Political Instability And Uncertainty Loom Large In Nepal
By gaurab shumsher thapa.
- February 16, 2021
This article was originally published in South Asian Voices.
Nepal’s domestic politics have been undergoing a turbulent and significant shift. On December 20, 2020, at the recommendation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, President Bidya Devi Bhandari dissolved the House of Representatives, calling for snap elections in April and May 2021. Oli’s move was a result of a serious internal rift within the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) that threatened to depose him from power. Opposition parties and other civil society stakeholders have condemned the move as unconstitutional and several writs have been filed against the move at the Supreme Court (SC) with hearings underway. Massive protests have taken place condemning the prime minister’s move. If the SC reinstates the parliament, Oli is in course to lose the moral authority to govern and could be subject to a vote of no-confidence. If the SC validates his move, it is unclear if he would be able to return to power with a majority.
The formation of a strong government after decades of political instability was expected to lead to a socioeconomic transformation of Nepal. Regardless of the SC’s decision, the country is likely to see an escalation of political tensions in the days ahead. The internal rift that led to the December parliamentary dissolution and the political dimensions of the current predicament along with the domestic and geopolitical implications of internal political instability will lead to a serious and long-term weakening of Nepal’s democratic fabric.
Power Sharing and Legitimacy in the NCP
Differences between NCP chairs Oli and former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal have largely premised on a power-sharing arrangement, leading to a vertical division in the party. In the December 2017 parliamentary elections, a coalition between the Oli-led Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist or UML) and the Dahal-led Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center or MC) won nearly two-thirds of the seats. In May 2018, both parties merged to form the NCP. However, internal politics weakened this merger. While both the factions claim to represent the authentic party, the Election Commission has sought clarifications from both factions before deciding on the matter. According to the Political Party Act , the faction that can substantiate its claim by providing signatures of at least 40 percent of its central committee members is eligible to get recognized as the official party. The faction that is officially recognized will get the privilege of retaining the party and election symbol, while the unrecognized faction will have to register as a new party which can hamper its future electoral prospects. A faction led by Dahal and former Prime Minister Madahav Kumar Nepal, was planning to initiate a vote of no-confidence motion against Oli but, sensing an imminent threat to his position, Oli decided to motion for the dissolution of the parliament.
Internal Party Dynamics
Several internal political dynamics have led to the current state of turmoil within the NCP. Dahal has accused Oli of disregarding the power-sharing arrangement agreed upon during the formation of NCP according to which Oli was supposed to hand over either the premiership or the executive chairmanship of the party to Dahal. In September 2020, both the leaders reached an agreement under which Oli would serve the remainder of his term as prime minister and Dahal would act as the executive chair of the party. Yet, Oli failed to demonstrate any intention to relinquish either post, increasing friction within the party. Additionally, Oli made unilateral appointments to several cabinet and government positions, further consolidating his individual authority over the newly formed NCP. He also sidelined the senior leader of the NCP and former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, leading Nepal to side with Dahal over Oli. Consequently, Oli chose to dissolve the parliament and seek a fresh mandate rather than face a vote of no-confidence. Importantly, party unity between the Marxist-Leninist CPN (UML) and the Maoist CPN (MC) did not lead to expected ideological unification.
Domestic Politics and Geopolitics
Geopolitical factors and external actors have historically impacted Nepal’s domestic political landscape. Recently, in a bid to cement his authority over the NCP, Oli has attempted to improve ties with India—lately strained due to Nepal’s inclusion of disputed territories in its new political map—resulting in recent high-level visits from both countries. India has also provided Nepal with one million doses of COVID-19 vaccines as part of its vaccine diplomacy efforts in the region. However, while India has previously interfered in Nepal’s domestic politics , it has described the current power struggle as an “ internal matter ” to prevent backlash from Nepali policymakers and to avoid a potential spillover of political unrest.
