, and must remain so.

But when the Single Market remains incomplete in services, energy and digital - the very sectors that are the engines of a modern economy - it is only half the success it could be.

It is nonsense that people shopping online in some parts of Europe are unable to access the best deals because of where they live. I want completing the single market to be our driving mission.

I want us to be at the forefront of transformative trade deals with the US, Japan and India as part of the drive towards global free trade. And I want us to be pushing to exempt Europe’s smallest entrepreneurial companies from more EU Directives.

These should be the tasks that get European officials up in the morning - and keep them working late into the night. And so we urgently need to address the sclerotic, ineffective decision making that is holding us back.

That means creating a leaner, less bureaucratic Union, relentlessly focused on helping its member countries to compete.

In a global race, can we really justify the huge number of expensive peripheral European institutions?

Can we justify a Commission that gets ever larger?

Can we carry on with an organisation that has a multi-billion pound budget but not enough focus on controlling spending and shutting down programmes that haven’t worked?

And I would ask: when the competitiveness of the Single Market is so important, why is there an environment council, a transport council, an education council but not a single market council?

The second principle should be flexibility.

We need a structure that can accommodate the diversity of its members - North, South, East, West, large, small, old and new. Some of whom are contemplating much closer economic and political integration. And many others, including Britain, who would never embrace that goal.

Competitiveness demands flexibility, choice and openness - or Europe will fetch up in a no-man’s land between the rising economies of Asia and market-driven North America.

The EU must be able to act with the speed and flexibility of a network, not the cumbersome rigidity of a bloc.

We must not be weighed down by an insistence on a one size fits all approach which implies that all countries want the same level of integration. The fact is that they don’t and we shouldn’t assert that they do.

Some will claim that this offends a central tenet of the EU’s founding philosophy. I say it merely reflects the reality of the European Union today. 17 members are part of the Eurozone. 10 are not.

26 European countries are members of Schengen - including 4 outside the European Union - Switzerland, Norway, Liechtenstein and Iceland. 2 EU countries - Britain and Ireland - have retained their border controls.

Some members, like Britain and France, are ready, willing and able to take action in Libya or Mali. Others are uncomfortable with the use of military force.

Let’s welcome that diversity, instead of trying to snuff it out.

Let’s stop all this talk of 2-speed Europe, of fast lanes and slow lanes, of countries missing trains and buses, and consign the whole weary caravan of metaphors to a permanent siding.

Instead, let’s start from this proposition: we are a family of democratic nations, all members of 1 European Union, whose essential foundation is the single market rather than the single currency. Those of us outside the euro recognise that those in it are likely to need to make some big institutional changes.

By the same token, the members of the Eurozone should accept that we, and indeed all Member States, will have changes that we need to safeguard our interests and strengthen democratic legitimacy. And we should be able to make these changes too.

Some say this will unravel the principle of the EU - and that you can’t pick and choose on the basis of what your nation needs.

But far from unravelling the EU, this will in fact bind its Members more closely because such flexible, willing cooperation is a much stronger glue than compulsion from the centre.

Let me make a further heretical proposition.

The European Treaty commits the Member States to “lay the foundations of an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe”.

This has been consistently interpreted as applying not to the peoples but rather to the states and institutions compounded by a European Court of Justice that has consistently supported greater centralisation.

We understand and respect the right of others to maintain their commitment to this goal. But for Britain - and perhaps for others - it is not the objective.

And we would be much more comfortable if the Treaty specifically said so freeing those who want to go further, faster, to do so, without being held back by the others.

So to those who say we have no vision for Europe.

I say we have.

Flexible union

This vision of flexibility and co-operation is not the same as those who want to build an ever closer political union - but it is just as valid.

My third principle is that power must be able to flow back to Member States, not just away from them. This was promised by European Leaders at Laeken a decade ago.

It was put in the Treaty. But the promise has never really been fulfilled. We need to implement this principle properly.

So let us use this moment, as the Dutch Prime Minister has recently suggested, to examine thoroughly what the EU as a whole should do and should stop doing.

In Britain we have already launched our balance of competences review - to give us an informed and objective analysis of where the EU helps and where it hampers.

Let us not be misled by the fallacy that a deep and workable single market requires everything to be harmonised, to hanker after some unattainable and infinitely level playing field.

In the same way we need to examine whether the balance is right in so many areas where the European Union has legislated including on the environment, social affairs and crime.

Nothing should be off the table.

My fourth principle is democratic accountability: we need to have a bigger and more significant role for national parliaments.

There is not, in my view, a single European demos.

It is national parliaments, which are, and will remain, the true source of real democratic legitimacy and accountability in the EU.

It is to the Bundestag that Angela Merkel has to answer. It is through the Greek Parliament that Antonis Samaras has to pass his government’s austerity measures.

It is to the British Parliament that I must account on the EU budget negotiations, or on the safeguarding of our place in the single market.

Those are the Parliaments which instil proper respect - even fear - into national leaders.

We need to recognise that in the way the EU does business.

