essay of indian religion

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By: History.com Editors

Updated: November 16, 2023 | Original: October 6, 2017

Hinduism is the world’s oldest religion, according to many scholars, with roots and customs dating back more than 4,000 years. Today, with more than 1 billion followers , Hinduism is the third-largest religion worldwide, after Christianity and Islam . Roughly 94 percent of the world’s Hindus live in India. Because the religion has no specific founder, it’s difficult to trace its origins and history. Hinduism is unique in that it’s not a single religion but a compilation of many traditions and philosophies: Hindus worship a number of different gods and minor deities, honor a range of symbols, respect several different holy books and celebrate with a wide variety of traditions, holidays and customs. Though the development of the caste system in India was influenced by Hindu concepts , it has been shaped throughout history by political as well as religious movements, and today is much less rigidly enforced. Today there are four major sects of Hinduism: Shaivism, Vaishnava, Shaktism and Smarta, as well as a number of smaller sects with their own religious practices.

Hinduism Beliefs, Symbols

Some basic Hindu concepts include:

• Hinduism embraces many religious ideas. For this reason, it’s sometimes referred to as a “way of life” or a “family of religions,” as opposed to a single, organized religion.
• Most forms of Hinduism are henotheistic, which means they worship a single deity, known as “Brahman,” but still recognize other gods and goddesses. Followers believe there are multiple paths to reaching their god.
• Hindus believe in the doctrines of samsara (the continuous cycle of life, death, and reincarnation) and karma (the universal law of cause and effect).
• One of the key thoughts of Hinduism is “atman,” or the belief in soul. This philosophy holds that living creatures have a soul, and they’re all part of the supreme soul. The goal is to achieve “moksha,” or salvation, which ends the cycle of rebirths to become part of the absolute soul.
• One fundamental principle of the religion is the idea that people’s actions and thoughts directly determine their current life and future lives.
• Hindus strive to achieve dharma, which is a code of living that emphasizes good conduct and morality.
• Hindus revere all living creatures and consider the cow a sacred animal.
• Food is an important part of life for Hindus. Most don’t eat beef or pork, and many are vegetarians.
• Hinduism is closely related to other Indian religions, including Buddhism , Sikhism and Jainism.

There are two primary symbols associated with Hinduism, the om and the swastika. The word swastika means "good fortune" or "being happy" in Sanskrit, and the symbol represents good luck . (A hooked, diagonal variation of the swastika later became associated with Germany’s Nazi Party  when they made it their symbol in 1920.)

The om symbol is composed of three Sanskrit letters and represents three sounds (a, u and m), which when combined are considered a sacred sound. The om symbol is often found at family shrines and in Hindu temples.

Hinduism Holy Books

Hindus value many sacred writings as opposed to one holy book.

The primary sacred texts, known as the Vedas, were composed around 1500 B.C. This collection of verses and hymns was written in Sanskrit and contains revelations received by ancient saints and sages.

The Vedas are made up of:

• The Rig Veda
• The Samaveda
• Atharvaveda

Hindus believe that the Vedas transcend all time and don’t have a beginning or an end.

The Upanishads, the Bhagavad Gita, 18 Puranas, Ramayana and Mahabharata are also considered important texts in Hinduism.

Origins of Hinduism

Most scholars believe Hinduism started somewhere between 2300 B.C. and 1500 B.C. in the Indus Valley, near modern-day Pakistan. But many Hindus argue that their faith is timeless and has always existed.

Unlike other religions, Hinduism has no one founder but is instead a fusion of various beliefs.

Around 1500 B.C., the Indo-Aryan people migrated to the Indus Valley, and their language and culture blended with that of the indigenous people living in the region. There’s some debate over who influenced whom more during this time.

The period when the Vedas were composed became known as the “Vedic Period” and lasted from about 1500 B.C. to 500 B.C. Rituals, such as sacrifices and chanting, were common in the Vedic Period.

The Epic, Puranic and Classic Periods took place between 500 B.C. and A.D. 500. Hindus began to emphasize the worship of deities, especially Vishnu, Shiva and Devi.

The concept of dharma was introduced in new texts, and other faiths, such as Buddhism and Jainism, spread rapidly.

Hinduism vs. Buddhism

Hinduism and Buddhism have many similarities. Buddhism, in fact, arose out of Hinduism, and both believe in reincarnation, karma and that a life of devotion and honor is a path to salvation and enlightenment. 

But some key differences exist between the two religions: Many strains of Buddhism reject the caste system, and do away with many of the rituals, the priesthood, and the gods that are integral to Hindu faith.

Medieval and Modern Hindu History

The Medieval Period of Hinduism lasted from about A.D. 500 to 1500. New texts emerged, and poet-saints recorded their spiritual sentiments during this time.

In the 7th century, Muslim Arabs began invading areas in India. During parts of the Muslim Period, which lasted from about 1200 to 1757, Islamic rulers prevented Hindus from worshipping their deities, and some temples were destroyed.

Mahatma Gandhi

Between 1757 and 1947, the British controlled India. At first, the new rulers allowed Hindus to practice their religion without interference, but the British soon attempted to exploit aspects of Indian culture as leverage points for political control, in some cases exacerbating Hindu caste divisions even as they promoted westernized, Christian approaches.

Many reformers emerged during the British Period. The well-known politician and peace activist, Mahatma Gandhi , led a movement that pushed for India’s independence.

The partition of India occurred in 1947, and Gandhi was assassinated in 1948. British India was split into what are now the independent nations of India and Pakistan , and Hinduism became the major religion of India.

Starting in the 1960s, many Hindus migrated to North America and Britain, spreading their faith and philosophies to the western world.

Hindus worship many gods and goddesses in addition to Brahman, who is believed to be the supreme God force present in all things.

Some of the most prominent deities include:

• Brahma: the god responsible for the creation of the world and all living things
• Vishnu: the god that preserves and protects the universe
• Shiva: the god that destroys the universe in order to recreate it
• Devi: the goddess that fights to restore dharma
• Krishna: the god of compassion, tenderness and love
• Lakshmi: the goddess of wealth and purity
• Saraswati: the goddess of learning

Places of Worship

Hindu worship, which is known as “puja,” typically takes place in the Mandir (temple). Followers of Hinduism can visit the Mandir any time they please.

Hindus can also worship at home, and many have a special shrine dedicated to certain gods and goddesses.

The giving of offerings is an important part of Hindu worship. It’s a common practice to present gifts, such as flowers or oils, to a god or goddess.

Additionally, many Hindus take pilgrimages to temples and other sacred sites in India.

Hinduism Sects

Hinduism has many sects, and the following are often considered the four major denominations.

Shaivism is one of the largest denominations of Hinduism, and its followers worship Shiva, sometimes known as “The Destroyer,” as their supreme deity.

Shaivism spread from southern India into Southeast Asia and is practiced in Vietnam, Cambodia and Indonesia as well as India. Like the other major sects of Hinduism, Shaivism considers the Vedas and the Upanishads to be sacred texts.

Vaishnavism is considered the largest Hindu sect, with an estimated 640 million followers, and is practiced worldwide. It includes sub-sects that are familiar to many non-Hindus, including Ramaism and Krishnaism.

Vaishnavism recognizes many deities, including Vishnu, Lakshmi, Krishna and Rama, and the religious practices of Vaishnavism vary from region to region across the Indian subcontinent.

Shaktism is somewhat unique among the four major traditions of Hinduism in that its followers worship a female deity, the goddess Shakti (also known as Devi).

Shaktism is sometimes practiced as a monotheistic religion, while other followers of this tradition worship a number of goddesses. This female-centered denomination is sometimes considered complementary to Shaivism, which recognizes a male deity as supreme.

The Smarta or Smartism tradition of Hinduism is somewhat more orthodox and restrictive than the other four mainstream denominations. It tends to draw its followers from the Brahman upper caste of Indian society.

Smartism followers worship five deities: Vishnu, Shiva, Devi, Ganesh and Surya. Their temple at Sringeri is generally recognized as the center of worship for the denomination.

Some Hindus elevate the Hindu trinity, which consists of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva. Others believe that all the deities are a manifestation of one.

Hindu Caste System

The caste system is a social hierarchy in India that divides Hindus based on their karma and dharma. Although the word “caste” is of Portuguese origin, it is used to describe aspects of the related Hindu concepts of varna (color or race) and jati (birth). Many scholars believe the system dates back more than 3,000 years.

The four main castes (in order of prominence) include:

• Brahmin: the intellectual and spiritual leaders
• Kshatriyas: the protectors and public servants of society
• Vaisyas: the skillful producers
• Shudras: the unskilled laborers

Many subcategories also exist within each caste. The “Untouchables” are a class of citizens that are outside the caste system and considered to be in the lowest level of the social hierarchy.

For centuries, the caste system determined most aspect of a person’s social, professional and religious status in India.

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When India became an independent nation, its constitution banned discrimination based on caste.

Today, the caste system still exists in India but is loosely followed. Many of the old customs are overlooked, but some traditions, such as only marrying within a specific caste, are still embraced.

Hindus observe numerous sacred days, holidays and festivals.

Some of the most well-known include:

• Diwali : the festival of lights
• Navaratri: a celebration of fertility and harvest
• Holi: a spring festival
• Krishna Janmashtami: a tribute to Krishna’s birthday
• Raksha Bandhan: a celebration of the bond between brother and sister
• Maha Shivaratri: the great festival of Shiva

Hinduism Facts. Sects of Hinduism . Hindu American Foundation. Hinduism Basics . History of Hinduism, BBC . Hinduism Fast Facts, CNN .