However, India’s traditionally dominant influence in Nepal has been challenged by China’s ascendancy in recent years. Due to fears of Tibetans potentially using Nepal’s soil to conduct anti-China activities, China considers Nepal important to its national security strategy. Beijing has traditionally maintained a non-interventionist approach to foreign policy; however, this approach is gradually changing as is evident from the Chinese ambassador to Nepal’s proactive efforts to address current crises within the NCP. Nepal’s media speculates that China is in favor of keeping the NCP intact as the ideological affinity between the NCP and the Communist Party of China could help China exert its political and economic influence over Nepal.
Although China is aware of India’s traditionally influential role in Nepal, it is also skeptical of growing U.S. interest in the Himalayan state; especially considering Oli’s push for parliamentary approval of the USD $500 million Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) grant assistance from the United States to finance the construction of electrical transmission lines in Nepal. In contrast, Dahal has opposed the MCC and has described it as part of the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Strategy to contain China. Given Nepal is a signatory to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing might prefer development projects under the BRI framework and could lobby the Nepali government to delay or reject U.S.-led projects.
Implications for Future Governance
After the political changes of 2006 which ended Nepal’s decade-long armed conflict, it was expected that political stability would usher in economic development to the country. Moreover, a strong majority government under Oli raised hopes of achieving modernization. Sadly, ruling party leaders have instead engaged in a bitter power struggle, and government corruption scandals have undermined trust in the administration.
Amidst the current turmoil within the NCP, the main opposition party, Nepali Congress (NC), is hoping that an NCP division will raise its prospects of coming to power in the future. Although the NC has denounced Oli’s move for snap elections as unconstitutional, it has also stated that it will not shy away from elections if the SC decides to dissolve the lower house. Sensing increasing instability, several royalist parties and groups have accused the government of corruption and protested on the streets for the reinstatement of the Hindu state and constitutional monarchy to reinvent and stabilize Nepal’s image and identity.
The last parliamentary elections had provided a mandate of five years for the NCP to govern the country. However, Oli decided to seek a fresh mandate, claiming that the Dahal-Nepal faction obstructed the smooth functioning of the government. Unfortunately, domestic political instability has resurfaced as the result of an internal personality rift within the party. This worsening democratic situation will not benefit either India or China—both want to circumvent potential spillover effects. Even if the SC validates Oli’s move, elections in April are not confirmed. If elections were not held within six months from the date of dissolution, a constitutional crisis could occur. If the Supreme Court overturns Oli’s decision, he could lose his position as both the prime minister and the NCP chair. Regardless of the outcome, Nepali politics is bound to face deepening uncertainty in the days ahead.
This article was originally published in South Asian Voices.
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The political instability in Nepal and its geopolitical implications
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Nepal Democracy
Keeping Freedom in Ne's Work
Politics in Nepal: Challenges and Opportunities
Nepal, a small Himalayan country located between India and China, has a complex political landscape. Since the transition from monarchy to republic in 2008, Nepal has witnessed numerous changes in its political system , including the adoption of a new constitution in 2015. However, the country still faces many challenges in terms of political stability and governance.
Political System
Nepal is a federal democratic republic with a bicameral parliament and a multi-party system. However, debates and controversies regarding federalism, representation, and minority rights continue despite the adoption of a new constitution in 2015.
Political Parties
Nepal has a vibrant political party system with more than 100 registered political parties. The major parties include the Nepal Communist Party, Nepali Congress, and Rastriya Janata Party. However, the frequent changes in political alliances and leadership have led to instability and uncertainty in the political landscape.
Political Challenges
Nepal faces major challenges in its political system including corruption, which has negatively impacted economic development and social welfare. Other challenges include inadequate infrastructure, limited access to education and healthcare, and issues related to human rights and gender equality.
Opportunities for Political Reform
Nepal has opportunities for political reform and development, including a young and growing population, a strategic location, and abundant natural resources. The country has also made significant progress in political stability and democratic governance since the end of the civil war in 2006.
Government Opportunities
The government in Nepal is exploring new initiatives to promote sustainable transportation, including incentivizing the use of eco-friendly options like the Electric Scooter. These efforts can help reduce Nepal’s carbon footprint and improve the health and well-being of its citizens.