My fifth principle is fairness: whatever new arrangements are enacted for the Eurozone, they must work fairly for those inside it and out.

Our participation in the single market, and our ability to help set its rules is the principal reason for our membership of the EU.

So it is a vital interest for us to protect the integrity and fairness of the single market for all its members.

And that is why Britain has been so concerned to promote and defend the single market as the Eurozone crisis rewrites the rules on fiscal coordination and banking union.

These 5 principles provide what, I believe, is the right approach for the European Union.

So now let me turn to what this means for Britain.

Today, public disillusionment with the EU is at an all time high. There are several reasons for this.

Put simply, many ask “why can’t we just have what we voted to join - a common market?”

They are angered by some legal judgements made in Europe that impact on life in Britain. Some of this antipathy about Europe in general really relates of course to the European Court of Human Rights, rather than the EU. And Britain is leading European efforts to address this.

There is, indeed, much more that needs to be done on this front. But people also feel that the EU is now heading for a level of political integration that is far outside Britain’s comfort zone.

They see Treaty after Treaty changing the balance between Member States and the EU. And note they were never given a say.

They’ve had referendums promised - but not delivered. They see what has happened to the Euro. And they note that many of our political and business leaders urged Britain to join at the time.

And they haven’t noticed many expressions of contrition.

And they look at the steps the Eurozone is taking and wonder what deeper integration for the Eurozone will mean for a country which is not going to join the Euro.

The result is that democratic consent for the EU in Britain is now wafer thin.

Some people say that to point this out is irresponsible, creates uncertainty for business and puts a question mark over Britain’s place in the European Union.

But the question mark is already there and ignoring it won’t make it go away.

In fact, quite the reverse. Those who refuse to contemplate consulting the British people, would in my view make more likely our eventual exit.

Simply asking the British people to carry on accepting a European settlement over which they have had little choice is a path to ensuring that when the question is finally put - and at some stage it will have to be - it is much more likely that the British people will reject the EU.

That is why I am in favour of a referendum. I believe in confronting this issue - shaping it, leading the debate. Not simply hoping a difficult situation will go away.

Some argue that the solution is therefore to hold a straight in-out referendum now.

I understand the impatience of wanting to make that choice immediately.

But I don’t believe that to make a decision at this moment is the right way forward, either for Britain or for Europe as a whole.

A vote today between the status quo and leaving would be an entirely false choice.

Now - while the EU is in flux, and when we don’t know what the future holds and what sort of EU will emerge from this crisis is not the right time to make such a momentous decision about the future of our country.

It is wrong to ask people whether to stay or go before we have had a chance to put the relationship right.

How can we sensibly answer the question ‘in or out’ without being able to answer the most basic question: ‘what is it exactly that we are choosing to be in or out of?’

The European Union that emerges from the Eurozone crisis is going to be a very different body. It will be transformed perhaps beyond recognition by the measures needed to save the Eurozone.

We need to allow some time for that to happen - and help to shape the future of the European Union, so that when the choice comes it will be a real one.

Real choice

A new settlement subject to the democratic legitimacy and accountability of national parliaments where Member States combine in flexible cooperation, respecting national differences not always trying to eliminate them and in which we have proved that some powers can in fact be returned to Member States.

In other words, a settlement which would be entirely in keeping with the mission for an updated European Union I have described today. More flexible, more adaptable, more open - fit for the challenges of the modern age.

And to those who say a new settlement can’t be negotiated, I would say listen to the views of other parties in other European countries arguing for powers to flow back to European states.

And look too at what we have achieved already. Ending Britain’s obligation to bail-out Eurozone members. Keeping Britain out of the fiscal compact. Launching a process to return some existing justice and home affairs powers. Securing protections on Banking Union. And reforming fisheries policy.

So we are starting to shape the reforms we need now. Some will not require Treaty change.

But I agree too with what President Barroso and others have said. At some stage in the next few years the EU will need to agree on Treaty change to make the changes needed for the long term future of the Euro and to entrench the diverse, competitive, democratically accountable Europe that we seek.

I believe the best way to do this will be in a new Treaty so I add my voice to those who are already calling for this.

My strong preference is to enact these changes for the entire EU, not just for Britain.

But if there is no appetite for a new Treaty for us all then of course Britain should be ready to address the changes we need in a negotiation with our European partners.

[Political content removed]

It will be a relationship with the Single Market at its heart.

It is time for the British people to have their say. It is time to settle this European question in British politics.

I say to the British people: this will be your decision.

And when that choice comes, you will have an important choice to make about our country’s destiny.

Of course Britain could make her own way in the world, outside the EU, if we chose to do so. So could any other Member State.

But the question we will have to ask ourselves is this: is that the very best future for our country?

We will have to weigh carefully where our true national interest lies.

Alone, we would be free to take our own decisions, just as we would be freed of our solemn obligation to defend our allies if we left NATO. But we don’t leave NATO because it is in our national interest to stay and benefit from its collective defence guarantee.

We have more power and influence - whether implementing sanctions against Iran or Syria, or promoting democracy in Burma - if we can act together.