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Religion in India: Tolerance and Segregation

• 1. Religious freedom, discrimination and communal relations

Table of Contents

• The dimensions of Hindu nationalism in India
• India’s Muslims express pride in being Indian while identifying communal tensions, desiring segregation
• Muslims, Hindus diverge over legacy of Partition
• Religious conversion in India
• Religion very important across India’s religious groups
• Near-universal belief in God, but wide variation in how God is perceived
• Across India’s religious groups, widespread sharing of beliefs, practices, values
• Religious identity in India: Hindus divided on whether belief in God is required to be a Hindu, but most say eating beef is disqualifying
• Sikhs are proud to be Punjabi and Indian
• 2. Diversity and pluralism
• 3. Religious segregation
• 4. Attitudes about caste
• 5. Religious identity
• 6. Nationalism and politics
• 7. Religious practices
• 8. Religion, family and children
• 9. Religious clothing and personal appearance
• 10. Religion and food
• 11. Religious beliefs
• 12. Beliefs about God
• Acknowledgments
• Appendix A: Methodology
• Appendix B: Index of religious segregation

Indians generally see high levels of religious freedom in their country. Overwhelming majorities of people in each major religious group, as well as in the overall public, say they are “very free” to practice their religion. Smaller shares, though still majorities within each religious community, say people of other religions also are very free to practice their religion. Relatively few Indians – including members of religious minority communities – perceive religious discrimination as widespread.

At the same time, perceptions of discrimination vary a great deal by region. For example, Muslims in the Central region of the country are generally less likely than Muslims elsewhere to say there is a lot of religious discrimination in India. And Muslims in the North and Northeast are much more likely than Muslims in other regions to report that they, personally, have experienced recent discrimination.

Indians also widely consider communal violence to be an issue of national concern (along with other problems, such as unemployment and corruption). Most people across different religious backgrounds, education levels and age groups say communal violence is a very big problem in India.

The partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947 remains a subject of disagreement. Overall, the survey finds mixed views on whether the establishment of Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority Pakistan alleviated communal tensions or stoked them. On balance, Muslims tend to see Partition as a “bad thing” for Hindu-Muslim relations, while Hindus lean slightly toward viewing it as a “good thing.”

Most Indians say they and others are very free to practice their religion

The vast majority of Indians say they are very free today to practice their religion (91%), and all of India’s major religious groups share this sentiment: Roughly nine-in-ten Buddhists (93%), Hindus (91%), Muslims (89%) and Christians (89%) say they are very free to practice their religion, as do 85% of Jains and 82% of Sikhs.

Broadly speaking, Indians are more likely to view themselves as having a high degree of religious freedom than to say that people of other religions are very free to practice their faiths. Still, 79% of the overall public – and about two-thirds or more of the members of each of the country’s major religious communities – say that people belonging to other religions are very free to practice their faiths in India today.

Generally, these attitudes do not vary substantially among Indians of different ages, educational backgrounds or geographic regions. Indians in the Northeast are somewhat less likely than those elsewhere to see widespread religious freedom for people of other faiths – yet even in the Northeast, a solid majority (60%) say there is a high level of religious freedom for other religious communities in India.

Most people do not see evidence of widespread religious discrimination in India

Most people in India do not see a lot of religious discrimination against any of the country’s six major religious groups. In general, Hindus, Muslims and Christians are slightly more likely to say there is a lot of discrimination against their own religious community than to say there is a lot of discrimination against people of other faiths. Still, no more than about one-quarter of the followers of any of the country’s major faiths say they face widespread discrimination.

Generally, Indians’ opinions about religious discrimination do not vary substantially by gender, age or educational background. For example, among college graduates, 19% say there is a lot of discrimination against Hindus, compared with 21% among adults with less education.

Within religious groups as well, people of different ages, as well as both men and women, tend to have similar opinions on religious discrimination.

However, there are large regional variations in perceptions of religious discrimination. For example, among Muslims who live in the Central part of the country, just one-in-ten say there is widespread discrimination against Muslims in India, compared with about one-third of those who live in the North (35%) and Northeast (31%). (For more information on measures of religious discrimination in the Northeast, see “ In Northeast India, people perceive more religious discrimination ” below.)

Among Muslims, perceptions of discrimination against their community can vary somewhat based on their level of religious observance. For instance, about a quarter of Muslims across the country who pray daily say there is a lot of discrimination against Muslims (26%), compared with 19% of Muslims nationwide who pray less often. This difference by observance is pronounced in the North, where 39% of Muslims who pray every day say there is a lot of discrimination against Muslims in India, roughly twice the share among those in the same region who pray less often (20%).

Most Indians report no recent discrimination based on their religion

The survey also asked respondents about their personal experiences with discrimination. In all, 17% of Indians report facing recent discrimination based on their religion. Roughly one-in-five Muslims (21%) and 17% of Hindus say that in the last 12 months they themselves have faced discrimination because of their religion, as do 18% of Sikhs. By contrast, Christians are less likely to say they have felt discriminated against because of their religion (10%), and similar shares of Buddhists and Jains (13% each) fall into this category.

Nationally, men and women and people belonging to different age groups do not differ significantly from each other in their experiences with religious discrimination. People who have a college degree, however, are somewhat less likely than those with less formal schooling to say they have experienced religious discrimination in the past year.

Within religious groups, experiences with discrimination vary based on region of residence and other factors. Among Muslims, for instance, 40% of those living in Northern India and 36% in the Northeast say they have faced recent religious discrimination, compared with no more than one-in-five in the Southern, Central, Eastern and Western regions.

Experiences with religious discrimination also are more common among Muslims who are more religious and those who report recent financial hardship (that is, they have not been able to afford food, housing or medical care for themselves or their families in the last year).

Muslims who have a favorable view of the Indian National Congress party (INC) are more likely than Muslims with an unfavorable view of the party to say they have experienced religious discrimination (26% vs. 15%). Among Northern Muslims, those who have a favorable view of the INC are much more likely than those who don’t approve of the INC to say they have experienced discrimination (45% vs. 23%). (Muslims in the country, and especially Muslims in the North, tend to say they voted for the Congress party in the 2019 election. See Chapter 6 .)

Hindus with less education and those who have recently experienced poverty also are more likely to say they have experienced religious discrimination.

In Northeast India, people perceive more religious discrimination

Less than 5% of India’s population lives in the eight isolated states of the country’s Northeastern region. This region broadly lags behind the country in economic development indicators. And this small segment of the population has a linguistic and religious makeup that differs drastically from the rest of the country.

According to the 2011 census of India, Hindus are still the majority religious group (58%), but they are less prevalent in the Northeast than elsewhere (81% nationally). The smaller proportion of Hindus there is offset by the highest shares of Christians (16% vs. 2% nationally) and Muslims (22% vs. 13% nationally) in any region. And based on the survey, the region also has a higher share of Scheduled Tribes than any other region in the country (25% vs. 9% nationally), and half of Scheduled Tribe members in the Northeast are Christians.

Indians in the Northeast are more likely than those elsewhere to perceive high levels of religious discrimination. For example, roughly four-in-ten in the region say there is a lot of discrimination against Muslims in India, about twice the share of North Indians who say the same thing (41% vs. 22%).

Much of the Northeast’s perception of high religious discrimination is driven by Hindus in the region. A slim majority of Northeastern Hindus (55%) say there is widespread discrimination against Hindus in India, while almost as many (53%) say Muslims face a lot of discrimination. Substantial shares of Hindus in the Northeast say other religious communities also face such mistreatment.

The region’s other religious communities are less likely to say there is religious discrimination in India. For example, while 44% of Northeastern Hindus say Christians face a lot of discrimination, only one-in-five Christians in the Northeast perceive this level of discrimination against their own group. By contrast, at the national level, Christians are more likely than Hindus to see a lot of discrimination against Christians (18% vs. 10%).

People in the Northeast also are more likely to report experiencing religious discrimination. While 17% of individuals nationally say they personally have felt religious discrimination in the last 12 months, one-third of those surveyed in the Northeast say they have had such an experience. Northeastern Hindus, in particular, are much more likely than Hindus elsewhere to report recent religious discrimination (37% vs. 17% nationally).

Most Indians see communal violence as a very big problem in the country

Most Indians (65%) say communal violence – a term broadly used to describe violence between religious groups – is a “very big problem” in their country (the term was not defined for respondents). This includes identical shares of Hindus and Muslims (65% each) who say this.

But even larger majorities identify several other national problems. Unemployment tops the list of national concerns, with 84% of Indians saying this is a very big problem. And roughly three-quarters of Indian adults see corruption (76%), crime (76%) and violence against women (75%) as very big national issues. (The survey was designed and mostly conducted before the World Health Organization declared the COVID-19 outbreak a pandemic.)

Indians across nearly every religious group, caste category and region consistently rank unemployment as the top national concern. Buddhists, who overwhelmingly belong to disadvantaged castes, widely rank unemployment as a major concern (86%), while just a slim majority see communal violence as a very big problem (56%).

Sikhs are more likely than other major religious groups in India to say communal violence is a major issue (78%). This concern is especially pronounced among college-educated Sikhs (87%).