Additionally, the government can leverage this opportunity to promote economic growth and job creation in the clean energy sector. By teaching on how to wash Mi Electric Scooters to properly maintain it. Nepalese citizens can contribute to the success of this initiative and help shape the future of sustainable transportation in their country.
The political landscape in Nepal is complex and multifaceted, with both challenges and opportunities.
Addressing the challenges facing the country will require a concerted effort from all stakeholders, including the following:
Civil society
Private sector.
By working together, Nepal can harness its potential and achieve greater political stability, social welfare, and economic development.
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Nepali Politics: Political Parties, Political Crisis and Problem of Governance
Usually an organization is created to perform one particular function. When that function is no longer needed, the organization faces a major crisis. It either finds a new function or reconciles itself to a lingering death (Huntington, 1965). Nepali politics is in a state of transitional flux. The initial transition phase, backed by the spirit of the 1990 popular movement and restoration of multi-party system in April 1990, promulgation of a new Constitution in November 1990, general elections 1991 and local elections 1992, was smooth in demolishing partyless panchayat structures and setting up democratic institutions. The stability of the obtaining democratic structures is ensured by the Constitution providing for popular sovereignty, constitutional monarchy, multi-party parliamentary system, and fundamental rights of citizens as unamendable (Constitution, 1990). The avowed commitment to the fundamental principles of the Constitution by both the rightist Rashtriya Prajatantra Party...
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Political parties, as representatives of diverse socio-political and economic views, they are the lifeblood of democracy in a country. They ensure the participation of different class and walks of life in the nation- building and decision making process. In this regard political parties are the integral part of the successful conclusion of a mature democracy in a country. In the Case of Nepali politics, the emergence of political parties associated with the Asian resurgence and anticolonial movements in India. And finally political parties in Nepal lead the anti Rana Movements in 1950, and established a democratic government which was led by the Nepali Congress. The Nepali Congress, along with six other parties called Seven Party Alliance Party alliance organise massive protest against Party less Panchayat System in 1990 which was introduced by the King. It was again led the second People’s Movement under the banner of the United Peoples Front along with the Maoist in 2006. And in the 2013 Constituent Assembly Election it had made a successful victory, gained highest seats in the Constituent Assembly.
Starting with a short introduction into the historical development of political parties in Nepal, this presentation concentrates on the events after 1990. Since then, executive and legislative powers have been in the hands of the political parties. Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, the two leading parties of the 1990 system, failed to develop the young democracy into an inclusive system. This gave rise to the Maoist insurgency that pretended to fight for the rights of the excluded sections of society. After the intermezzo of a royal putsch, Nepali politics faced a people's movement in 2006 that led to a new beginning with the intention of guaranteeing a durable peace and replacing the constitutional monarchy by a federal republican system. Despite successful elections to a constituent assembly in April 2008 and the abolition of monarchy one month later, the political parties have not been able to reach these two goals, yet. The crisis culminated once again on May 28, 2011, when the t...
South Asia Masala http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/blogs/southasiamasala/2013/12/16/constituent-assembly-election-ii-in-nepal-will-it-end-the-prolonged-political-transition-3/, 2013
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Three and a half years after the overwhelming electoral victory of communist parties, the government led by Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli has come to an end after long internal party power struggles and various decisions of the Supreme Court (SC). Twice, Oli dissolved the House of Representatives (HoR) in order to avoid pressure from the elected representatives. Both times, the SC declared this unconstitutional and reinstated the House of Representatives. Oli could not be forced out of power either by a vote of confidence in parliament, which he lost in the meantime, or by the opposition's proof that it had sufficient votes for Sher Bahadur Deuba (Nepali Congress) as alternative prime minister. On 12 July 2021, the SC ordered Oli's replacement by Deuba. The latter won the necessary vote of confidence in the reinstated HoR on 18 July by a two-thirds majority. Factionalism in the political parties All Nepali parties do not represent a real unity. This began with the oldest party still in existence, the Nepali Congress (NC), shortly after it was founded in the late 1940s in exile in India. Real splits are rare, but do occur occasionally. Sometimes the split parties reunite later, such as the CPN-UML (Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist-Leninist) after a split in 1998 and the NC after a group around the current leader Deuba split from the parent party in 2002.
Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and Society, 2020
Nepali Congress (NC) is one of the oldest political party of Nepal. It played a vital role to abolish the century long autocratic Rana rule in 1951. It fought against the party-less Panchayat system and the regressive step of the king. It opposes active kingship and communism. It believes in a representative democracy. It has participated in every election of Nepal that was conducted democratically. It won more than two-thirds majority seats in the first general election held in 1959. In every election, it stayed in the first or second position. This article tries to analyze the status of NC in the elections of Nepal. Data of seven general elections were examined in this article. Data were extracted basically from the reports of the Election Commission.
Nepal's commitment to democracy is still quite young and the process of finding it is far from complete. The inherited burdens of the state have been a particular problem for decades. In the following, the author sheds light on the deep state structure and thus illuminates some of the current problem constellations. Characteristics of such historical background are about three events in the last 70 years, which have been described as a kind of revolution or at least as popular movements. During the same period, two transitional constitutions and not less than five official constitutions were adopted.
The study analyses the structure and dynamics of opinions of the general public of Nepal with the radical transformation of the country’s political system in the recent past, with a particular focus on the four major state restructuring issues (i.e. four major political reforms: republicanism, secularism, multilingualism and federalism), and compares them with the positions taken by Nepal’s major political parties on these reforms. The four reforms together made up the transformation that was eventually codified into the new Constitution of the country in September 2015. However, even when the new Constitution was promulgated, the public opinion had not preferred to all four reforms. This research reveals that there is a dominant role of political elites from the major political parties in the transformation of country’s political system. However, the parties also moderated their positions to some extent on some of the issues. This is clearest on the abolition of the Hindu state. The elites maintained their decision to move to a secular state, but added to the constitution a definition of ‘secularism’ that included protection for traditional religious practices. With regard to language policy, the eventual implementation of multilingualism in which Nepali remains the administrative language at the national level and other languages can be recognized as administrative languages in each province, can also be interpreted as a concession to public opinion. The promulgation of the 2015 Constitution formally proved that the political elites of Nepal were the benevolent guardians of political tolerance and minority rights.
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Nepal has entered into multiparty democracy in 1951. From begging to till dates of these seven decades, three decades were practiced party-less Panchayat system where political parties were outlawed. Within the remaining four decades Nepal has conducted seven national elections held in accordance to democratic norms and values. Many political parties fielded their candidates in these elections. They got various positions as per the cast of votes by Nepalese citizens. Results of elections show that Nepal has implemented the multiparty system. That was not the single or bi-party system. This article tries to analyze the participation of political parties in the elections and their position after the elections. It is based on reports published by the election commission after each election of Nepal. It analyzes only data of national elections. Nepali Congress (NC) a rightist party is a popular party of Nepal; results of elections proved it. Similarly, communists are also popular among ...
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Nepal: Contemporary Democratic Politics
Nepal’s democracy has made a distinctive identity of the Nepali version. Nepal has witnessed the experience of the second episode of democracy in the constitutional monarchy set-up from 1990 to 2007. Nepalis today are experiencing the first chapter of inclusive democracy in the infant republic declared in 2015. The result of seven decades of political trials since 1950 is not a new political issue for contemporary Nepalis. The preamble mentioned in the Seventh Constitution of Nepal 2015, the result of the ongoing political struggle, has clearly and accurately defined the past, present and future of Nepali politics in a terse chronicle. Democracy in Nepal has become achievable for the violent protests as a means of Nepali politics and the peaceful disobedience of the populist forces.
The story of politics, the consequences of pain and expectation in politics, whether or not we like it, we have no choice but to walk in the vicinity and sync of time and situation. These activities are interdependent in such political and social movements, creating many upheavals in public affairs. We can sum the political vibrations caused in the political repercussions in the political system as neither performance-oriented nor deliver solutions-based actions within the democratic templates even if there are politico-administrative praxis. The primary temporal challenge is seen on the surface. The primary reasons are the lack of strengthening of the foundations of parliamentary democracy, and the delay in the process of democratization of democracy by managing short, medium and long term political transitions.