If we leave the EU, we cannot of course leave Europe. It will remain for many years our biggest market, and forever our geographical neighbourhood. We are tied by a complex web of legal commitments.

Hundreds of thousands of British people now take for granted their right to work, live or retire in any other EU country.

Even if we pulled out completely, decisions made in the EU would continue to have a profound effect on our country. But we would have lost all our remaining vetoes and our voice in those decisions.

We would need to weigh up very carefully the consequences of no longer being inside the EU and its single market, as a full member.

Continued access to the Single Market is vital for British businesses and British jobs.

Since 2004, Britain has been the destination for 1 in 5 of all inward investments into Europe.

And being part of the Single Market has been key to that success.

There will be plenty of time to test all the arguments thoroughly, in favour and against the arrangement we negotiate. But let me just deal with 1 point we hear a lot about.

There are some who suggest we could turn ourselves into Norway or Switzerland - with access to the single market but outside the EU. But would that really be in our best interests?

I admire those countries and they are friends of ours - but they are very different from us. Norway sits on the biggest energy reserves in Europe, and has a sovereign wealth fund of over 500 billion euros. And while Norway is part of the single market - and pays for the principle - it has no say at all in setting its rules: it just has to implement its directives.

The Swiss have to negotiate access to the Single Market sector by sector. Accepting EU rules - over which they have no say - or else not getting full access to the Single Market, including in key sectors like financial services.

The fact is that if you join an organisation like the European Union, there are rules.

You will not always get what you want. But that does not mean we should leave - not if the benefits of staying and working together are greater.

We would have to think carefully too about the impact on our influence at the top table of international affairs. There is no doubt that we are more powerful in Washington, in Beijing, in Delhi because we are a powerful player in the European Union.

That matters for British jobs and British security.

We should think very carefully before giving that position up.

If we left the European Union, it would be a 1-way ticket, not a return.

So we will have time for a proper, reasoned debate.

At the end of that debate you, the British people, will decide.

And I say to our European partners, frustrated as some of them no doubt are by Britain’s attitude: work with us on this.

Consider the extraordinary steps which the Eurozone members are taking to keep the Euro together, steps which a year ago would have seemed impossible.

It does not seem to me that the steps which would be needed to make Britain - and others - more comfortable in their relationship in the European Union are inherently so outlandish or unreasonable.

And just as I believe that Britain should want to remain in the EU so the EU should want us to stay.

For an EU without Britain, without 1 of Europe’s strongest powers, a country which in many ways invented the single market, and which brings real heft to Europe’s influence on the world stage which plays by the rules and which is a force for liberal economic reform would be a very different kind of European Union.

And it is hard to argue that the EU would not be greatly diminished by Britain’s departure.

Let me finish today by saying this.

I have no illusions about the scale of the task ahead.

I know there will be those who say the vision I have outlined will be impossible to achieve. That there is no way our partners will co-operate. That the British people have set themselves on a path to inevitable exit. And that if we aren’t comfortable being in the EU after 40 years, we never will be.

But I refuse to take such a defeatist attitude - either for Britain or for Europe.

Because with courage and conviction I believe we can deliver a more flexible, adaptable and open European Union in which the interests and ambitions of all its members can be met.

With courage and conviction I believe we can achieve a new settlement in which Britain can be comfortable and all our countries can thrive.

Because I believe something very deeply. That Britain’s national interest is best served in a flexible, adaptable and open European Union and that such a European Union is best with Britain in it.

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The Evolving Danger of the New Bird Flu

An unusual outbreak of the disease has spread to dairy herds in multiple u.s. states..

This transcript was created using speech recognition software. While it has been reviewed by human transcribers, it may contain errors. Please review the episode audio before quoting from this transcript and email [email protected] with any questions.

From “The New York Times,” I’m Sabrina Tavernise, and this is “The Daily.”

[MUSIC PLAYING]

The outbreak of bird flu that is tearing through the nation’s poultry farms is the worst in US history. But scientists say it’s now starting to spread into places and species it’s never been before.

Today, my colleague, Emily Anthes, explains.

It’s Monday, April 22.

Emily, welcome back to the show.

Thanks for having me. Happy to be here.

So, Emily, we’ve been talking here on “The Daily” about prices of things and how they’ve gotten so high, mostly in the context of inflation episodes. And one of the items that keeps coming up is eggs. Egg prices were through the roof last year, and we learned it was related to this. Avian flu has been surging in the United States. You’ve been covering this. Tell us what’s happening.

Yes, so I have been covering this virus for the last few years. And the bird flu is absolutely tearing through poultry flocks, and that is affecting egg prices. That’s a concern for everyone, for me and for my family. But when it comes to scientists, egg prices are pretty low on their list of concerns. Because they see this bird flu virus behaving differently than previous versions have. And they’re getting nervous, in particular, about the fact that this virus is reaching places and species where it’s never been before.

OK, so bird flu, though, isn’t new. I mean I remember hearing about cases in Asia in the ‘90s. Remind us how it began.