Among Hindus, those who are more religious are more likely to see communal violence as a major issue: Fully 67% of Hindus who say religion is very important in their lives consider communal violence a major issue, compared with 58% among those who say religion is less important to them.

Indians in different regions of the country also differ in their concern about communal violence: Three-quarters of Indians in the Northeast say communal violence is a very big problem, compared with 59% in the West. Concerns about communal violence are widespread in the national capital of Delhi, where 78% of people say this is a major issue. During fieldwork for this study, major protests broke out in New Delhi (and elsewhere) following the BJP-led government’s passing of a new bill, which creates an expedited path to citizenship for immigrants from some neighboring countries – but not Muslims.

Indians divided on the legacy of Partition for Hindu-Muslim relations

The end of Britain’s colonial rule in India, in 1947, was accompanied by the separation of Hindu-majority India from Muslim-majority Pakistan and massive migration in both directions. Nearly three-quarters of a century later, Indians are divided over the legacy of Partition.

About four-in-ten (41%) say the partition of India and Pakistan was a good thing for Hindu-Muslim relations, while a similar share (39%) say it was a bad thing. The rest of the population (20%) does not provide a clear answer, saying Partition was neither a good thing nor a bad thing, that it depends, or that they don’t know or cannot answer the question. There are no clear patterns by age, gender, education or party preference on opinions on this question.

Among Muslims, the predominant view is that Partition was a bad thing (48%) for Hindu-Muslim relations. Fewer see it as a good thing (30%). Hindus are more likely than Muslims to say Partition was a good thing for Hindu-Muslim relations (43%) and less likely to say it was a bad thing (37%).

Of the country’s six major religious groups, Sikhs have the most negative view of the role Partition played in Hindu-Muslim relations: Nearly two-thirds (66%) say it was a bad thing.

Most Indian Sikhs live in Punjab, along the border with Pakistan. The broader Northern region (especially Punjab) was strongly impacted by the partition of the subcontinent, and Northern Indians as a whole lean toward the position that Partition was a bad thing for Hindu-Muslim relations (48%) rather than a good thing (39%).

The South is the furthest region from the borders affected by Partition, and Southern Indians are about twice as likely to say that Partition was good as to say that it was bad for Hindu-Muslim relations (50% vs. 26%).

Attitudes toward Partition also vary considerably by region within specific religious groups. Among Muslims in the North and West, most say Partition was a bad thing for Hindu-Muslim relations (55% of Muslims in both regions). In the Eastern and Central parts of the country as well, Muslim public opinion leans toward the view that Partition was a bad thing for communal relations. By contrast, Muslims in the South and Northeast tend to see Partition as good for Hindu-Muslim relations.

Among Hindus, meanwhile, those in the North are closely divided on the issue, with 44% saying Partition was a good thing and 42% saying it was a bad thing. But in the West and South, Hindus tend to see Partition as a good thing for communal relations.

Poorer Hindus – that is, those who say they have been unable to afford basic necessities like food, housing and medical care in the last year – tend to say Partition was a good thing. But opinions are more divided among Hindus who have not recently experienced poverty (39% say it was a good thing, while 40% say it was a bad thing). Muslims who have not experienced recent financial hardship, however, are especially likely to see Partition as a bad thing: Roughly half (51%) say Partition was a bad thing for Hindu-Muslim relations, while only about a quarter (24%) see it as a good thing.

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Indian Culture

Religion has historically influenced Indian society on a political, cultural and economic level. There is a sense of pride associated with the country’s rich religious history as the traditions of Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism all emerged out of India. Moreover, while a majority of people in India identify as Hindu (79.8%), the medley of religions that exist within the country continually impact contemporary society.

In India, religion is more publicly visible than it is in most English-speaking Western countries. This becomes evident when considering the numerous spaces that are thought to be sacred and holy. Examples include ‘ ashrams ’ (monasteries or congregation sites) consisting of large communities of scholars or monastics, temples ( mandir ), shrines and specific landscapes such as the Ganges river. There is a rich religious history visible in architecture, and it is not uncommon to find various places of worship, such as a Hindu temple, Muslim mosque and Christian church, all next to each other.

The 2011 Indian census indicated that 79.8% of Indians identified as Hindu, 14.2% identified as Muslim and 2.3% identified as Christian. A further 1.7% of the population identified as Sikh, 0.7% identified as Buddhist and 0.37% identified as Jain. Due to the massive population size of India, religious minorities still represent a significant number of people. For example, although only 0.37% of India may identify with Jainism, that still equates to over 4 million people. While not all religions in India can be discussed in detail, the following provides an overview of the major religions in the country as well as sizable religions that originated in India.

Hinduism in India

Hinduism – the most widely followed religion in India – can be interpreted diversely. Pinpointing what constitutes Hinduism is difficult, with some suggesting that it is an umbrella term that encompasses various religions and traditions within it. Nonetheless, Hinduism in all its forms has been particularly influential in Indian society.

Hinduism continues to thrive in modern-day India. The religion affects everyday life and social interactions among people through the many Hindu-inspired festivities, artistic works and temples. There is also a continuing revival of the classical ‘epic' narratives of the Ramayana (Rama’s Journey) and the Mahabharata (The Great Epic of the Bharata Dynasty) through the medium of film and television. The Krishna Lila (The Playful Activities of Krishna) is another popular tale among many villages.

It is common to find images of gods and goddesses in public and private spaces at all times of the year. The elephant-headed god, known as Ganesh , is particularly popular due to his believed ability to remove obstacles. Natural landscapes are also venerated, such as particular trees or rivers. The Hindu pantheon of deities extends into the hundreds of thousands due to the localised and regional incarnations of gods and goddesses. There are also many festivals celebrated throughout the country dedicated to the many Hindu narratives and deities.

Social Structure

One influential component of Hinduism impacting India is the large-scale caste system , known as the ‘ varna ’ system. The varna caste system represented the Hindu ideal of how society ought to be structured. This form of organisation classified society into four ideal categories: brahmin (priestly caste), kshatriya (warrior, royalty or nobility caste), vaishya (commoner or merchant caste) and shudra (artisan or labourer caste).

It is a hereditary system in that people are believed to be born into a family of a specific caste. Each caste has specific duties (sometimes known as ‘ dharma ’) they are expected to uphold as part of their social standing. For instance, a member of the Brahmin caste may be expected to attend to religious affairs (such as learning religious texts and performing rituals) while avoiding duties outside of their caste, such as cleaning. In contemporary times, Brahmin men who have been trained as priests often tend to temples and perform ritual activities on behalf of other members of Hindu society.

Islam in India

Islam is the second most followed religion in India, influencing the country's society, culture, architecture and artistry. The partition of the subcontinent in 1947 led to mass emigration of roughly 10 million Muslims to Pakistan and nearly as many Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan into India. This event changed the demographics of both countries significantly and is continually felt throughout India.

Nonetheless, the Islamic community in India continues to play a considerable role in the development of the country. For example, the Muslim community in India has contributed to theological research and the establishment of religious facilities, institutes and universities. The mystical strain of Islam (Sufism) is also popular, with people gathering to watch Sufi dance performances. The majority of Muslims are Sunni, but there are also influential Shi'ite minorities in Gujarat. Most Sunnis reside in Jammu and Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Kerala as well as major cities.

Sikhism in India

Originating in India, Sikhism is a monotheistic religion that promotes devotion to a formless God. The religion is centred on a tenet of service, humility and equality, encouraging its followers to seek to help those less fortunate or in need. For example, it is common for Sikhs to offer food to those visiting a gurdwara (the primary place of worship for Sikhs). One of the most recognised symbols of the Sikh community is a Sikh turban (known as a ‘ dastar ’ or a ‘ dumalla ’) worn by many men and some women. Since the partition of India and Pakistan, most Sikhs in India have resided in the Punjab region.

Buddhism in India

Buddhism originated as a countermovement to early Hinduism by presenting a universal ethic rather than basing ethical codes on an individual’s caste. The core doctrine of Buddhism, known as the ‘Four Noble Truths’, teaches that one can be liberated from the suffering that underpins the cycle of death and rebirth by practising the ‘Noble Eightfold Path’. Buddhism has become more widely practised in India over the last 30 years. This is partially due to the increased migration of exiled Buddhist monks from Tibet. However, its popularity has also increased as many from the 'untouchables' caste view it as a viable alternative to Hinduism in contemporary Indian society. Many Buddhists reside in the states of Maharashtra, Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir.

Jainism in India

Jainism also originated as a countermovement that opposed some of the teachings and doctrines of early Hinduism. In modern-day India, layperson Jains usually uphold the ethical principle of ‘ ahimsa ’ (‘non-harm’ or ‘non-violence’). As such, Jains tend to promote vegetarianism and animal welfare. Another common practice in the Jain lay community is samayika , a meditative ritual intended to strengthen one's spiritual discipline. Samayika is often practised in a religious setting, such as a temple, before a monk, or in one's home. Most Jains reside in Maharashtra, Gujarat and Rajasthan.

Christianity in India

Christianity is the third most followed religion in India, mostly concentrated in the far south and Mumbai. The most prominent denomination of Christianity in India is Roman Catholicism, but there are also localised Christian churches (such as the Church of North India and the Church of South India). Converts to Christianity have come mainly from traditionally disadvantaged minorities such as lower castes and tribal groups.

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Essay on Religion and Politics in India

Students are often asked to write an essay on Religion and Politics in India in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Religion and Politics in India

Introduction.

