Customer Reviews | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Price | — | — | — | — | — |
Anastasia's tenth year has some good things, like falling in love and really getting to know her grandmother, and some bad things, like finding out about an impending baby brother. | Twelve-year-old Anastasia is horrified at her family's decision to move from their city apartment to a house in the suburbs. | Twelve-year-old Anastasia has a series of disastrous experiences when, expecting to get a job as a lady's companion, she is hired to be a maid. | Anastasia's seventh-grade science project becomes almost more than she can handle, but brother Sam, age three, and a bust of Freud nobly aid her. | Her family's new, organized schedule for easy housekeeping makes Anastasia confident that she can run the household while her mother is out of town, until she hits unexpected complications. |
Customer Reviews | ||
---|---|---|
Price | — | — |
A delightfully tongue-in-cheek story about parents trying to get rid of their four children and the children who are all too happy to lose their beastly parents and be on their own. | A moving account of the lives lost in two of WWII’s most infamous events: Pearl Harbor and Hiroshima. |
“A powerful and provocative novel." — New York Times
"Wrought with admirable skill—the emptiness and menace underlying this Utopia emerge step by inexorable step: a richly provocative novel." — Kirkus Reviews (starred review)
“Lowry is once again in top form raising many questions while answering few, and unwinding a tale fit for the most adventurous readers.” — Publishers Weekly (starred review)
“The simplicity and directness of Lowry's writing force readers to grapple with their own thoughts.” — Booklist (starred review)
“Lois Lowry has written a fascinating, thoughtful science-fiction novel. The story is skillfully written; the air of disquiet is delicately insinuated. And the theme of balancing the virtues of freedom and security is beautifully presented." — Horn Book (starred review)
" The Giver has things to say that cannot be said too often, and I hope there will be many, many young people who will be willing to listen. A warning in narrative form." — Washington Post
Lois Lowry is the author of more than forty books for children and young adults, including the New York Times bestselling Giver Quartet and the popular Anastasia Krupnik series. She has received countless honors, among them the Boston Globe–Horn Book Award, the Dorothy Canfield Fisher Award, the California Young Reader Medal, and the Mark Twain Award. She received Newbery Medals for two of her novels, Number the Stars and The Giver .
Lois Lowry is known for her versatility and invention as a writer. She was born in Hawaii and grew up in New York, Pennsylvania, and Japan. After studying at Brown University, she married, started a family, and turned her attention to writing. She is the author of more than forty books for young adults, including the popular Anastasia Krupnik series. She has received countless honors, among them the Boston Globe-Horn Book Award, the Dorothy Canfield Fisher Award, the California Young Reader's Medal, and the Mark Twain Award. She received Newbery Medals for two of her novels, NUMBER THE STARS and THE GIVER. Her first novel, A SUMMER TO DIE, was awarded the International Reading Association's Children's Book Award. Several books have been adapted to film and stage, and THE GIVER has become an opera. Her newest book, ON THE HORIZON, is a collection of memories and images from Pearl Harbor, Hiroshima, and post-war Japan. A mother and grandmother, Ms. Lowry divides her time between Maine and Florida. To learn more about Lois Lowry, see her website at www.loislowry.com
author interview
A CONVERSATION WITH LOIS LOWRY ABOUT THE GIVER
Q. When did you know you wanted to become a writer?
A. I cannot remember ever not wanting to be a writer.
Q. What inspired you to write The Giver?
A. Kids always ask what inspired me to write a particular book or how did I get an idea for a particular book, and often it’s very easy to answer that because books like the Anastasia books come from a specific thing; some little event triggers an idea. And some, like Number the Stars, rely on real history. But a book like The Giver is a much more complicated book, and therefore it comes from much more complicated places—and many of them are probably things that I don’t even recognize myself anymore, if I ever did. So it’s not an easy question to answer.
I will say that the whole concept of memory is one that interests me a great deal. I’m not sure why that is, but I’ve always been fascinated by the thought of what memory is and what it does and how it works and what we learn from it. And so I think probably that interest of my own and that particular subject was the origin, one of many, of The Giver.
Q. How did you decide what Jonas should take on his journey?
A. Why does Jonas take what he does on his journey? He doesn’t have much time when he sets out. He originally plans to make the trip farther along in time, and he plans to prepare for it better. But then, because of circumstances, he has to set out in a very hasty fashion. So what he chooses is out of necessity. He takes food because he needs to survive. He takes the bicycle because he needs to hurry and the bike is faster than legs. And he takes the baby because he is going out to create a future. Babies—and children—always represent the future. Jonas takes the baby, Gabriel, because he loves him and wants to save him, but he takes the baby also in order to begin again with a new life.
Q. When you wrote the ending, were you afraid some readers would want more details or did you want to leave the ending open to individual interpretation?
A. Many kids want a more specific ending to The Giver. Some write, or ask me when they see me, to spell it out exactly. And I don’t do that. And the reason is because The Giver is many things to many different people. People bring to it their own complicated beliefs and hopes and dreams and fears and all of that. So I don’t want to put my own feelings into it, my own beliefs, and ruin that for people who create their own endings in their minds.
Q. Is it an optimistic ending? Does Jonas survive?
A. I will say that I find it an optimistic ending. How could it not be an optimistic ending, a happy ending, when that house is there with its lights on and music is playing? So I’m always kind of surprised and disappointed when some people tell me that they think the boy and the baby just die. I don’t think they die. What form their new life takes is something I like people to figure out for themselves. And each person will give it a different ending. I think they’re out there somewhere and I think that their life has changed and their life is happy, and I would like to think that’s true for the people they left behind as well.