Bird flu refers to a bunch of different viruses that are adapted to spread best in birds. Wild water birds, in particular, are known for carrying these viruses. And flu viruses are famous for also being shapeshifters. So they’re constantly swapping genes around and evolving into new strains. And as you mentioned back in the ‘90s, a new version of bird flu, a virus known as H5N1, emerged in Asia. And it has been spreading on and off around the world since then, causing periodic outbreaks.

And how are these outbreaks caused?

So wild birds are the reservoir for the virus, which means they carry it in their bodies with them around the world as they fly and travel and migrate. And most of the time, these wild birds, like ducks and geese, don’t even get very sick from this virus. But they shed it. So as they’re traveling over a poultry farm maybe, if they happen to go to the bathroom in a pond that the chickens on the farm are using or eat some of the feed that chickens on the farm are eating, they can leave the virus behind.

And the virus can get into chickens. In some cases, it causes mild illness. It’s what’s known as low pathogenic avian influenza. But sometimes the virus mutates and evolves, and it can become extremely contagious and extremely fatal in poultry.

OK, so the virus comes through wild birds, but gets into farms like this, as you’re describing. How have farms traditionally handled outbreaks, when they do happen?

Well, because this threat isn’t new, there is a pretty well-established playbook for containing outbreaks. It’s sometimes known as stamping out. And brutally, what it means is killing the birds. So the virus is so deadly in this highly pathogenic form that it’s sort of destined to kill all the birds on a farm anyway once it gets in. So the response has traditionally been to proactively depopulate or cull all the birds, so it doesn’t have a chance to spread.

So that’s pretty costly for farmers.

It is. Although the US has a program where it will reimburse farmers for their losses. And the way these reimbursements work is they will reimburse farmers only for the birds that are proactively culled, and not for those who die naturally from the virus. And the thinking behind that is it’s a way to incentivize farmers to report outbreaks early.

So, OK, lots of chickens are killed in a way to manage these outbreaks. So we know how to deal with them. But what about now? Tell me about this new strain.

So this new version of the virus, it emerged in 2020.

After the deadly outbreak of the novel coronavirus, authorities have now confirmed an outbreak of the H5N1 strain of influenza, a kind of bird flu.

And pretty quickly it became clear that a couple things set it apart.

A bald eagle found dead at Carvins Cove has tested positive for the highly contagious bird flu.

This virus, for whatever reason, seemed very good at infecting all sorts of wild birds that we don’t normally associate with bird flu.

[BIRD CRYING]

He was kind of stepping, and then falling over, and using its wing to right itself.

Things like eagles and condors and pelicans.

We just lost a parliament of owls in Minneapolis.

Yeah, a couple of high profile nests.

And also in the past, wild birds have not traditionally gotten very sick from this virus. And this version of the virus not only spread widely through the wild bird population, but it proved to be devastating.

The washing up along the East Coast of the country from Scotland down to Suffolk.

We were hearing about mass die-offs of seabirds in Europe by the hundreds and the thousands.

And the bodies of the dead dot the island wherever you look.

Wow. OK. So then as we know, this strain, like previous ones, makes its way from wild animals to farmed animals, namely to chickens. But it’s even more deadly.

Absolutely. And in fact, it has already caused the worst bird flu outbreak in US history. So more than 90 million birds in the US have died as a result of this virus.

90 million birds.

Yes, and I should be clear that represents two things. So some of those birds are birds who naturally got infected and died from the virus. But the vast majority of them are birds that were proactively culled. What it adds up to is, is 90 million farmed birds in the US have died since this virus emerged. And it’s not just a chicken problem. Another thing that has been weird about this virus is it has jumped into other kinds of farms. It is the first time we’ve seen a bird flu virus jump into US livestock.

And it’s now been reported on a number of dairy farms across eight US states. And that’s just something that’s totally unprecedented.

So it’s showing up at Dairy farms now. You’re saying that bird flu has now spread to cows. How did that happen?

So we don’t know exactly how cows were first infected, but most scientists’ best guess is that maybe an infected wild bird that was migrating shed the virus into some cattle feed or a pasture or a pond, and cattle picked it up. The good news is they don’t seem to get nearly as sick as chickens do. They are generally making full recoveries on their own in a couple of weeks.

OK, so no mass culling of cows?

No, that doesn’t seem to be necessary at this point. But the bad news is that it’s starting to look like we’re seeing this virus spread from cow to cow. We don’t know exactly how that’s happening yet. But anytime you see cow-to-cow or mammal-to-mammal transmission, that’s a big concern.

And why is that exactly?

Well, there are a bunch of reasons. First, it could allow the outbreak to get much bigger, much faster, which might increase the risk to the food supply. And we might also expect it to increase the risk to farm workers, people who might be in contact with these sick cows.

Right now, the likelihood that a farmer who gets this virus passes it on is pretty low. But any time you see mammal-to-mammal transmission, it increases the chance that the virus will adapt and possibly, maybe one day get good at spreading between humans. To be clear, that’s not something that there’s any evidence happening in cows right now. But the fact that there’s any cow-to-cow transmission happening at all is enough to have scientists a bit concerned.