Religion and politics in India are deeply intertwined. India is a land of diverse religions, and this diversity influences its political landscape.

Religious Influence

Religion plays a significant role in Indian politics. Many political parties are based on religious identities, leading to a blend of religion and politics.

Secularism in Politics

Despite the religious influence, India is a secular country. The government is committed to treating all religions equally, ensuring no discrimination.

Challenges and Conclusion

While the blend of religion and politics can create unity, it can also lead to conflicts. It’s crucial for India to maintain its secular nature while respecting religious diversity.

250 Words Essay on Religion and Politics in India

India, a country of diverse cultures and religions, has always found its politics deeply intertwined with religion. This amalgamation has significantly influenced the socio-political landscape of the nation, shaping its democratic ethos and electoral politics.

Historical Perspective

The birth of India as an independent nation was marked by a partition along religious lines, setting a precedent for the interplay between religion and politics. The political discourse in India has been marked by religious identity, with parties often using religion as a tool to mobilize voters.

Religion as a Political Tool

Religion in India is not just a spiritual matter; it’s a socio-political entity. Political parties capitalize on religious sentiments to foster a sense of identity and unity among their supporters. This strategy often leads to the polarization of society along religious lines, creating a breeding ground for communal tensions.

Secularism and Politics

The Indian constitution advocates for secularism, ensuring equal rights and freedom for all religions. However, the practical implementation often gets blurred with political interests. The selective use of secularism by political parties to appease certain religious groups has raised questions about the true essence of Indian secularism.

The intersection of religion and politics in India is a complex phenomenon. While religion plays a significant role in shaping political ideology and voter behavior, it also poses challenges to India’s secular fabric. Striking a balance between religious freedom and political integrity is crucial for the sustenance of India’s pluralistic democracy.

500 Words Essay on Religion and Politics in India

The interplay of religion and politics in india.

India is a country characterized by a rich cultural, religious, and political tapestry. The interplay of religion and politics in India is a complex and profoundly influential dynamic that shapes the nation’s social and political landscapes.

The Historical Context

The intertwining of religion and politics in India is deeply rooted in its historical context. The nation’s partition in 1947, based on religious lines, set the stage for religion to become a central player in political discourse. The political ideologies that emerged, such as secularism and communalism, were deeply influenced by religious considerations.

Religion in Political Discourse

Religion plays a significant role in the political discourse in India. Political parties often employ religious symbolism and rhetoric to mobilize support. This can be seen in the way political campaigns are often crafted around religious identities, with promises made to protect the interests of specific religious communities. This has led to a form of identity politics where religious affiliations often dictate political alignments.

Religious Mobilization and Vote Bank Politics

The concept of ‘vote bank’ politics has further entrenched the role of religion in Indian politics. Political parties often target specific religious communities, promising to protect their interests in return for their votes. This has created a situation where religion is used as a tool to garner political support, often leading to divisive politics and communal tensions.

The Challenges and Implications

While religion can provide a sense of identity and community, its intertwining with politics has led to a number of challenges. It has often resulted in divisive politics, fostering communal tensions and sometimes even leading to violence. The politicization of religion also undermines the secular ideals enshrined in the Indian constitution, which envisages India as a secular state where all religions are treated equally.

The Way Forward

The way forward lies in strengthening the secular fabric of the nation. This requires promoting a political culture where religion is not used as a tool for political gains. It involves fostering a sense of inclusive nationalism that transcends religious identities. Education and awareness can play a crucial role in this, helping to promote a culture of tolerance and mutual respect.

In conclusion, religion and politics in India are deeply intertwined, shaping the nation’s social and political landscapes. While this dynamic has led to challenges, it also presents opportunities for fostering a more inclusive and tolerant society. By promoting a culture of secularism and mutual respect, India can ensure that religion serves as a force for unity rather than division.

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Essay on Indian Culture for Students and Children

500+ words essay on indian culture.

India is a country that boasts of a rich culture. The culture of India refers to a collection of minor unique cultures. The culture of India comprises of clothing, festivals, languages, religions, music, dance, architecture, food, and art in India. Most noteworthy, Indian culture has been influenced by several foreign cultures throughout its history. Also, the history of India’s culture is several millennia old.

Components of Indian Culture

First of all, Indian origin religions are Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism . All of these religions are based on karma and dharma. Furthermore, these four are called as Indian religions. Indian religions are a major category of world religions along with Abrahamic religions.

Also, many foreign religions are present in India as well. These foreign religions include Abrahamic religions. The Abrahamic religions in India certainly are Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Besides Abrahamic religions, Zoroastrianism and Bahá’í Faith are the other foreign religions which exist in India. Consequently, the presence of so many diverse religions has given rise to tolerance and secularism in Indian culture.

The Joint family system is the prevailing system of Indian culture . Most noteworthy, the family members consist of parents, children, children’s spouses, and offspring. All of these family members live together. Furthermore, the eldest male member is the head of the family.

Arranged marriages are the norm in Indian culture. Probably most Indians have their marriages planned by their parents. In almost all Indian marriages, the bride’s family gives dowry to bridegroom. Weddings are certainly festive occasions in Indian culture. There is involvement of striking decorations, clothing, music, dance, rituals in Indian weddings. Most noteworthy, the divorce rates in India are very low.

India celebrates a huge number of festivals. These festivals are very diverse due to multi-religious and multi-cultural Indian society. Indians greatly value festive occasions. Above all, the whole country joins in the celebrations irrespective of the differences.

Traditional Indian food, arts, music, sports, clothing, and architecture vary significantly across different regions. These components are influenced by various factors. Above all, these factors are geography, climate, culture, and rural/urban setting.

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Perceptions of Indian Culture

Indian culture has been an inspiration to many writers. India is certainly a symbol of unity around the world. Indian culture is certainly very complex. Furthermore, the conception of Indian identity poses certain difficulties. However, despite this, a typical Indian culture does exist. The creation of this typical Indian culture results from some internal forces. Above all, these forces are a robust Constitution, universal adult franchise, secular policy , flexible federal structure, etc.

Indian culture is characterized by a strict social hierarchy. Furthermore, Indian children are taught their roles and place in society from an early age. Probably, many Indians believe that gods and spirits have a role in determining their life. Earlier, traditional Hindus were divided into polluting and non-polluting occupations. Now, this difference is declining.

Indian culture is certainly very diverse. Also, Indian children learn and assimilate in the differences. In recent decades, huge changes have taken place in Indian culture. Above all, these changes are female empowerment , westernization, a decline of superstition, higher literacy , improved education, etc.

To sum it up, the culture of India is one of the oldest cultures in the World. Above all, many Indians till stick to the traditional Indian culture in spite of rapid westernization. Indians have demonstrated strong unity irrespective of the diversity among them. Unity in Diversity is the ultimate mantra of Indian culture.

FAQs on Indian Culture

Q1 What are the Indian religions?

A1 Indian religions refer to a major category of religion. Most noteworthy, these religions have their origin in India. Furthermore, the major Indian religions are Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism.

Q2 What are changes that have taken place in Indian culture in recent decades?

A2 Certainly, many changes have taken place in Indian culture in recent decades. Above all, these changes are female empowerment, westernization, a decline of superstition, higher literacy, improved education, etc.

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Essay on different religions in india.

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India presents a baffling diversity in religious persuasions and faiths. Although the traditional religion of the land is Hinduism, many other faiths and belief systems, from tribal forms of religion to Buddhism, Christianity and Islam, have coexisted for centuries. They have cre­ated for themselves cultural niches within a shared space.

These faiths are indigenous (Indie) as well as introduced from outside (extra-Indic). The Indie religions have all evolved from early Hinduism, which has been undergoing changes in content and ritual practices in response to the prevailing cultural, ethno-lingual and ecological diversities in dif­ferent regions of the country.

Within Hinduism, a number of sects, such as Vaisnavism and Saivism, emerged on the scene adding further diversity to the cultural mosaic. These sects have a specific geographic patterning of their own in the country. This shows how ideological differences and philosophical interpretations lead to diverse socio-cultural practices and the associated rituals based on religious faiths.

Thus it is evident that the differences in religious ideologies may lead to sect formation even within the same religion. These differences have led to the emergence of regional nuances in religious practices. In the same way, protest movements within Hinduism eventually led to the emer­gence of new faiths, such as Buddhism and Jainism.

These protest movements also led to reform within Hinduism. Another Indie relig­ion—Sikhism—was genetically linked to these changes. In its original form it was a fine blend of the basic elements of Hinduism and Islam. Religious faiths which originated in West Asia, e.g., Christianity, Zoroastrianism and Islam, also found their followers in India. Initially following a sea route to India both Christianity and Islam had their early base in the littoral regions of South India, particularly the west­ern coastal region, from where they spread into the interior parts.

Later missionary activity systematically organized by the Christian missions during the subsequent centuries, particularly the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, found many responsive groups among the tribes and the Hindu depressed castes. The spread of Islam In northern and western India was a later phenomenon. In fact, it fol­lowed the sequence of developments leading to the Muslim conquest of the northern parts of the country in the medieval period. Unlike the Christian missionary activity Islamic enterprise was never system­atically organized.

However, the emergence of Muslim seats of power in the different regions of the country provided an added incen­tive to conversion. Evidently, coexistence of multiple faiths and a pervasive spirit of tolerance has been a distinguishing feature of the Indian society through the ages.