Q. In what way is your book Gathering Blue a companion to The Giver?
A. Gathering Blue postulates a world of the future, as The Giver does. I simply created a different kind of world, one that had regressed instead of leaping forward technologically as the world of The Giver has. It was fascinating to explore the savagery of such a world. I began to feel that maybe it coexisted with Jonas’s world . . . and that therefore Jonas could be a part of it in a tangential way. So there is a reference to a boy with light eyes at the end of Gathering Blue. Originally I thought he could be either Jonas or not, as the reader chose. But since then I have published two more books—Messenger, and Son—which complete The Giver Quartet and make clear that the light-eyed boy is, indeed. Jonas. In the book Son readers will find out what became of all their favorite characters: Jonas, Gabe, and Kira as well, from Gathering Blue. And there are some new characters—most especially Claire, who is fourteen at the beginning of Son— whom I hope they will grow to love.
Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Customers find the narrative very thought-provoking and mysterious. They also praise the writing quality as extremely well written and simple. Readers describe the book as fantastic for all ages. They appreciate the themes as incredible, kind, and providing for all their needs. Opinions are mixed on the plot, with some finding it satisfying and gentle, while others say it's bland and unanswered. Reader opinions also differ on the emotional content, with others finding it very emotional and vivid, while other find it distressing and annoying. Reader also disagree on the length, with one finding the chapters short enough and the print large enough, while another feels the book is too short for a concept as broad as The Giver.
AI-generated from the text of customer reviews
Customers find the narrative thought-provoking, providing an abundance of conversational topics appropriate in multiple settings. They also say the story is intense, surprising, and sad. Readers say the book can be enjoyed at different levels and provides many shocks and surprises. They appreciate the subtle yet powerful questioning of free will and the rendition upon perspective of reality.
"...While a very good book for adults, it is also a true masterpiece for its intended audience , children...." Read more
"...What is missing in the people’s lives? The Giver is a very thought-provoking book .Jonas lives in this community...." Read more
"...The first book that we listened to was 'The Giver'. What a captivating , albeit bleak, fictional world Ms. Lowry has created!..." Read more
"...At its core, "The Giver" serves as a poignant commentary on the dangers of conformity and the erosion of individuality in the face of authoritarian..." Read more
Customers find the writing quality of the book extremely well written, easily descriptive, and quick to read. They also appreciate the simplicity of the story conveyed through the chapters, and the author's choice of powerful subject. Readers also mention that the book is imaginative, creative, and poetic at times.
"...It is a book that is, in a way, simple in its complexity ...." Read more
"...From beginning to end, this book held my rapt attention. It was beautifully written and thought provoking. '..." Read more
"...We should be concerned about what our children read. Reading is an intimate experience ...." Read more
"...Words must be appropriately used. Speech is controlled , ordered, restricted...." Read more
Customers like the adult content in the book. They say it's a fantastic book for all ages, and children would identify with the plot. They also say it’s wholesome and a good story about friendship.
"...While a very good book for adults , it is also a true masterpiece for its intended audience, children...." Read more
"... An all-around great story ! I'll probably download the next books in the series for our next road-trip to take "Nana" home after the holidays." Read more
"This story is great for children and adults as I think it can relate to their lives, while also giving people a fantasy world that everyone dreams..." Read more
"...I had read it sooner - It tells a poignant story that is appropriate for almost all ages (I would recommend it for middle schoolers and above), and..." Read more
Customers find the writing style fresh, flowing well, and clean. They also say it's a quick read that carries them along.
"...It can be read in a few hours , but that does not decrease its impact, which is something like that of a sledgehammer...." Read more
"...She also enjoyed the book. Reading about 30min a day she finished pretty quickly . I think this is a book all youth need to read...." Read more
"...Her writing is fresh, flows well , and carries the reader along at an amazing pace that builds tension well and guide the reader at the same time...." Read more
"...In some parts, the story skips forwardl months, skipping very valuable time that could be used to fill out the story, and flesh out the characters..." Read more
Customers find the messages in the story incredible, poignant, and relevant. They also say the book teaches the importance of love, family, friends, color, and change. Readers say the novel leaves a lasting impression and brings up themes of freedom, uniqueness, and individuality.
"...from the Giver, he experiences pain and suffering but also love and freedom of choice . He also begins to see the world in color...." Read more
"...The Giver is an amazing book ...." Read more
"...of the story conveyed through the chapters; a positive message for everyone to read 2. The Giver!..." Read more
"...surprising, sad but at the same time beautiful and teach the real meaning of love and sacrifice ...." Read more
Customers are mixed about the plot. Some find it amazing, stunning, and satisfying. They appreciate the story and timeliness of the events. They say it makes the reader question their wants, desires, and hopes. However, others say the plot seems bland, the ending was left on a cliffhanger, and the book seems unfinished. They also say the author didn't describe it clearly.
"...What a captivating, albeit bleak, fictional world Ms. Lowry has created! I was absolutely spellbound by her storytelling...." Read more
"...With that said, I found the entirety of this story very morose , which I suppose coincides with its topic of a society void of feelings and..." Read more
"...Nevertheless, this classic bested me. It makes the reader question their wants , their desires, their hopes...." Read more
"...There is a sense of ambiguity about the ending when you get to it...." Read more
Customers are mixed about the emotional content. Some find the book very emotional, sad, touching, and shocking. Others say that the dystopian novel is too grim for them, lacking extreme emotions, and having a strong feeling of deja vu.
"...What a captivating, albeit bleak , fictional world Ms. Lowry has created! I was absolutely spellbound by her storytelling...." Read more
"...The story begins in a utopia. No one feels pain , no one is unhappy...." Read more
"...I can't explain it, but there is a strong feeling of deja vu for me throughout the novel...." Read more
"... Heartbreaking , moving, and thought provoking. Well done" Read more
Customers are mixed about the length of the book. Some find the chapters short enough that students, even those who are initially resistant, can read them. They also like the simplicity of the story, and the print is large enough for their less than perfect vision. However, some customers feel the book is too short for a concept as broad as the giver.