And then if we think more expansively beyond what’s happening on farms, there’s another big danger lurking out there. And that’s what happens when this virus gets into wild animals, vast populations that we can’t control.

We’ll be right back.

So, Emily, you said that another threat was the threat of flu in wild animal populations. Clearly, of course, it’s already in wild birds. Where else has it gone?

Well, the reason it’s become such a threat is because of how widespread it’s become in wild birds. So they keep reintroducing it to wild animal populations pretty much anywhere they go. So we’ve seen the virus repeatedly pop up in all sorts of animals that you might figure would eat a wild bird, so foxes, bobcats, bears. We actually saw it in a polar bear, raccoons. So a lot of carnivores and scavengers.

The thinking is that these animals might stumble across a sick or dead bird, eat it, and contract the virus that way. But we’re also seeing it show up in some more surprising places, too. We’ve seen the virus in a bottle-nosed dolphin, of all places.

And most devastatingly, we’ve seen enormous outbreaks in other sorts of marine mammals, especially sea lions and seals.

So elephant seals, in particular in South America, were just devastated by this virus last fall. My colleague Apoorva Mandavilli and I were talking to some scientists in South America who described to us what they called a scene from hell, of walking out onto a beach in Argentina that is normally crowded with chaotic, living, breathing, breeding, elephant seals — and the beach just being covered by carcass, after carcass, after carcass.

Mostly carcasses of young newborn pups. The virus seemed to have a mortality rate of 95 percent in these elephant seal pups, and they estimated that it might have killed more than 17,000 of the pups that were born last year. So almost the entire new generation of this colony. These are scientists that have studied these seals for decades. And they said they’ve never seen anything like it before.

And why is it so far reaching, Emily? I mean, what explains these mass die-offs?

There are probably a few explanations. One is just how much virus is out there in the environment being shed by wild birds into water and onto beaches. These are also places that viruses like this haven’t been before. So it’s reaching elephant seals and sea lions in South America that have no prior immunity.

There’s also the fact that these particular species, these sea lions and seals, tend to breed in these huge colonies all crowded together on beaches. And so what that means is if a virus makes its way into the colony, it’s very conducive conditions for it to spread. And scientists think that that’s actually what’s happening now. That it’s not just that all these seals are picking up the virus from individual birds, but that they’re actually passing it to each other.

So basically, this virus is spreading to places it’s never been before, kind of virgin snow territory, where animals just don’t have the immunity against it. And once it gets into a population packed on a beach, say, of elephant seals, it’s just like a knife through butter.

Absolutely. And an even more extreme example of that is what we’re starting to see happen in Antarctica, where there’s never been a bird flu outbreak before until last fall, for the first time, this virus reached the Antarctic mainland. And we are now seeing the virus move through colonies of not only seabirds and seals, but penguin colonies, which have not been exposed to these viruses before.

And it’s too soon to say what the toll will be. But penguins also, of course, are known for breeding in these large colonies.

Probably. don’t have many immune defenses against this virus, and of course, are facing all these other environmental threats. And so there’s a lot of fear that you add on the stress of a bird flu virus, and it could just be a tipping point for penguins.

Emily, at this point, I’m kind of wondering why more people aren’t talking about this. I mean, I didn’t know any of this before having this conversation with you, and it feels pretty worrying.

Well, a lot of experts and scientists are talking about this with rising alarm and in terms that are quite stark. They’re talking about the virus spreading through wild animal populations so quickly and so ferociously that they’re calling it an ecological disaster.

But that’s a disaster that sometimes seems distant from us, both geographically, we’re talking about things that are happening maybe at the tip of Argentina or in Antarctica. And also from our concerns of our everyday lives, what’s happening in Penguins might not seem like it has a lot to do with the price of a carton of eggs at the grocery store. But I think that we should be paying a lot of attention to how this virus is moving through animal populations, how quickly it’s moving through animal populations, and the opportunities that it is giving the virus to evolve into something that poses a much bigger threat to human health.

So the way it’s spreading in wild animals, even in remote places like Antarctica, that’s important to watch, at least in part because there’s a real danger to people here.

So we know that the virus can infect humans, and that generally it’s not very good at spreading between humans. But the concern all along has been that if this virus has more opportunities to spread between mammals, it will get better at spreading between them. And that seems to be what is happening in seals and sea lions. Scientists are already seeing evidence that the virus is adapting as it passes from marine mammal to marine mammal. And that could turn it into a virus that’s also better at spreading between people.

And if somebody walks out onto a beach and touches a dead sea lion, if their dog starts playing with a sea lion carcass, you could imagine that this virus could make its way out of marine mammals and into the human population. And if it’s this mammalian adapted version of the virus that makes its way out, that could be a bigger threat to human health.

So the sheer number of hosts that this disease has, the more opportunity it has to mutate, and the more chance it has to mutate in a way that would actually be dangerous for people.

Yes, and in particular, the more mammalian hosts. So that gives the virus many more opportunities to become a specialist in mammals instead of a specialist in birds, which is what it is right now.