Social Expression of Religious Identity:

Although religion is a matter of personal faith, religious identity of an individual in India is often expressed at the social plane. Unlike the western world where mass celebration of the religious occasions is in­frequent, more so the public display of festivities is rare, religious celebration in the oriental societies is a sociological phenomenon. The Indian society conforms to this norm. Mass festivals are common and the year is dotted with religious events, major as well as minor, which have far-reaching social implications.

In fact, in some religious groups, there are several occasions during the year when people publicly dis­play their adherence to a certain form of religious ritual. For example, large processions are taken out with great zeal. Likewise, people offer mass prayers in mosques and churches on certain festivals.

Mass prayers are also held in mosques on every Friday. The celebration of festivals acquires dimensions which transcends the limits of the private sphere of life. They become occasions of public expression of religious identity. These practices have continued and co-existed giving strength to the pluralistic nature of India’s religion-cultural ethos.

Elements of Religious Identity:

The issue of religion, or religion-based identity, may be approached in several ways.

First, religion is a matter of faith, a personal affair and a philosophy of life of an individual or a group of individuals.

Secondly, and flowing from the first, followers of a certain religion, by virtue of their adherence to a common faith, may develop a community feeling. This leads to conscious or unconscious expression of solidarity with the followers of that religious faith. This community feeling charac­terizes all religious group formations.

Thirdly, a common code of social conduct based on a religious faith may lead to public expressions of a particular religious identity, e.g., dressing in a particular way, avoidance of certain items of food and mass assemblies and public demonstrations on religious occasions.

These divergent codes of con­duct and socio-cultural practices eventually lead to a consciousness of religious and cultural differences. Followers of other religions are often ranked on a scale constructed in the light of a particular religious ideology and are then rated as superior, inferior or even untouchable.

If religion is a matter of personal faith, and there is little adherence to a publicly manifested code of conduct, it does not affect anybody. But if there is a public assertion of one’s religious identity expressed pro­nouncedly in dress ways, food ways, avoidance of or preference for certain items of food, cooking habits, eating habits, inhibitions in in­ter-dining and so on, a religious group acquires an identity of its own and gets differentiated from other religious groups on a social basis.

Other forms of discriminatory social behaviour follow. This pro­motes, on the one hand, an internal feeling of solidarity and, on the other, a feeling of division. Such divisive tendencies may acquire acute forms and may result in a variety of social conflicts. When groups are formed and perceived on religious basis social authority is often likely to be wielded by a priestly class (the authority of the church as in Ro­man Catholics or the authority of the Ulema as in Islam, although the two are not comparable in orientation and rigour).

This sooner or later acquires political nuances. When such a stage is reached, religion is likely to become the basis of social mobilization which eventually may lead to a social discord. The highest stage in this regimentation is reached when a state identifies itself with a particular religion and sub­jects the followers of other religions, or religious minorities, if any, to a discriminatory treatment. Theocratic states based on dissimilar relig­ious formations may eventually confront each other in situations of war in an attempt to subjugate each other. Crusades were the best ex­ample of such conflicts when the contesting parties were fighting in the name of religion.

The above discussion shows that religion in the world societies has not always been purely a matter of simple faith. Actions of indi­viduals or groups often transcend the limits of personal space. Then religion becomes a manifested basis of social differentiation.

In that role, it has far-reaching operational implications which do not always seem to hint at harmony or cohesion. At the same time, there is no gainsaying the fact that in the world society, religion as a moral phi­losophy has played a role of promoting harmony, peace and commitment to civilized public behaviour. The values inculcated by religious teachings are universal and reveal the essential unity of all re­ligions.

Religion has acted as a civilizing force promoting humanism, respect for other forms of identity and a spirit of sacrifice in an Endeavour to achieve higher goals for human coexistence. Religion has induced individuals to subordinate themselves to the higher ideals of humanism and sacrifice their own comforts for the collective good of the humankind.

However, human history is also full of instances when religion-based spirit of harmony and compression has been largely ignored in order to establish the supremacy of a given religious formation. The same factors which are cohesive in a given formation become the basis of rivalry and competition between the different re­ligious groups.

While it is true that religion promotes spiritualism, spiritual values have often been superseded by the human lust for secu­lar authority and material well-being. Despite the religious teachings for good moral behaviour conflict between the good and the evil has continued through history.

Religion in Indian Society: Historical Background:

Let us now examine the place of religion in Indian society in its his­torical context. Religion is a form of social organization. While it is personalized, social expression of one’s religious identity leads to sig­nificant behavioural patterns. The attitudes adopted by different religious groups reveal that ideology is a determining force in social behaviour. People chalk out their social interaction modes in the light of the religious faith they profess. The ramifications of a differential pattern of social behaviour are seen in patterns of social interaction, celebration of festivals, organization of cultural activities, manage­ment of social space and personal manners.

Western education has brought about a certain degree of social transformation; nonetheless the hold of religious ideologies is too strong. At the same time, it is true that an enlightened class of Indians is thoroughly secular and ca­pable of rising above the religious identities in all situations of crisis.

While Hinduism is the religion of the land, there is no one pan-In­dian form of religion. In fact, Hinduism has been evolving through the ages. Moreover, it has interesting regional forms and each cultural region has its own distinguishing traits expressed in rituals, customs, ceremonies, festivals and social practices. An early form of Hinduism, based on the worship of mother goddess gradually changed into a re­ligious form commonly referred to as Vedic Hinduism (Box 7.1).

The advent of Vedic religion led to drastic modification of the ancient faith around the middle of the second millennium B.C. While the Vedic re­ligion remained as a superstructure, regional forms of faith based on a blending of local varieties with the newly introduced elements contin­ued as a substratum. It is commonly known that the transformation of early Hinduism into Vedic form of religion started with the advent of the Indo-Aryan language, particularly Sanskrit, which became the vehicle for this change. The Vedic theology according to one interpretation “begins with the worship of the things of heaven, and ends with the worship of the things of earth”.

The gods of heaven included Surya, Savitar and Bhaga, which really implies the worship of sun in different forms. Then was the worship of the gods of the intermediate sky, Indra, and earth-born gods, Agni, Soma, etc. Gradually, the concept of sraddha, or periodical feast of the dead, led to the emergence of the cult of sacri­fice.

The Rig-Veda recorded the practices and the rituals associated with the different forms of worship as the Vedic religion spread to other re­gions of India from its homeland in the Sapta-Sindhava region. It acquired distinct regional forms. The Hindu pantheon recognized a Super Being, an Atman or Parmatman which permeated all beings, in­cluding the gods they worshipped.

The Vedic theology was not a fixed set of ideas. In fact, it continued to evolve from the period of the Vedas to that of the Brahmanas and the Upanishads. During these evolutionary stages significant changes were registered in the Hindu philosophy and the very concept of gods underwent a change. As Brahmanism became rigid protest movements against the as­cetic fraternity of the Brahmans were launched. These protest movements eventually led to the emergence of new faiths, such as Buddhism and Jainism. Buddhism was a heretical movement. Basi­cally, it was a reformation movement and a protest against the ascendancy of the priestly class.

Buddhism, in its original form, was not a religion as such. It was simply a monastic organization. It in­sisted on a non-Brahmanic order. In its historical context, it appears that it was a culmination of the ongoing conflict between the Brah­man and the Kshatriya. In the background of Magadha one can understand that the Kshatriya was in a dominating position. The fact that these protest movements originated in Magadha explains the na­ture of the caste conflict so peculiar of the region. Early Buddhism tried to disentangle people from the Brahmanical cult.

Among the ba­sic elements of Buddhism were the sanctity of animal life (ahimsa) and the craving for salvation (nirvana). However, the early Buddhist gos­pels were a continuation of the old Hindu beliefs and ethics. Buddha laid an extraordinary stress on the issue of nirvana. It is a remarkable feature of India’s religious tolerance that in spite of its opposition to Brahmanical supremacy Buddhism co-existed with Brahmanism for more than a millennium. In its early days Buddhism benefited from its practice of holding sangha (congregation of monks or monastic order) in the propagation and consolidation of Buddhist faith.

Through these congregations Buddhist preachers redefined their position vis-a-vis the basic philosophical issues. It is also believed that Buddhism also bene­fited when the state adopted it perhaps as a state religion under Asoka. Asoka’s role in the propagation of Buddhism to other parts of the world, such as Sri Lanka and Central and Eastern Asia, is too well known. With the passage of time Buddhism got divided into two schools of thought—Hinayana and Mahayana.

The Mahayana school which developed under Kanishka promised salvation to the entire uni­verse as against the Hinayana concept of salvation of the few. It is a known history that Buddhism started declining in its homeland while it flourished abroad. Hiuen Tsiang’s visit to India during 629-45 A.D. confirmed its general state of decay. It is understood that the main cause of this decline was Brahmanical revivalism attended by a refor­mation movement within Brahamanism.

The rise of Brahamanism is attributed to the efforts of Kumarila Bhatta, a Brahman preacher of Bi­har and his disciple, Sankaracharya. There were other factors too. For example, the Buddhist creed was based on a high standard of morality, much higher than the level of common people.

Moreover, rejection of the sacrificial cult and abstraction of the concept of god acted as dis­tracting factors, hastening the decay of Buddhism. The common Hindu was more interested in gods which were concrete objects of worship. Thus, the decline of Buddhism may be an outcome of the re­surgence of Brahamanism as well as the natural decay of the Buddhist faith among the masses.