"...than that there was not many real foibles in this book, and the chapters were short and easy to read." Read more
"...The way Lois Lowry wrote these stories is breathtaking. They are not long books . The language is simple and straightforward...." Read more
"...3. Not enough chapters! Way too short ! Give me 400 pages worth of reading! XDMy Favorite Quotes:' “..." Read more
"...i think this book is kind of short though and read it in less than 12 hours...." Read more
There was a problem filtering reviews right now. please try again later..
Eliza Barclay
Opinion Climate Editor
When Hurricane Beryl made landfall in Texas on Monday, its winds were strong enough to take out 10 long-distance transmission lines and to knock down many trees that brought down power lines. All told, nearly three million people lost electricity. Many of them are still waiting for a local utility, CenterPoint, to restore their power. If, as predicted, the heat index hits the triple digits over the next few days, having power could be the difference between life and death.
Power outages aren’t a given when a big storm hits — by cutting down trees next to power lines and installing poles that can withstand hurricane-force winds, utilities can help keep the power on. That’s power that people could use to run their air conditioning and medical devices, keep their food cold and charge their phones.
Too few cities, however, are investing in storm-resistant infrastructure. One reason is that upgrading the power infrastructure is costly, and neither electricity customers nor cities or states are eager to foot the bill. Another more frustrating reason is that people often oppose tree removal or the installation of larger, hurricane-proof power lines because they don’t like the way they look.
According to Ed Hirs, an energy fellow at the University of Houston, residents have pushed back against upgrades to power infrastructure in both Houston and Austin. “Everybody likes their trees,” he told me. “And we plant trees really close to the lines. Nobody likes to trim the trees back because, well, the power lines are unsightly.” CenterPoint, he said, has “caught hell” in Houston for cutting down trees and installing a few weatherproofed power lines.
Tension between the strain that climate change places on infrastructure and the aesthetic preferences of a small number of community members continues to emerge across the country. A recent survey of solar and wind energy developers found that visual concerns were the most common form of local opposition to new projects — projects that will help shore up the grid against outages and blackouts. In California, residents who didn’t want two major solar projects impinging on their views (among other reasons) appealed the approval of one project several times; in Iowa, a major wind farm project’s approval is in doubt because local people said they were worried about the visual impact of the turbines, as well as noise.
Preparing for and adapting to climate change involves sturdy and by some standards ugly infrastructure — and it’s time that Americans start to see it as lifesaving instead. As The Economist put it on a memorable cover last year: “Hug Pylons, Not Trees.”
Paul Krugman
Opinion Columnist
One of my go-to economic data experts emailed on Thursday morning about the latest inflation report , which showed prices actually falling in June and up only 3 percent over the past year. It was, he declared, “beautiful.”
Your aesthetic sense may vary, but we’ve now had two months of really good price data, enough to puncture the bubble of pessimism that, um, inflated early this year. And the implications of the good news are pretty big.
Early this year we had several bad reports, which led to widespread concern that inflation had stopped falling and might even be increasing; some even suggested that the Fed might want to increase interest rates rather than begin cutting.
Many economists argued, however, that the bad data was just noise, largely reflecting one-time price resets at the start of the year. They have now been vindicated. Note that the Federal Reserve focuses not on the Consumer Price Index but on an alternative measure, the personal consumption expenditure price index, which isn’t in yet for June. But estimates based on the data available so far suggest that the P.C.E. will come in at around 2.4 percent, close to the Fed’s 2 percent target. And since the Fed is supposed to skate to where the puck will be, not where it is right now, there’s now an overwhelming case for interest rate cuts.
Economists who told us not to panic over a few hot inflation reports aren’t the only people who have been vindicated. Taking a longer view, the White House economic team also has every right to a victory lap. Here’s what the team said three years ago :
No single historical episode is a perfect template for current events. But when looking for historical parallels, it is useful to concentrate on inflationary episodes that contained supply chain disruptions and a spike in consumer demand after a period of temporary suppression. The inflationary period after World War II is likely a better comparison for the current economic situation than the 1970s and suggests that inflation could quickly decline once supply chains are fully online and pent-up demand levels off.
That process took longer than expected, but in the end played out almost exactly the way they predicted. And yes, as someone who held similar views, I’m feeling some personal satisfaction.
Stepping back even further, whatever you think President Biden should do next — I’ve said my piece — the inflation news is a big vindication for Bidenomics. The administration was harshly criticized for its spending, which critics claimed would lead to ’70s-type stagflation. Well, it didn’t, and big spending has helped the U.S. economy power ahead of peer nations.
All in all, a very good morning on the economic front. Now, if we can only clean up the political mess … .
Advertisement
Nicholas Kristof
The calls for President Biden to withdraw from the presidential race have mostly been made lovingly, in tones of deep respect. Many of us have known and admired Biden for decades, and we believe he has had an excellent term in office.
Think of it this way: It’s precisely because you love your aging parents that you want them to give up the car keys.
Yet Biden’s pushback has been sad and sometimes petty. He denounced the suggestions as coming from “elites” and “big names” — which is rich coming from a president — and his team mocked the Democratic “ bed-wetting brigade .” Aides dismissed calls to step down as coming from failed presidential candidates like Senator Michael Bennet and Julián Castro, the former housing secretary, or from people in the Obama orbit, like David Axelrod.
Perhaps the most pathetic White House response was directed at George Clooney, who last month co-hosted the biggest Democratic fund-raiser ever for Biden. In a Times Opinion guest essay on Wednesday, Clooney praised Biden but also said that the Biden at the fund-raiser “was the same man we all witnessed at the debate” — and so called on him to withdraw.
“Joe Biden is a hero; he saved democracy in 2020,” Clooney wrote, reflecting his tone throughout the essay. “We need him to do it again in 2024.”
Biden’s pushback was less magnanimous, with one person in his circle telling a Times reporter: “The president stayed for over three hours, while Clooney took a photo quickly and left.”
As it happens, I know something about the circumstances of the event, and here’s what happened, according to someone involved in it. Biden’s team proposed a fund-raiser to be held in June, but Clooney was shooting a movie and offered the only date he could do it — which required him to then rush straight to the airport from the event. The campaign agreed and offered no pushback.