Right. I like that, a specialist in mammals. So what can we do to contain this virus?

Well, scientists are exploring new options. There’s been a lot of discussion about whether we should start vaccinating chickens in the US. The government, USDA labs, have been testing some poultry vaccines. It’s probably scientifically feasible. There are challenges there, both in terms of logistics — just how would you go about vaccinating billions of chickens every year. There are also trade questions. Traditionally, a lot of countries have not been willing to accept poultry products from countries that vaccinate their poultry.

And there’s concern about whether the virus might spread undetected in flocks that are vaccinated. So as we saw with COVID, the vaccine can sometimes stop you from getting sick, but it doesn’t necessarily stop infection. And so countries are worried they might unknowingly import products that are harboring the virus.

And what about among wild animals? I mean, how do you even begin to get your head around that?

Yeah, I mean, thinking about vaccinating wild animals maybe makes vaccinating all the chickens in the US look easy. There has been some discussion of limited vaccination campaigns, but that’s not feasible on a global scale. So unfortunately, the bottom line is there isn’t a good way to stop spread in wild animals. We can try to protect some vulnerable populations, but we’re not going to stop the circulation of this virus.

So, Emily, we started this conversation with a kind of curiosity that “The Daily” had about the price of eggs. And then you explained the bird flu to us. And then somehow we ended up learning about an ecological disaster that’s unfolding all around us, and potentially the source of the next human pandemic. That is pretty scary.

It is scary, and it’s easy to get overwhelmed by it. And I feel like I should take a step back and say none of this is inevitable. None of this is necessarily happening tomorrow. But this is why scientists are concerned and why they think it’s really important to keep a very close eye on what’s happening both on farms and off farms, as this virus spreads through all sorts of animal populations.

One thing that comes up again and again and again in my interviews with people who have been studying bird flu for decades, is how this virus never stops surprising them. And sometimes those are bad surprises, like these elephant seal die-offs, the incursions into dairy cattle. But there are some encouraging signs that have emerged recently. We’re starting to see some early evidence that some of the bird populations that survived early brushes with this virus might be developing some immunity. So that’s something that maybe could help slow the spread of this virus in animal populations.

We just don’t entirely know how this is going to play out. Flu is a very difficult, wily foe. And so that’s one reason scientists are trying to keep such a close, attentive eye on what’s happening.

Emily, thank you.

Thanks for having me.

Here’s what else you should know today.

On this vote, the yeas are 366 and the nays are 58. The bill is passed.

On Saturday, in four back-to-back votes, the House voted resoundingly to approve a long-stalled package of aid to Ukraine, Israel and other American allies, delivering a major victory to President Biden, who made aid to Ukraine one of his top priorities.

On this vote, the yeas are 385, and the no’s are 34 with one answering present. The bill is passed without objection.

The House passed the component parts of the $95 billion package, which included a bill that could result in a nationwide ban of TikTok.

On this vote, the yeas are 311 and the nays are 112. The bill is passed.

Oh, one voting present. I missed it, but thank you.

In a remarkable breach of custom, Democrats stepped in to supply the crucial votes to push the legislation past hard-line Republican opposition and bring it to the floor.

The House will be in order.

The Senate is expected to pass the legislation as early as Tuesday.

Today’s episode was produced by Rikki Novetsky, Nina Feldman, Eric Krupke, and Alex Stern. It was edited by Lisa Chow and Patricia Willens; contains original music by Marion Lozano, Dan Powell, Rowan Niemisto, and Sophia Lanman; and was engineered by Chris Wood. Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk of Wonderly. Special thanks to Andrew Jacobs.

That’s it for “The Daily.” I’m Sabrina Tavernise. See you tomorrow.

April 24, 2024 • 32:18 Is $60 Billion Enough to Save Ukraine?
April 23, 2024 • 30:30 A Salacious Conspiracy or Just 34 Pieces of Paper?
April 22, 2024 • 24:30 The Evolving Danger of the New Bird Flu
April 19, 2024 • 30:42 The Supreme Court Takes Up Homelessness
April 18, 2024 • 30:07 The Opening Days of Trump’s First Criminal Trial
April 17, 2024 • 24:52 Are ‘Forever Chemicals’ a Forever Problem?
April 16, 2024 • 29:29 A.I.’s Original Sin
April 15, 2024 • 24:07 Iran’s Unprecedented Attack on Israel
April 14, 2024 • 46:17 The Sunday Read: ‘What I Saw Working at The National Enquirer During Donald Trump’s Rise’
April 12, 2024 • 34:23 How One Family Lost $900,000 in a Timeshare Scam
April 11, 2024 • 28:39 The Staggering Success of Trump’s Trial Delay Tactics
April 10, 2024 • 22:49 Trump’s Abortion Dilemma

Hosted by Sabrina Tavernise

Produced by Rikki Novetsky , Nina Feldman , Eric Krupke and Alex Stern

Edited by Lisa Chow and Patricia Willens

Original music by Marion Lozano , Dan Powell , Rowan Niemisto and Sophia Lanman

Engineered by Chris Wood

Listen and follow The Daily Apple Podcasts | Spotify | Amazon Music

The outbreak of bird flu currently tearing through the nation’s poultry is the worst in U.S. history. Scientists say it is now spreading beyond farms into places and species it has never been before.