The ascetic fraternity of the Brahmans led to another protest movement which came to be known as Jainism. The movement emerged in the lifetime of Buddha himself. Like Buddha, its leader Vardhamana, popularly known as Mahavira Jina, also came from Ma­gadha. The Brahman authority was so strong that these protest movements gained popularity.

Jainism also aimed at nirvana, al­though the Jain concept of nirvana was a little different than in Buddhism. Within Jainism a division between Svetambara and Digam-bara took place at an early stage. Svetambara originated in the northern and the western region of the country while Digambara had its base in the south. The Digambaras followed the principle of nu­dity. A third sect which consisted of Dhondias also emerged. Jainism received state patronage under the Chalukyas of Gujarat and Marwar. With this began the process of construction of famous Jain temples in different regions of the country. Unlike Buddhism, Jainism did not suffer a setback.

The Jain order survived without much of a conflict, external or internal. Today, the main Jain sanctuaries are situated in the isolated hills, such as Parasnath in Bengal, Palitana in Kathiawar and Mount Abu in Rajasthan. The census records show a successive decline in the numerical strength of Jain population. It may also be noted that the home of Jainism today lies in Gujarat and adjoining Marwar region of Rajasthan where the followers have been drawn mostly from among the trading communities and not in Bengal, Magadh or Orissa where the Jain faith originated.

Reform movements, initiated by Buddha and Mahavira, resulted in new formulations of ritual as well as social customs. There was a phase, although short-lived, in Indian history when the tide of Bud­dhism seemed to submerge the Hindu faith. Buddhism had its sway over a vast region from Bengal to Kashmir and from the Himalayas to Kaveri till a new Brahmanical upsurge brought an equally spectacular change.

The protest movements represented by Buddhism and Jainism also led to reformation within Brahmanism. These reform movements eventually resulted in the emergence of a new form of Hinduism which is currently in practice in all parts of India. Its basic elements consist of use of one sacred language (Sanskrit), through which the rit­ual is practised, pilgrimage to holy places and the rule of a priestly class which determines the life of the ordinary Hindu men and women. The religion of the peasant, although simpler in its theologi­cal content, is equally controlled by the Brahamanical authority.

In the course of time, two sects, viz., Vaisnavism and Sivaism emerged among the Hindus. While the former focuses on the worship of Visnu, the latter on the worship of Siva. Each sect has its own or­der of rituals performed on specific occasions. However, both the gods are worshipped by the common Hindu folk throughout the country.

Both Siva and Visnu are mentioned in the Mahabharata as two separate gods, and at the same time each represented by the other. The Hindu trinity of gods consists of both of them as well as a third god, Brahma, who was treated as the chief of the gods in the epic pe­riod. The modern belief is that while Brahma occupies a central position, he is represented by both Visnu and Siva and in their wor­ship Brahma is also worshipped indirectly.

As pointed out earlier, a remarkable feature of Hindu society is a spirit of tolerance and accommodation of multiple forms of faith. It was because of this spirit of tolerance that other faiths which came from outside flourished. Christianity and Islam came from outside and the people embraced these faiths without much of a social conflict.

This has been a historic tradition that successive penetration by non- Indic religions was not resisted. Political conflicts were there between the local kingdoms and the invaders, but they did not result in relig­ious conflicts. Gradually, these religious faiths created for themselves niches in the Indian social space.

As indicated earlier, among the Se­mitic religions, the earliest to make an impact in India was Christianity. Syrian Christians appeared on the west coast of India in the very first century of the Christian era. Later, in the seventh cen­tury A.D., Arab traders brought the message of Islam to the people living on the west coast of India. This happened much before the Mus­lim (political) conquest of northern India.

It is thus obvious that the religious composition of the Indian population has been changing with conversions from one faith to the other. The spatial patterns of distribution of different religious groups were also greatly modified by large scale migration following the par­tition of India in 1947. Partition brought about a significant change in the distribution and relative strength of different religious faiths in north western, northern and north eastern India.

Spatial Distribution of Religious Groups :

The different religious communities of India include major groups, such as the Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and the Jains, as well as minor religious faiths, such as Jews and Zoiroastrians. Moreover, several tribal communities continue to retain faith in tribal religions based on totemism and animism. The Hindus account for 82 per cent of the total population and are the largest religious group in the country. However, in some districts, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs or the Buddhists are more numerous than the Hindus. Muslims are the largest minority group and account for 12.12 per cent of the total population.

Christians constitute 2.3 per cent of the population and the Sikhs 1.94 per cent. Buddhists and Jains are numerically insignifi­cant accounting for 0.7 and 0.5 per cent of population respectively. It may be noted that while Hindus are generally found everywhere, other religious groups are concentrated in a few pockets only (Table 7.1).

It may be useful to identify the main patterns in the spatial distri­bution of the major religious groups in order to understand the role of religion in defining the parameters of Indian social space and the socio- cultural regionalism based on it.

Related Articles:

• Classification of Religious Groups in India: Indigenous and Extra-Indic
• Religious Movements in India

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Why Did Modi Call India’s Muslims ‘Infiltrators’? Because He Could.

The brazenness of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vilification of India’s largest minority group made clear he sees few checks at home or abroad on his power.

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Modi Calls Muslims ‘Infiltrators’ in Speech During India Elections

Prime minister narendra modi of india was criticized by the opposition for remarks he made during a speech to voters in rajasthan state..

I’m sorry, this is a very disgraceful speech made by the prime minister. But, you know, the fact is that people realize that when he says the Congress Party is going to take all your wealth and give it to the Muslims, that this is just a nakedly communal appeal which normally any civilized election commission would disallow and warn the candidate for speaking like this.

By Mujib Mashal

Reporting from New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, his power at home secured and his Hindu-first vision deeply entrenched, has set his sights in recent years on a role as a global statesman , riding India’s economic and diplomatic rise. In doing so, he has distanced himself from his party’s staple work of polarizing India’s diverse population along religious lines for its own electoral gain.

His silence provided tacit backing as vigilante groups continued to target non-Hindu minority groups and as members of his party routinely used hateful and racist language , even in Parliament, against the largest of those groups, India’s 200 million Muslims. With the pot kept boiling, Mr. Modi’s subtle dog whistles — with references to Muslim dress or burial places — could go a long way domestically while providing enough deniability to ensure that red carpets remained rolled out abroad for the man leading the world’s largest democracy.

Just what drove the prime minister to break with this calculated pattern in a fiery campaign speech on Sunday — when he referred to Muslims by name as “infiltrators” with “more children” who would get India’s wealth if his opponents took power — has been hotly debated. It could be a sign of anxiety that his standing with voters is not as firm as believed, analysts said. Or it could be just a reflexive expression of the kind of divisive religious ideology that has fueled his politics from the start.

But the brazenness made clear that Mr. Modi sees few checks on his enormous power. At home, watchdog institutions have been largely bent to the will of his Bharatiya Janata Party, or B.J.P. Abroad, partners increasingly turn a blind eye to what Mr. Modi is doing in India as they embrace the country as a democratic counterweight to China.

“Modi is one of the world’s most skilled and experienced politicians,” said Daniel Markey, a senior adviser in the South Asia program at the United States Institute of Peace. “He would not have made these comments unless he believed he could get away with it.”

Mr. Modi may have been trying to demonstrate this impunity, Mr. Markey said, “to intimidate the B.J.P.’s political opponents and to show them — and their supporters — just how little they can do in response.”

The prime minister sees himself as the builder of a new, modern India on the march toward development and international respect. But he also wants to leave a legacy that is distinctly different from that of the leaders who founded the country as a secular republic after British colonial rule.

Before joining its political offshoot, he spent more than a decade as a cultural foot soldier of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, or R.S.S., a right-wing organization founded in 1925 with the mission of making India a Hindu state. The group viewed it as treason when an independent India agreed to a partition that created Pakistan as a separate nation for Muslims, embraced secularism and gave all citizens equal rights. A onetime member went so far as to assassinate Mohandas K. Gandhi in outrage.

Over his decade in national power, Mr. Modi has been deeply effective in advancing some of the central items of the Hindu-right agenda. He abolished the semi-autonomy of the Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir. He enacted a citizenship law widely viewed as prejudiced against Muslims. And he helped see through the construction of a grand temple to the Hindu deity Ram on a plot long disputed between Hindus and Muslims.

The violent razing in 1992 of the mosque that had stood on that land — which Hindu groups said was built on the plot of a previous temple — was central to the national movement of Hindu assertiveness that ultimately swept Mr. Modi to power more than two decades later.

More profoundly, Mr. Modi has shown that the broader goals of a Hindu state can largely be achieved within the bounds of India’s constitution — by co-opting the institutions meant to protect equality.

Officials in his party have a ready rebuttal to any complaint along these lines. How could Mr. Modi discriminate against anyone, they say, if all Indian citizens benefit equally from his government’s robust welfare offerings — of toilets, of roofs over heads, of monthly rations?

That argument, analysts say, is telling in showing how Mr. Modi has redefined democratic power not as leadership within checks and balances, but as the broad generosity of a strongman, even as he has redefined citizenship in practice to make clear there is a second class.

Secularism — the idea that no religion will be favored over any other — has largely been co-opted to mean that no religion will be allowed to deny Hindus their dominance as the country’s majority, his critics say. Officials under Mr. Modi, who wear their religion on their sleeves and publicly mix prayer with politics, crack down on public expressions of other religions as breaching India’s secularism.