Clooney arrived early and spent hours being photographed with donors before opening the show — and then left from the event to fly to Italy for his movie shoot. Biden certainly didn’t complain; on the contrary, he left a thank-you message on Clooney’s voice mail.
And really? Biden’s team seemed to be suggesting that the president somehow has more stamina than George Clooney. That’s cringeworthy.
Perhaps the most interesting response to the Clooney essay came from Donald Trump in a Truth Social rant : “So now fake movie actor George Clooney, who never came close to making a great movie, is getting into the act. He’s turned on Crooked Joe like the rats they both are. What does Clooney know about anything?”
Trump seemed aghast at any pressure on Biden to withdraw from the race — perhaps because he realizes that the only Democratic presidential candidate weaker than him is the president. Finally, Trump may be right about something.
So let’s hope Biden and his team listen to those calling for him to rethink his position. It may be tempting to lash back, but it’s beneath him.
Farah Stockman
Editorial Board Member
Can Europe get on the same page with itself? That’s perhaps the biggest question lingering in the background of the NATO summit in Washington this week marking the 75th anniversary of the world’s most successful alliance.
Despite conventional wisdom that says Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine unified European allies against a common threat — and a joint declaration that underscores that point — there continue to be huge differences of opinion within Europe about how big a danger Vladimir Putin is. Jason Davidson , a political scientist who interviewed 98 security analysts in the United States, Germany, France, Britain, Italy and Poland for his upcoming academic book about NATO, told me that Europeans have very different views about what constitutes the greatest threat.
“Italy, for instance, is far more concerned with instability from the Mediterranean than Russia,” he said, citing threats to maritime commerce and unauthorized immigration. Italy’s priority is widely shared by countries on NATO’s southern flank — Spain, Portugal, Greece and Turkey, he said. People in Poland, on the other hand, were universally concerned about Moscow.
But perhaps the biggest divide is between the European Union — which released a defense industrial strategy in March that aims to promote an indigenous defense industry — and NATO, which is busy reminding Americans how lucrative defending Europe can be for American firms, to ensure that the United States stays in the alliance. It’s not hard to find officials affiliated with the European Union and NATO criticizing one another’s visions for the defense of Europe.
“There is a risk that the E.U.’s strategy aims to simply replace ‘buy American’ with ‘buy French’ at a time when all allies must urgently work even closer together to boost defense production,” Oana Lungescu, a former NATO spokesperson and now a distinguished fellow at the Royal United Services Institute, told me before the summit began. She said the Union’s plan risked undermining NATO by setting up alternative military standards and creating “confusion.”
The good news is that NATO devoted a section of its joint declaration at the summit to ironing out its differences with the European Union, which it called a “a unique and essential partner.” If Europe hopes to deter Putin and other threats, it had better put up a united front.
Meher Ahmad
Opinion Staff Editor
Last week in a letter to the medical journal The Lancet, three doctors attempted to answer a difficult question: How many Palestinian deaths could be attributed to Israel’s incursion into Gaza?
The doctors, who have backgrounds in research and public health, used a ratio derived from recent conflicts showing that three to 15 times as many people die from indirect causes as perish from direct bombardment. In their description, indirect deaths can extend months and years beyond the current conflict from “causes such as reproductive, communicable and noncommunicable diseases.” Using the latest death toll provided by the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry (close to 37,000 deaths), the doctors say even a conservative estimate of four indirect deaths for each direct death would mean up to 186,000 Palestinian deaths “could be attributable to the current conflict in Gaza.”
It’s a staggering number, but it’s an extrapolation from an estimated ratio. Given the information vacuum that is Gaza today, it’s an example of what happens when experts have little data to work with, giving rise to projections, dueling propaganda and, in the end, a narrowing window of accountability.
The death toll in Gaza has been contested from the start of the war. Israel sealed Gaza’s borders after the Hamas attacks on Oct. 7, making it virtually impossible for outside journalists and third-party organizations to independently verify the extent of the calamity taking place there.
The gap in verifiable coverage has opened the way for a macabre debate about the scale of the dead in Gaza. Skeptics and many Israeli officials see the Gaza Health Ministry as an unreliable source. The United Nations and other major international groups have said they have no reason to disbelieve the count. The Health Ministry does not distinguish between civilians and combatants in its death count, and in May the U.N. revised its subtotal number of dead women and children to reflect only identified women and children, excluding unidentified bodies .
Yet many, including Human Rights Watch and a Biden administration official , believe the Health Ministry count to be low, in part because the number comes from hospital staff members and health workers who are strained under a collapsing infrastructure , often without proper training or equipment. Many Palestinians are reported to be dead and unidentifiable under rubble; several have described the smell of decomposing bodies as omnipresent in destroyed areas.
The letter to The Lancet is more a call for open documentation of casualties than anything else. Without access to Gaza, the outside world is left with an incomplete picture of the scale of the destruction, as Palestinians living there enter their tenth month of enduring widespread violence. It’s difficult to predict if and when a day will come for a true accounting of the casualties of this conflict. Until then, these grim ratios and estimations are what we have to try to comprehend the scale of the unimaginable.
David Firestone
Deputy Editor, the Editorial Board
Several voices in the Democratic Party are telling President Biden to either stay in the race or leave. He seems to be listening only to those telling him, against all evidence, that he can still win in November. But the real voice Biden should care most about isn’t that of a Democrat at all. The president should be required to watch all 80 minutes of the unhinged rant let loose by the Republican candidate on Tuesday in Florida.
It couldn’t really be called a speech; Donald Trump doesn’t give those. Instead, standing on his golf course in Doral, Trump just lobbed random lies and nonsense into the crowd, as if firing a T-shirt gun. There was no particular coherence or theme to it, beyond apocalyptic descriptions of the failures of the Biden administration, now featuring the new cartoon character “Laffin’ Kamala Harris.” His weird pauses and bumbled words often rivaled Biden’s speaking problems, and the content was far worse.