Emily Anthes, a science reporter for The Times, explains.

On today’s episode

Emily Anthes , a science reporter for The New York Times.

Two dead pelicans are pictured from above lying on the shore where the water meets a rocky beach.

Background reading

Scientists have faulted the federal response to bird flu outbreaks on dairy farms .

Here’s what to know about the outbreak.

There are a lot of ways to listen to The Daily. Here’s how.

We aim to make transcripts available the next workday after an episode’s publication. You can find them at the top of the page.

Special thanks to Andrew Jacobs .

The Daily is made by Rachel Quester, Lynsea Garrison, Clare Toeniskoetter, Paige Cowett, Michael Simon Johnson, Brad Fisher, Chris Wood, Jessica Cheung, Stella Tan, Alexandra Leigh Young, Lisa Chow, Eric Krupke, Marc Georges, Luke Vander Ploeg, M.J. Davis Lin, Dan Powell, Sydney Harper, Mike Benoist, Liz O. Baylen, Asthaa Chaturvedi, Rachelle Bonja, Diana Nguyen, Marion Lozano, Corey Schreppel, Rob Szypko, Elisheba Ittoop, Mooj Zadie, Patricia Willens, Rowan Niemisto, Jody Becker, Rikki Novetsky, John Ketchum, Nina Feldman, Will Reid, Carlos Prieto, Ben Calhoun, Susan Lee, Lexie Diao, Mary Wilson, Alex Stern, Dan Farrell, Sophia Lanman, Shannon Lin, Diane Wong, Devon Taylor, Alyssa Moxley, Summer Thomad, Olivia Natt, Daniel Ramirez and Brendan Klinkenberg.

Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk of Wonderly. Special thanks to Sam Dolnick, Paula Szuchman, Lisa Tobin, Larissa Anderson, Julia Simon, Sofia Milan, Mahima Chablani, Elizabeth Davis-Moorer, Jeffrey Miranda, Renan Borelli, Maddy Masiello, Isabella Anderson and Nina Lassam.

Sunak refuses to rule out July general election

Many Westminster analysts see October or November as favoured period for poll, with Jan 28 latest possible date

Rishi Sunak repeated that his 'working assumption is an election in the second half of the year'

Rishi Sunak has refused to rule out a July general election , repeating his intention to call a vote in the second half of the year.

The Prime Minister, travelling to Poland on Tuesday to announce a defence spending boost and a military aid package for Ukraine, told reporters: “All I’m going to say is the same thing I say every time.

“As I said, I think it was in the first week of January, my working assumption is an election in the second half of the year .”

Many Westminster analysts see October or November as the favoured period for an election. The latest possible general election date for a ballot is Jan 28 next year.

But a disastrous set of local election results next month could force Mr Sunak’s hand, either by bringing a challenge to his leadership or by persuading him that an earlier polling day could be better than limping on with a divided party.

Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor, said recently that the “feelgood factor” of interest rate cuts would be stronger in the autumn in an apparent hint at the timing of the election .

Asked whether he would commit to a deportation flight to Rwanda taking off before the vote, Mr Sunak said: “As I said, 10 to 12 weeks – that’s what we’re working towards.”

The Prime Minister also downplayed reports that Andy Street, the West Midlands mayor , had excluded references to the Tory party in his campaign material ahead of the May 2 contest.

Mr Sunak said: “Actually, I think what these local elections allow us to do is demonstrate what the reality of Labour in power means.

“You mentioned the West Midlands – what have we got, Andy Street, who has attracted more inward investment than I think Wales and Scotland combined, smashing all his housing targets, attracting investment in transport infrastructure?

“Meanwhile, Labour-run Birmingham council have bankrupted the largest local authority in Europe, and they’re saddling people with a 21 per cent council tax rise .”

Mr Sunak was visiting Warsaw and Berlin to talk defence and security with the leaders of Poland, Nato and Germany.

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Chaos in dubai as uae records heaviest rainfall in 75 years.

Chaos ensued in the United Arab Emirates after the country witnessed the heaviest rainfall in 75 years, with some areas recording more than 250 mm (around 10 inches) of precipitation in fewer than 24 hours, the state’s media office said in a statement Wednesday .

The rainfall, which flooded streets, uprooted palm trees and shattered building facades, has never been seen in the Middle Eastern nation since records began in 1949 . In the popular tourist destination Dubai, flights were canceled, traffic came to a halt and schools closed.

One-hundred millimeters (nearly 4 inches) of rain fell over the course of just 12 hours on Tuesday, according to weather observations at the airport – around what Dubai usually records in an entire year , according to United Nations data.

The rain fell so heavily and so quickly that some motorists were forced to abandon their vehicles as the floodwater rose and roads turned into rivers.

Extreme rainfall events like this are becoming more common as the atmosphere warms due to human-driven climate change . A warmer atmosphere is able to soak up more moisture like a towel and then ring it out in the form of flooding rainfall.