While right-wing officials promote conversion to Hinduism, which they describe as a “return home,” they have introduced laws within many of the states they govern that criminalize conversion from Hinduism. Egged on by such leaders, Hindu extremists have lynched Muslim men accused of transporting cows or beef and hounded them over charges of “love jihad” — or luring Hindu women. Vigilantes have frequently barged into churches and accosted priests they believe have engaged in proselytizing or conversion.

“What they have done is to create a permissive environment which encourages hate and valorizes hate,” said Harsh Mander, a former civil servant who is now a campaigner for social harmony.

In reference to Mr. Modi’s speech on Sunday, he added: “This open resort to this kind of hate speech will only encourage that hard-line Hindu right in society.”

Tom Vadakkan, a spokesman for the B.J.P., said the prime minister’s comments on Muslims had been misinterpreted. Mr. Modi, Mr. Vadakkan said, was referring to “intruders” or “illegal migrants” who the party claims are being used by the political opposition to “redefine the demography.”

Privately, Western diplomats in New Delhi do little to hide their discomfort with some of Mr. Modi actions as a democratic ally, from the targeting of minorities to his crackdowns on opposition and dissent. But they acknowledge that he is exploiting a particularly open season in the global order, with many of their own capitals providing a less positive example than they once did, and with so much focus on China and trade deals.

Mr. Markey, the Washington-based analyst, said the U.S. government was holding back from voicing concerns publicly for several reasons beyond its national interest in having India serve as an economic and geopolitical counterweight to China.

The United States, he said, realizes the growing limits of its public criticism in changing partner nations’ behavior. That was demonstrated most recently by the repeated instances in which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel ignored President Biden’s demands that the Israeli military change its conduct within the war in Gaza.

Criticism of Mr. Modi, Mr. Markey added, could also backfire for U.S. politicians who “do not want to get crosswise with Indian diaspora groups.”

But Mr. Modi may not remain immune as he pursues closer partnerships with the United States in areas like joint weapons manufacturing, transfer of high technology and sharing of intelligence.

“My sense is that Washington’s increasing discomfort with Modi’s domestic politics is gradually lowering the ceiling of potential U.S. cooperation with India,” Mr. Markey said. “The question is just how far Washington is willing to trust India. Will India be treated as an ally in everything but name, or as a partner more like Vietnam or Saudi Arabia?”

Hari Kumar contributed reporting.

Mujib Mashal is the South Asia bureau chief for The Times, helping to lead coverage of India and the diverse region around it, including Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan. More about Mujib Mashal

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India’s high-stakes election

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• Hilary McQuilkin
• Meghna Chakrabarti

In 2023, professor Ashutosh Varshney joined us to talk about democracy in India.

"India is ceasing to be a liberal democracy but it is an electoral democracy," Varshney said. "If ... the next election in India is not competitive and opposition party leaders are put in jail, then we are heading towards an electoral autocracy."

Since then, prominent opposition leader Arvind Kejriwal has been arrested. And India's elections are currently underway. What does Varshney think now?

Today, On Point:  a test for democracy in the world's largest democracy.

Ashutosh Varshney, director of the Saxena Center for Contemporary South Asia. Sol Goldman Professor of International Studies and the Social Sciences at Brown University. Author of eight books, including " Battles Half Won: India’s Improbable Democracy ."

Vivan Marwaha, author of " What Millennials Want: Decoding the World's Largest Generation ."

MEGHNA CHAKRABARTI: I’m Meghna Chakrabarti. And this is On Point.

Vikram Chandra is considered one of India’s leading journalists. He’s covered his nation for more than 30 years, including at the pioneering independent news network NDTV, and now at his multilingual news platform Editorji Technologies.

In that time, he’s reported on several wars in Kashmir, interviewed world leaders, and probed India’s domestic politics and foreign affairs. Now, he’s covering one of the biggest events of them all. India’s elections.

VIKRAM CHANDRA: It's one of the greatest spectacles on this planet, probably the greatest show on the earth. The fact that you can actually get 970 million people, that's a billion people who are going to probably, who are able to cast their vote.

CHAKRABARTI: India’s elections unfold over the course of 40 days. They began on April 19. Voting ends on June 1st. Results are tabulated and released on June 4th.

Now, Indian law says voters must have access to polling stations no farther than 1.2 miles from where they live. So that means millions of election workers and a whole lot of electronic voting machines are deployed to make it happen – across rivers, up into mountains, into some of the most remotest places in the country.

CHANDRA: If you think about it, the way it sometimes works in the U.S. is that everyone goes to the polls on the same day and you're sort of done. Here, it's actually the counting is a miracle. All of those boxes are going to be put in and within three hours, India is going to count a billion votes or nearly a billion votes. I mean, okay, not all of them are going to go out and vote, but you get what I mean.

Yes, the voting process is spread out over six weeks. Because the security has to be done and the officials have to move from place to place to conduct the election, to tally all those votes. All of them are then put into these electronic voting machines. And then it's all counted and tallied in like four hours flat on the 4th of June.

CHAKRABARTI: Amazing, when you think about it. At this point, it’s expected that the current ruling party, the BJP, will make a strong showing this election. And likely returning prime minister Narendra Modi to India’s leadership for a third term. Chandra says the BJP’s strength is due to a number of reasons, including a disjointed and rudderless opposition.

CHANDRA: Therefore, what the BJP always tries to do and has been able to do very successfully is say, "Alright, here's Narendra Modi. Who's on the other side?" And then you've got this, invariably put up this picture of 20 squabbling opposition leaders, all sort of fighting with each other, and none of them apparently with the status or the stature or the ability to articulate a vision for the future. And that's why what the BJP wants to do and what the BJP tries to do is will be to make this election into a referendum on Modi. Modi versus who?

CHAKRABARTI: Chandra says that when Narendra Modi is on the ballot, the opposition party has a tough time winning seats. He says they need to make this election about something OTHER than Modi and his cult of personality. Something like the high rate of unemployment in India, which is currently plaguing the economy.

CHANDRA: The opposition is trying to make that instead of saying, Okay, let's not have a referendum on Modi. Let's have a referendum on inflation and on unemployment, because we think there are much better grounds out there. The only issue with that particular card is that what happens if people say yes, we're very worried about unemployment but we think that Modi is the person who's most likely to fix it.

CHAKRABARTI: Earlier this year Prime Minister Modi predicted that his party, the BJP-led alliance and its allies would win 400 out of 543 parliamentary seats available, that would be a huge majority. Of course, we don't yet know what's going to happen because elections are still ongoing. Vikram Chandra says the opposition is warning of the dangers of a win like that.

CHANDRA: The opposition is certainly painting this election in rather apocalyptic terms, they are saying that this is going to be the last election. And if Modi comes back with a thumping majority, in a two thirds majority, then the constitution is going to be amended and you're not going to have elections ever again. And that sort of a thing, that's probably slightly more scary than the reality, but that's the way it's being painted.

And it was seeming till a couple of months ago, that's exactly what's going to happen. You're going to have Modi coming back with a very thumping majority. Now that the election campaign has already started, you never quite know, right? There's a lot of people, there's a billion people, and you never quite know what's going to happen.

CHAKRABARTI: That was veteran TV journalist Vikram Chandra. He’s founder of Editorji, a short video news and information platform based in India.

Now here's the thing. India has always been a massive and dynamic laboratory for the expansive possibilities and limits of modern democratic systems. We are talking about the governance of the most populous, multi-religious, multi-lingual, multi-ethnic country in the world.

And that’s why many look upon the current election with both admiration and trepidation. Democracy advocates say Prime Minister Modi has championed a fundamentally anti-democratic, Hindu-nationalist vision of India. They warn that an overpowering win for the BJP could accelerate India’s transition from messy, but open democracy, to what our guest today once called an electoral autocracy.

And that guest is Ashutosh Varshney. He’s Professor of International Studies and the Social Sciences at Brown University, he's also director of the Center for Contemporary South Asia. I should say, the Saxena Center for Contemporary South Asia. And author of many books, including "Battles Half Won: India’s Improbable Democracy." Ashutosh Varshney, welcome back to On Point.

ASHUTOSH VARSHNEY: Pleasure to join you, Meghna.

CHAKRABARTI: Okay, so you are the man who about a year ago on our show, when we were doing a show about India and populism used this phrase, electoral autocracy.

So I actually want to first go back and listen to what you said a year ago and then ask you where you see India now, but here it is.

VARSHNEY: I have made the claim thus far that India is not a, India is seizing to be a liberal democracy, but it is an electoral democracy. If, for example, the next election in India is not competitive and opposition party leaders are put in jail, then we are heading towards an electoral autocracy.

CHAKRABARTI: So Professor Varshney, that was you one year ago. And one year on, what are your thoughts now?

VARSHNEY: Yeah, the claim about electoral autocracy, one should note what democratic theorists say, is on a scale, zero to one, it's not zero or one, it's not a binary. And India, by arresting the current government, Modi government, by arresting not only Arvind Kejriwal, whom your reporter mentioned, the Delhi chief minister, some weeks ago, but also another chief minister and chief minister in India's head of, elected head of state government, arresting him.

And then also trying to freeze the bank accounts of the leading opposition party has taken several steps down the ladder. It's not yet zero, which would be electoral autocracy, but it has taken several steps down that one to zero ladder.