By pursuing legal charges against him and his cronies for trying to stay in power in 2020, Biden “and his thugs,” Trump said, “are turning America into Communist Cuba.” Biden “ doesn’t know what a synagogue is ,” he said. Electric cars are essentially golf carts and have to be recharged for three hours every 45 minutes, he said. Melania won’t buy him bacon anymore because it’s too expensive. He challenged Biden to a golf contest. And then, ignoring the statistics showing a sharp drop in crime in Washington, D.C., this year, he produced this twisted take on tourism at the city’s biggest attractions:
“Right now, if you leave Florida, ‘Oh, let’s go, darling, let’s look at the Jefferson Memorial, let’s look at the Washington Monument, let’s go and look at some of the beautiful scenes,’ and you end up getting shot, mugged, raped.” That would come as a shock to the crowds of tourists on the Mall in Washington this summer.
Trump’s remarks should prompt revulsion and an immediate desire to do whatever it takes to keep him from the White House. No sacrifice should be considered too great for this cause, even the self-sacrifice of Biden’s personal ambitions. By staying in the race, Biden is making it far more likely that a disordered fearmonger is going to displace him. Dave Wasserman, a prominent political analyst at Cook Political Report, says the race is no longer a tossup ; Trump has a considerable advantage since the debate, and Cook just shifted six important states in Trump’s direction.
The Biden campaign put out a sharp retort to Trump’s rant, but news releases won’t do the job when the infirmities of the man at the top of the Democratic ticket continue to drive away voters, state by state.
Serge Schmemann
Two terms crop up often in the French political lexicon: “la rupture” and “la cohabitation.” The former means the same as in English and is applied to any political parting of the ways — between candidates, parties, ideologies. “Cohabitation” refers to times when the president and the majority in the National Assembly fall into different political camps.
Both terms have been in heavy use since the second and final round of the surprise election President Emmanuel Macron called on June 10, after the far right scored big in elections to the European Parliament. Macron’s timing and calculations remain a bit puzzling, but stopping Marine Le Pen and her nationalist, anti-immigrant National Rally was one major goal; another was to achieve “clarity” in a muddled political landscape in which the president was growing increasingly unpopular. French elections come in two rounds, and Macron probably hoped that a strong showing by Le Pen in round one would shock the electorate into common sense in round two.
The gambit succeeded. After scoring big in the first round Le Pen was blocked in the second. But clarity was not to be. Rather than flock to Macron’s center, voters shifted to a hastily assembled bloc of left-wing parties called the New Popular Front, which included traditional Socialists, radical leftists, Communists and Greens. They are now the biggest grouping in the National Assembly, the French parliament.
That was the rupture. Now comes the challenge of cohabitation. The left-wing coalition is hardly favorable for Macron, especially given that the strongest party in the grouping, the aggressively named France Unbowed, is also the most radical, under the rabble-rousing Jean-Luc Mélenchon. He doesn’t get along with Macron, or most any of his partners, and has already demanded the prime ministry for his party.
The left, moreover, will go after many of Macron’s pet economic policies. Last year, the president unleashed fiery protests when he raised the retirement age from 62 to 64; the left wants to lower it to 60, along with other costly social spending the French economy is not in shape to handle. And Mélenchon, a supporter of the Palestinian cause, might try to recognize a Palestinian state.
There’s no indication yet of Macron’s choice for prime minister. He could try someone from his humbled party, or an acceptable leftist, or an apolitical technocrat. In any case, past bouts of cohabitation have not achieved much.
As for the far right, blocking the National Rally — again — may have brought relief, but it was hardly a victory. The party got 37 percent of the vote and increased its seats in the parliament from 89 to 142, the most of any single party. It can’t be dismissed as the radical fringe of nativists and antisemites the way it was in its early years.
So we’re likely to hear “rupture” a lot more.
Pamela Paul
Is a single transgression enough to torpedo a writer’s reputation — Virginia Woolf wearing blackface , for example? Or does the full-throated denouncement require a lifetime of racism, antisemitism, homophobia, sexism, Naziism or collaboration, along the lines of Jack London, Henry Miller, Thomas Mann or Jean Rhys?
All are writers who are still read.
But these are different times, and so the question arises anew with regard to recently named transgressors, Neil Gaiman and Alice Munro , both celebrated, even beloved figures.
Let’s go over what we know. With Alice Munro , the facts are straightforward and damning . According to an essay by Munro’s daughter Andrea Skinner in The Toronto Star, Munro stayed married to the man who pleaded guilty to sexually abusing her daughter.
With Neil Gaiman, the issue is knottier. The author was recently accused of sex abuse and rape , allegations he has emphatically denied . We don’t know what happened, but recent history shows that for some audiences, accusations alone are too often sufficient evidence. It doesn’t bode well.
The question of whether you can separate the art and the artist is old and vexing, with no clear answer, though the current cultural consensus holds strongly against. As Jean Luc Godard ( alleged to be antisemitic ) once said , “How can I hate John Wayne upholding Goldwater and yet love him tenderly when abruptly he takes Natalie Wood into his arms in the last reel of ‘The Searchers’?”
Even some who argue that, say, Ezra Pound, T.S. Eliot or Louis-Ferdinand Celine can still be appreciated despite reprehensible views or acts may also insist that artists whose work is closely tied to their personal lives, like Woody Allen or David Foster Wallace, for example, should be held to account.
In these latter-day cases, the verdict, spiked with envy and resentment, seems preordained. Will there be a double standard between Neil Gaiman, who is a prominent and commercially successful online figure, and Alice Munro, who led a humble, quiet existence in Canada and whose stature among the literati has achieved Joan Didion-level worship?
Most people in the literary world know that writers are flawed humans just like everyone else, only a little more so. Even so, most of us do not really know these people; we know them mostly through their writing.
Great writing is about human complexity, not the black-and-white moralizing of the internet mob. In the eyes of the wise reader, whatever our judgments of the authors, their writing only becomes yet more interesting, more telling, more potent.