In the present’s grammar of the Government of Nepal, maintaining a full or collective or comprehensive democracy is an inseparable concern of all. There are three areas of specialization in politics – government and state (polity), private sector (economy) and civil society (political society). The fourth pillar of political communication (media) is the positive activism of political parties and the promotion of the infrastructures of emerging politics. The role of this fourth pillar in promoting political education, political socialization and political advancement is crucial in the 21st century.
Nepali democracy is strengthened by maintaining the balance and control of the interrelationships between the three interdependent and interconnected sectors, including political proactiveness and political semantics, political-economic perspectives and practices, and the conduct of public administration. Ideological diversity and intersectional pluralism pervade political society. Efficient leadership helps bridge the gap between political thinking and performance-oriented delivery of the rhetorics. The practice of pragmatic political mastery and politico-administrative professionalism was not limited to the politics experienced in the Western political society. The time has come for Nepal not to be an exception. The above three bases of governance – thinking of political action, implementation of political ideas and adoption of public professionalism – are also the seeds of social transformation in Nepal. In political aspirations, leadership style and its culture naturally determine the intensity and extensity of political will.
In terms of economic thinking, the challenge is not only to imprison Nepal’s poor economy in the vision of prosperity or its kept tall promises. But also to turn it into realization is no less a daunting challenge. In order to achieve the goal of good governance and sustainable development of Nepal, the current cycle of coronavirus pandemic, the conflict-ridden legacy of the Nepali political economy, and the signs of negative economic growth are further disrupted and stunted. There should be full implementation of public policy in public affairs, whether they are annual policies and programs, fiscal and monetary policies.
It is equally important whether the three core public policies are backed and followed down and up in the strata of bureaucracy, government and governance in Nepal. It is essential that the basic national policy address current and future challenges. Apart from maintaining security, peace and tranquillity, the administration is not impervious to facilitate the state of flux of the state and society and to act as a catalyst for change. Politics should also be sensitive to public management bodies. Therefore, public opinion and political aspirations towards the state and the government assist bonafide citizens and assuage the public to convey positive sentiments.
Public intellectual circles have their own fundamental traditions and new political consciousness on behalf of civil society. Its concept of rational cooperation and coexistence will become more and more universally accepted. In this matter of importance, if the political parties involved in it adopt the ideological practice of mutual rationale of existentialism, in addition to a conventional and agitation role of a vigilant civic society. Civil society is circumscribed into the role of social opposition in Nepal. It can also be analyzed that the use and practice of political theory in Nepal have been misappropriated, abused or deviated if otherwise. These basic and general political problems have eroded internal and external sovereignty creating its thin layer of supreme authority in the design of popular sovereignty. Weaknesses in sovereignty have certainly not diminished some of the hopes in politics that will be resolved over time.
The first chapter of the Republic of Nepal will come to an end if the power struggles in the culture of the political leadership and tensions or anxiety continue in the incumbent leadership. The presidential system of the Executive Rule is not unlikely to be the beginning of the second chapter of the Republic of Nepal. In comparative politics, for example, French politics is in the version of the Fifth Republic after the French Revolution. Despite the failures and successes of Nepal’s political history, in a liberal democracy, all Nepali people depend on the art of doing politics as much as possible when time and tide are cruel and tough.
Nepal’s entry into federalism under this process is another stage of decentralization. The idea of local-oriented self-government, which has been promised in the past or declared in political history, can be considered as the political remedy of overdue administrative affairs. In addition, the voice of inclusive democracy is characterized by respect for plurality and its spiritual acceptance and self-co-existence. It would not be an exaggeration to say that political knowledge is the vehicle of change in the form and structure of the state. In the context of changing world affairs, the end of the old, conservative and authoritarian tendencies is inevitable. The friction of equity and equality in our life world, society and national sphere can also be taken as a part and parcel of political conduct. It is time to jump from simple talk to follow the results of positive thinking in politics. Politics is considered the art of both the possible and the impossible. Because of these state activities, sophisticated and dynamic politics will become the current vernacular and reality of the new Nepal.
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