The weather conditions were associated with a larger storm system traversing the Arabian Peninsula and moving across the Gulf of Oman. This same system is also bringing unusually wet weather to nearby Oman and southeastern Iran.

In Oman, at least 18 were killed in flash floods triggered by heavy rain, the country’s National Committee for Emergency Management said . Casualties included schoolchildren, according to Oman’s state news agency.

Cars are stuck on a flooded road after a rainstorm hit Dubai, United Arab Emirates on Wednesday.

A 70-year-old man died after flooding swept away his vehicle in the UAE’s Ras Al-Khaimah, a police statement said on Tuesday.

The rainfall continued to shift east Wednesday, impacting parts of southern Iran and Pakistan, areas that see little rainfall this time of year. Iran’s southernmost city of Chabahar, in the Sistan and Baluchestan province, recorded 130 mm of rain.

People attempting to travel by road into the center of Dubai on Wednesday were trapped on the city’s highway.

“The scary part is that there was nowhere you can go,” said Sofie, a Dubai resident who declined to provide a last name. Sofie ended up stranded outside her home for nearly 12 hours, some of which were spent sleeping in her car as surrounding roads remained submerged.

Some taxi drivers refused to take the commuters any further due to the blocked roads, rendering them stuck on the main artery in Dubai.

Commuters were seen walking across the road through giant puddles, trying to find alternative methods of transportation. Some of those stuck had travelled from abroad to Dubai to attend the World Blockchain Summit, a crypto conference scheduled for early next week.

Airport operations disrupted

Shocking video showed the tarmac of Dubai International Airport – recently crowned the second-busiest airport in the world – underwater as massive aircraft attempt to navigate floodwaters . Large jets looked more like boats moving through the flooded airport as water sprayed in their wake and waves rippled through the deep water.

Disruption to airport operations continued into Wednesday, after the storm had cleared, with access roads blocked by flooding and multiple airlines including flag carrier Emirates reporting flight delays. Budget airline Flydubai canceled all flights until 10 a.m. local time Wednesday.

On Wednesday morning, Dubai International advised people to “ NOT to come to the airport, unless absolutely necessary,” saying flights continue to be delayed and diverted.

Emirates suspended check-in for passengers departing Dubai from 8 a.m. local time on Wednesday until midnight on Thursday due to “operational challengers caused by bad weather and road conditions.”

Passengers queue at a flight connection desk at the Dubai International Airport in Dubai on Wednesday.

Some 134 million passengers flew through the UAE’s airports last year, including 87 million traveling through Dubai International Airport alone. The UAE is home to approximately 10 million people. The UAE is a hub for five airlines.

Video shared on social media showed furniture flying off balconies. In the Dubai Marina, a manmade canal lined with skyscrapers and retail outlets, furniture from nearby restaurants could be seen washed away by strong currents.

Images published in local media showed traffic gridlocked on Dubai’s Sheikh Zayed Road, a 16-lane thoroughfare. Luxury cars were seen almost entirely submerged in the Business Bay district that is home to apartment buildings, offices and retail outlets. A Dubai Metro station was flooded with commuters having to wade through ankle-deep water.

People wade through a submerged street under a bridge after heavy rain in the United Arab Emirates on Tuesday.

Delivery services stopped functioning and many Dubai residents were unable to leave their homes due to waterlogged streets, which cars and pedestrians couldn’t access. Some residents were seen rowing canoes outside their homes, and one viral video on social media showed residents wake boarding on a flooded street in a residential area.

Other videos from social media showed water rushing through a major shopping mall and inundating the ground floor of homes.

Madiha Khawaja, a tourist visiting from London with her husband and two children, aged two and four, said she felt “helpless” trying to calm her children amid the chaos.

The rain had disrupted building lifts, including in some of Dubai’s tallest skyscrapers. Khawaja said she spent 45 minutes taking the stairs to her 27th floor apartment in the heart of Dubai to find rest and shelter for her toddlers.

The journey was “grueling,” she said, adding that “upon reaching our apartment with hungry and tired kids, we were met with dry taps, no drinking water, no telephone service, no WiFi connection.”

“The kids were hungry, and I as a mother was getting very anxious and upset,” she told CNN.

An official at the UAE’s National Center of Meteorology was cited by local newspaper The National as saying that the rain was not caused by cloud seeding , putting to rest rumors that the chaos was man-made. CNN has reached out to the center for comment.

The practice is meant to enhance rainfall in arid or semi-arid regions and entails the “seeding” of existing clouds with substances that eventually help the clouds induce rain. The UAE has been cloud-seeding since the 1990s and has been doing it regularly over the past few years.

Like the rest of the Persian Gulf region, Dubai has a hot and dry climate. As such, rainfall is infrequent, and the city’s infrastructure often fails to handle extreme weather events.

CNN’s Abbas Al Lawati, Teele Rebane, Kathleen Magramo, Mostafa Salem, Sophie Tanno and team Eleni Giokos contributed reporting.

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