Jamelle Bouie
Donald Trump pushed the Republican Party’s platform committee to change its language on abortion, and on the surface it looks like an exercise in relative moderation.
Where the 2016 and 2020 Republican platforms called for a national abortion ban, demanded a constitutional amendment to establish due-process rights for embryos and fetuses and stated that “the unborn child has a fundamental right to life which cannot be infringed,” the 2024 platform simply states the Republican Party’s belief that “the 14th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States guarantees that no person can be denied life or liberty without due process and that the states are, therefore, free to pass laws protecting those rights.”
This change, said NBC News and other outlets , is a “softening” of the party’s position on abortion.
But is it really?
The lodestar for the anti-abortion movement has always been a constitutional guarantee of fetal personhood, which would outlaw abortion and threaten the legality of both IVF and hormonal birth control. (This endorsement of protection for fetal personhood also makes clear that the platform’s ostensible support for IVF is cheap political posturing.) To state, in the context of abortion, that the 14th Amendment guarantees due process and that legislatures are free to pass laws “protecting those rights” is to outright endorse the legal theory that the Constitution already outlaws abortion with or without amendment.
The new platform language may lack the specificity of the old, but it expresses the same basic commitment to vast restrictions on reproductive rights and bodily autonomy. Moreover, the Republican Party coalition is still grounded in the grass roots activity of anti-abortion groups and the ideological ambitions of movement jurists and politicians. The platform makes no real difference in their efforts to ban abortion and limit a woman’s right to live a free life and pursue her own vision of the good.
It should be said as well that in the same way it is perverse for conservative legal activists and Supreme Court justices to use the Reconstruction amendments — written and ratified to assist the formerly enslaved and enshrine a principle of anti-subordination in the Constitution — to dismantle this nation’s halting efforts at substantive racial equality, it is also perverse for the anti-abortion movement to use the 14th Amendment as a cudgel against bodily autonomy in the name of so-called fetal rights.
Animating that amendment, as well as the 13th, was the reality that Black Americans could not be secure in their persons — in their bodies and reproductive capacities — as long as the badges, incidents and vestiges of chattel slavery endured in the nation’s constitutional order. If, in other words, American slavery rested on reproductive enslavement — the forced birth and breeding of men and women for profit — then anti-slavery had to mean reproductive liberation.
What the anti-abortion movement wants is a dark and cruel inversion of what the Reconstruction framers intended.
I was an early and enthusiastic fan of Kamala Harris when she first ran for president. She had an inspiring personal story and an impressive résumé. Here was someone who had been a senator, an attorney general and a prosecutor. She had been an advocate for recidivism reduction and other measures of criminal justice reform, and had proved she could be tough in the Senate, where her questioning was described as “prosecutorial.” She seemed gutsy and capable and a fine candidate for national office.
Wow, was I wrong. Look, it’s hard to shine as vice president — as John Adams put it, “the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived.” But Harris has also proved how easy it is to sink.
Between her high staff turnover, her ineffectiveness on migration and the border, her chronically low approval ratings and her often embarrassing public experiences — remember, Harris chose to subject herself to the cringe on “The Drew Barrymore Show” — she has not exuded competence or inspired confidence.
Yet despite Joe Biden insisting he can still drive, dagnabbit, talk of anointing Harris as his replacement has started to take hold. Representative James Clyburn of South Carolina said he would support Harris if Biden drops out, also proposing a mini-primary. “The Democratic Nominee in 2024 should be Kamala Harris,” the former congressman Tim Ryan wrote in Newsweek last week. “She is brilliant, compassionate, engaging, funny and totally down to earth,” he wrote, and “more importantly, she deserves a chance to go to the American people and show us her mettle.”
Choosing a presidential candidate should not be about someone proving herself or “deserving a chance.” It should be about who has the best chance. This should not be about advancing women, Black people or people of South Asian descent. It should be about beating back Donald Trump with the most electable and capable candidate possible.
That Harris leads Biden slightly in polls as a possible replacement candidate only shows how low that bar is. Those same polls suggest she would still lose against Trump.
If some racist or sexist Americans wouldn’t vote for Harris based on her ethnicity, race or sex, shame on them. But to argue against Harris is not inherently racist or sexist.
If Democrats are serious about not wanting to lose this election — and most important, preventing Trump from resuming power — they need to stop trying to make Harris happen and allow an open primary. Americans need a candidate who will win.
Michelle Cottle
Opinion Writer
Buckle up for another bumpy political week. As Washington lawmakers slouch back from their holiday break, they have been greeted by a defiant letter from President Biden, effectively daring them to try derailing his re-election bid.
Thank you for sharing your concerns, he wrote. “I am not blind to them.” That said, he continued, “I wouldn’t be running again if I did not absolutely believe I was the best person to beat Donald Trump in 2024.”
No matter how many times he repeats it, this assurance remains worthless. What high-ranking politician doesn’t believe in his own exceptionalism? I mean, Ron DeSantis was 100 percent convinced he was the best person to beat Trump this year, and we see where that got him.
But where Biden seems intent on making toxic mischief is with grand pronouncements about preserving democracy.
“We had a Democratic nomination process and the voters have spoken clearly and decisively,” he asserted, ticking through the number of votes, the percentage of the primary vote and the number of delegates he amassed — as if a re-election primary coronation is anything like an open race.
“Do we now just say this process didn’t matter?” he wrote. “That the voters don’t have a say? I decline to do that.” Only the voters decide the nominee, he said, not the press, pundits, donors or other “selected” groups of individuals. “How can we stand for democracy in our nation if we ignore it in our own party?”
So much to unpack. Let’s just go with this piece: While there is an abundance of Democratic pundits, donors and members of “selected” groups, I’m confident it’s not enough to account for the 59 percent of Democrats who, post-debate, fear Biden is too old for the job, according to the latest Times/Siena poll.
What about these voters? Or the 79 percent of independents who expressed similar anxiety? Do they not matter? Are we not concerned about their faith and trust as they grapple with apparently having been misled about the president’s fitness? How do they feel about Biden’s people stage-managing and shielding him to the point that it was almost impossible for voters to assess his fitness until absurdly late in the race? Are the voters who feel betrayed going to punish the entire Democratic Party come November?
Biden aggressively pitching the situation as him and the grass roots versus a bunch of snooty elites may make him feel tough. But it accomplishes little more than fueling discord and division within his own party. He needs to show people he is up to the job, and not just assert as much while pretending this is a crisis manufactured by bed-wetting establishment types.
The president and his team have proved they know how to write a strong and salty letter. If only that were all there was to the job.
Katherine Miller
Opinion Writer and Editor
Every Monday morning on The Point, we kick off the week with a tipsheet on the latest in the presidential campaign. Here’s what we’re looking at this week:
This will be a very full, unpredictable week of politics. In terms of where everyone is: Donald Trump will hold rallies in Miami on Tuesday and near Pittsburgh on Saturday. President Biden will host a NATO summit in Washington beginning Tuesday, and is expected to hold a news conference on Thursday. He will also campaign in Detroit on Friday. Kamala Harris will hold a campaign event in Las Vegas on Tuesday, and Jill Biden will hold a slate of campaign events in the Southeast on Monday.
How strong is Biden’s support with congressional Democrats? This week might answer that. One thing I’ve seen in the last decade that will most likely shape the politics of it, though, is really about what elected officials say publicly; the public pays attention to what politicians say on the record, so if they back him or tell him to leave, voters will take that more seriously than the private commentary.
On Sunday, a number of Pennsylvania Democrats, including both senators, welcomed Biden at the airport, and there have been shows of support from people like Bernie Sanders and Joyce Beatty . A small number of House members, like Minnesota’s Angie Craig, have said publicly that he should step aside; there’s also been reporting on private meetings where additional Democrats have said he should withdraw.
There are elected officials like Senator Chris Murphy of Connecticut, who said Sunday there were still voter concerns about Biden’s 2024 viability that the president needs to address this week. Congress is coming back to Washington on Monday, which might make things more chaotic in the short term, when a few hundred lawmakers, aides and reporters begin interacting. How congressional leaders like Chuck Schumer and Hakeem Jeffries approach his candidacy seems likely to shape a lot.
Trump is widely expected to announce his vice-presidential pick this week — maybe J.D. Vance, Doug Burgum or Marco Rubio, though it could be someone else. That pick might not change people’s perceptions of Trump personally, but it might give a real lens to the rest of the campaign.
In 2012, for instance, whether Mitt Romney intended this or not, his selection of Paul Ryan affirmed the idea of their campaign as an ideological, austerity-minded one; in retrospect, that was probably the apex of entitlement-reform politics in America. Vance is now very much a post-Trump figure , and there’s a universe in which his selection makes the rest of Trump’s campaign and potential presidency look different and more ideologically aggressive and populist, compared with, say, Burgum, who is perceived as being more from the corporate, business world.
Republicans are also meeting, privately, about the party’s platform this week. Longtime anti-abortion activists are deeply unhappy with the reported plan to drop the party’s commitment to a national abortion ban in favor of Trump’s “states should decide” position that doesn’t really satisfy anyone, especially people who want abortion to be legal.
Maureen Dowd
In his Friday back-against-the-wall interview with George Stephanopoulos of ABC News, President Biden said of Donald Trump, “The man is a congenital liar.”
That rang some bells with longtime Times readers.
In 1996, when Bill Clinton was running for re-election, William Safire wrote a blistering Times column about Hillary Clinton called “ Blizzard of Lies. ” Citing Whitewater, Travelgate, exponential commodity trading profits and behavior in the wake of her friend Vince Foster’s death, he wrote: “Americans of all political persuasions are coming to the sad realization that our First Lady — a woman of undoubted talents who was a role model for many in her generation — is a congenital liar. Drip by drip, like Whitewater torture, the case is being made that she is compelled to mislead, and to ensnare her subordinates and friends in a web of deceit.”
Then the kerfuffle began. Bill Clinton said he wanted to punch Safire in the face . His spokesman, Mike McCurry, told reporters: “The president, if he were not the president, would have delivered a more forceful response to that on the bridge of Mr. Safire’s nose.”
Safire was presented with a pair of red boxing gloves on “Meet the Press.”
The famous Times wordsmith, who had a column called “On Language” in addition to his conservative political column, was accused by some of choosing the wrong word. Congenital is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as “Existing or dating from one’s birth,” as in a “congenital disease or defect.” It was harsh.
As the author and journalist Garry Wills wrote in The Washington Post , “It seems a gratuitous, if not cruel, description of a woman who is not accused, or suspected, of such innate deceptiveness during the first 45 years of her life.”
My pal Safire took all the criticism with his usual equanimity. But one day during this donnybrook, I wandered into his office down the hall from mine in the Washington bureau. I wanted to see what he thought. He wasn’t there but in plain view, he had left a list of synonyms for “congenital,” starting with “chronic.” So he may have had his doubts about the word he chose, as well.
But in the latest instance, President Biden probably chose the right word. Donald Trump not only gives the impression that he has been lying since the cradle, but seems proud of it. So “congenital” works pretty well.
Frank Bruni
Contributing Opinion Writer
On Friday President Biden named the one scenario by which he’d decide to abandon his re-election campaign:
If “the Lord Almighty came down” and told him to.
Not if Democratic leaders in Congress insisted it was best for the party and country. Not if other prominent Democrats begged. Not if polls showed him losing to Donald Trump in November. (They already do.) Biden essentially said that those leaders would never lose faith and those polls can’t be trusted. Everything will be fine. Everything is fine.
Either Biden genuinely believes that or has decided that a pantomime of unsullied confidence is the best damage control. Neither possibility reassures me, and I suspect that neither will end Democratic worries about his fitness and about voters’ impressions of it.
Biden made his remarks in an interview with George Stephanopoulos of ABC News that was all of 22 minutes long and was broadcast, unedited, in prime time. The interview continued his effort to explain, improve on and erase his shockingly unsteady performance in a debate against Trump over a week ago.
And Biden indeed improved on it. He ably extolled his first-term record, even if some sentences were rickety, with some details incorrect. He wisely emphasized crucial differences between him and Trump and rightly recognized the stakes of defeating Trump.
But Stephanopoulos wasn’t asking Biden about Trump. He was asking Biden about his own health, and Biden deflected many of those questions or answered them tersely. He conceded no physical decline since 2020. He cast this current passage as 2020 all over again — needless panic and predictable underestimations of his strength. He pretty much rolled his eyes at a reference to his supposedly low approval rating. And he scoffed at the suggestion that he have a thorough neurological work-up.
Stephanopoulos kept asking about the future. Biden kept talking about the past.
But this isn’t 2020. The polls, the country, Biden — they’re all different. Does he fully get that?
“I’m the guy,” he said, over and over, and while that phrase typically teed up mention of one of his many legitimate accomplishments, it was also an assertion of his status, in his view, as the best and only Democrat to take on Trump, no matter the evidence to the contrary.
I hope with every fiber of my being that he’s right, because I doubt the Lord is descending anytime soon. And if he’s wrong? Heaven help us.
IMAGES
VIDEO
COMMENTS
The screenwriters Michael Mitnick and Robert B. Weide adapted Lois Lowry's novel. David Bloomer/Weinstein Company. In the end, it taketh — your time, patience and faith in newly imagined ...
These four fall novels are set long ago, from 17th-century Iceland to the Civil War to an 18th-century penal colony.
The author talks to Jessica Gross about all the ways young-adult fiction has changed since she published "The Giver" two decades ago.
In a radical departure from her realistic fiction and comic chronicles of Anastasia, Lowry creates a chilling, tightly controlled future society where all controversy, pain, and choice have been expunged, each childhood year has its privileges and responsibilities, and family members are selected for compatibility.
Riveting, expertly crafted novel shows utopia's flaws. Read Common Sense Media's The Giver, Book 1 review, age rating, and parents guide.
The Give Book Review: Lowry's Young Adult Classic Book Title: The Giver Book Description: The Giver is Lois Lowry's best-loved novel and one in which readers find themselves confronted with a society that controls what people feel, see, and do with every moment of their lives. Book Author: Lois Lowry Book Edition: First Edition Book Format ...
Reviews of The Giver by Lois Lowry, plus links to a book excerpt from The Giver and author biography of Lois Lowry.
Watch on Praise for THE GIVER "A powerful and provocative novel" —The New York Times "Wrought with admirable skill -- the emptiness and menace underlying this Utopia emerge step by inexorable step: a richly provocative novel." —Kirkus, starred review "Lowry is once again in top form raising many questions while answering few, and unwinding a tale fit for the most adventurous ...
This week in The New York Times Book Review, Robin Wasserman reviews "Son," by Lois Lowry, the fourth book in her groundbreaking "Giver" quartet. It's the first book for young adults featured on the cover of the Book Review since Christopher Hitchens wrote about "Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows" in 2007.
The Giver - and Gathering Blue, and the newest in the trilogy: Messenger - take place against the background of very different cultures and times.
A powerful and provocative novel. New York Times. Jonas lives in a perfect society. There is no pain, poverty, divorce, delinquency, etc. One's life's work is chosen by the Elders. At the Ceremony of 12, Jonas is shocked to learn that he has been awarded the most prestigious honor. His assignment will be that of Receiver of Memories.
Lois Lowry's New York Times bestseller, THE GIVER is the quintessential dystopian novel, followed by its remarkable companions, GATHERING BLUE, MESSENGER and SON.
100 Best Books of the 21st Century: As voted on by 503 novelists, nonfiction writers, poets, critics and other book lovers — with a little help from the staff of The New York Times Book Review.
Jonas really wanted his family and Fiona to experience the emotions and memories he experienced. I love the book, though. Jonas journeys from passively following instructions and believing that the rules of the community are all for the best. As he learns about pain and loneliness (both from the Giver's memories and his new role which ...
We would like to show you a description here but the site won't allow us.
On the other hand, The New York Times' Karen Ray wrote that although there were "occasional logical lapses," the book is still "sure to keep older children reading.
The Giver. The Giver is a 1993 American young adult dystopian novel written by Lois Lowry, set in a society which at first appears to be utopian but is revealed to be dystopian as the story progresses. In the novel, the society has taken away pain and strife by converting to "Sameness", a plan that has also eradicated emotional depth from their ...
The Giver, out Friday, brings Lois Lowry 's 1993 Newbery Medal-winning young-adult novel to the big screen, with Jeff Bridges playing the title character after a 20-year journey to adapt the ...
Read my Banned Books Week review of The Giver, a young adult/middle grade novel by Lois Lowry, read by Ron Rifkin
As the blurb on the back cover informs us, the New York Times dubbed The Giver "a powerful and provocative novel". And of all the adjectives in the world that could be bestowed upon it, provocative feels like the most appropriate one. In the spirit of the precision of language so frequently called upon in The Giver, provocative feels like the most precise adjective of them all.
Reviews, essays, best sellers and children's books coverage from The New York Times Book Review.
Lois Lowry is the author of more than forty books for children and young adults, including the New York Times bestselling Giver Quartet and the popular Anastasia Krupnik series.
The Times critic Manohla Dargis reviews "The Giver." SKIP ADVERTISEMENT Recent episodes in Video 12:22 7:35 20:00 5:47 13:32 17:37 19:40 6:08 6:00 14:32 8:40 8:48 Show more videos from Video ...
The new platform language may lack the specificity of the old, but it expresses the same basic commitment to vast restrictions on reproductive rights and bodily autonomy.