There is no doubt that Mr. Modi or the Modi government, through its actions, was trying to restrict electoral competition.

CHAKRABARTI: You have no doubt about that? I have no doubt about it, because this is how you injure the opposition parties and politicians. So one of them cannot campaign. He's in jail. Two of them cannot campaign, they're in jail, and the financial health of the leading opposition party, the Congress party, has been severely damaged.

CHAKRABARTI: Now, so about these arrests and the jailing of opposition members, the chief ministers of the states that you had talked about, if I understand correctly, though, they have been arrested under accusations of corruption, correct?

VARSHNEY: That's right.

CHAKRABARTI: The reason why I point that out is because, supporters of Prime Minister Modi would say, corruption is not unfamiliar in India, right?

I was just looking at Transparency International's 2023 Corruption Perception Index, which rates countries zero to 100. The closer you are to zero, the more corrupt a nation is. India scores 39 out of 100. Is there not perhaps a legitimate cause behind the arrest of these opposition leaders?

VARSHNEY: So two answers to that. First, if the Modi regime did mean its anti-corruption campaign seriously, then it would not invite some major politicians in the opposition. Who are accused of corruption and have been charge sheeted. Prima charge sheet in India means a prima facie case, before it goes to the court.

Before the conviction. More than 20 leaders, opposition leaders, have been either forced to join BJP or enticed into joining BJP. And their corruption cases have been, they cannot be dropped legally, but they've been relegated for a much later date and perhaps not invoked at all.

So if you want a serious attack on corruption, you wouldn't let corrupt leaders from the opposition join your party and in such large numbers. So corruption here is a political weapon. Rather than an honest attempt to cleanse India, the corruption campaign.

CHAKRABARTI: Can I just ask you? We have about a minute before our first break, Professor. ... So share a common analysis with you and I and all of our listeners today.

What do you think is at stake if the BJP does win an overwhelming majority of seats in this election?

VARSHNEY: If the BJP wins two thirds of India's parliamentary seats, that's over 365 and he has already claimed that he would like to win 370. For himself, for the party, BJP party and 400 for the alliance, that will give them certainly the power to --

CHAKRABARTI: Change the constitution.

VARSHNEY: The constitutional amendment requires two thirds of parliament and half of state governments. They have half of state governments. And two thirds of parliament, if they win. Then there is a real chance of serious constitutional changes.

CHAKRABARTI: Today we are taking a look at India's ongoing elections, are happening right now in the world's largest democracy. And we're talking about what the outcome of those elections would mean, will mean for India and also the example it sets for democracies around the world, including right here in the United States.

And Professor Ashutosh Varshney joins us today. He's director of Brown University's Saxena Center for Contemporary South Asia, author of a number of books on India, including "Battles Half Won" and "Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life." Professor Varshney, actually, before we go forward about implications of this election, can we just take a step back and talk about Modi himself a little bit more?

And why in your eyes, and in the eyes of other political scientists, he's often put in this group of autocratic leaning leaders of nations, like in the break, we were talking about Turkey, Hungary, et cetera.

VARSHNEY: Prime Minister Modi grew up in a movement and in an organization, 100 years old, that organization, which has always believed in, with some inflections of some marginal changes here and there, but not fundamentally altering its view, fundamental commitment to Hindu nationalism. Which essentially means, if you use in American terms, Hindu supremacy, like white supremacy, right? In politics. And what would that mean? That would certainly mean a marginalization of minorities. India's current constitution is very clear that all religions are equal.

Point number one, and that India's state will be committed to religious neutrality. Point number two, religious neutrality of the state and religious equality of all citizens. The Hindu nationalists are opposed to both, and they have argued for 100 years now that there have been two kinds of invaders in India, the Muslim invaders who came from Middle East and the British invaders who came in, started occupying India, starting with Bengal in 1757 and ruled India for 200 years.

The British are gone. The Brits are gone. But Muslim invaders are not gone. How are they not gone? Because their children are still in India. Their children and grandchildren and progeny are still in India.

CHKRABARTI: and great grandchildren.

VARSHNEY: And great grandchildren. Now the question for democracy theorists is this.

How can the great grandchildren off those who came, plus those who were converted to Islam, who didn't come from anywhere, who were born in India. But in any case, those Muslims born in India. And there's 200 odd million of them. How are they responsible for the invasions of 11th century, 8th century, 16th century, and the Muslim empires of the time?

How can the argument be made that they be punished for what their ancestors did, and not all of them had ancestors in the Middle East, right? Most of them were born in India. So how can they be punished for that? And how can they be made second class citizens for those reasons? And Hindu nationalism believes in Hindu supremacy, Hindu primacy, and at least a second order citizenship or secondary citizenship given to Muslims, if not the expulsion, certainly not the expulsion, as the Jews were expelled from Germany. Certainly not that, but turning them into second class citizens with Hindu primacy ruling.

CHAKRABARTI: Just for a second, I want to go back in time to the creation of the modern Indian constitution, mostly because it happened at a moment.

The context really matters here. It very much matters, right? Because we're talking about a constitution that was, what, created after the British left India and partition took place. And if I remember correctly, and please do point me in the right direction here. The vision of a sort of multi religious India was one championed by Gandhi, right?

But it was contentious even at the time within India. Is that right?

VARSHNEY: It was the contentions came from Hindu traditionalists or Hindu nationalists; the mainstream of Congress party was simply not opposed to it. And the constituent assembly had only one person. Actually, you can say two out of a large number, who were uncomfortable with that.

So the fundamental core, primary commitment of the freedom movement was, regardless, even after 1947 or 1940. 1940, when the Pakistan resolution came on board, even after that, the fundamental commitment of the freedom movement led by the Congress party was that regardless of what happens to British India, whether it's partitioned or not, whether Pakistan is born or not, India will be committed to religious neutrality and religious equality.

But of course, it was a Hindu nationalist who murdered Gandhi. A Hindu nationalist murdered Gandhi a few months, just a few months after India's independence, and before the constitution came into being. So the constitution making remained committed.

An overwhelmingly large number of constituent assembly members remained committed to the idea of a multi religious India, with religious equality of citizens and religious neutrality of the state.

CHAKRABARTI: The reason why I wanted to just point that out is because it helps explain why you said that for a century, even with this federal commitment to religious neutrality, there has been this strong strain of Hindu nationalism that never really went away in India.

And it's now expressing its greatest power through Modi's leadership. But at the same time, he is being elected. The BJP as a party is winning seats in parliament. It's not exclusively because of the Hindu nationalism. There are many Indians who would say he's also delivered, the BJP has also delivered on development promises, for example.

VARSHNEY: There's two more issues that explain Modi's popularity. One is indeed delivery of welfare benefits to vast numbers of people. The deprived sections of society, modern toilets are not needed by the middle class and by the rich, but the poor needed them. Cooking gas was not a problem for the middle class or the rich, but the poor needed cooking gas, cylinders subsidized, so on and so forth.

So there is delivery of welfare benefits, which is the second basis for his popularity. And the third is his personal incorruptibility, though not the corruptibility of his party, it has become very clear, after an electoral bond scheme, which the Supreme Court turned down, overturned some weeks ago.

It's become very clear that the BJP and India's business have collusive links. Very corrupt links. So it's not the corruption of the party, but he's personally incorruptible.

CHAKRABARTI: And he's the figurehead of the party.

VARSHNEY: And he's the figurehead of the party. So other than Hindu nationalism, you also have welfare benefits and his personal incorruptibility.

CHAKRABARTI: What's fascinating to me is that at least from what we can view externally, in this election, recently Modi has been as vocal, perhaps as ever, about his view of Muslim Indians. And because just recently he gave a speech to a crowd on Sunday in the state of Rajasthan, said some pretty inflammatory things that made their way around the world but here it is.

(MODI TAPE)

CHAKRABARTI: So the Prime Minister there is saying, when they, the Congress Party, were in power, they said Muslims have the first right on India's resources and wealth. This means that they will collect all your wealth and distribute it among those who have more children.

They will distribute it among infiltrators. Should your hard-earned money be given to infiltrators? Are you okay with that? This is what the Congress Manifesto says.

CHAKRABARTI: Is that what the Congress Manifesto says, Professor?

VARSHNEY: I re-read it yesterday. At length, it doesn't say that. First of all, even Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the head of the pre-BJP, UPA government led by the Congress Party, did not say that the Muslims had the first claims on India's resources. He said all deprived communities, including Dalits, had the first claims on India's resources. Scheduled tribes, some lower castes and minorities had the first claims, not Muslims alone, first of all.

All the deprived sections of India, both Hindu and Muslim. Secondly, the manifesto that I read, nowhere says that even if a socioeconomic census of India is taken, and it's been taken and it was taken in 2011, it can establish, for example, which castes, which groups have, what is the economic status?

What is their status in terms of literacy? What is their status in terms of health? ... Are they women headed households or men headed households? Is there an adult person in the household who is income earning? All of those issues are there in that sense. It is not about your property alone.

And even if that is counted, and certainly in that census, in the manifesto, which is a promise to the electorate, it doesn't say that the property will be transferred to Muslims of India. And the third big point there is calling them infiltrators, which is invaders, and calling them also as a community that keeps on producing more children than the Hindus.

The demographers are very clear about that. You cannot compare Hindu family size with Muslim family size. First of all, Muslim family size is declining and may soon become, reach a level which is, what is called below the replacement, in several states of India, not everywhere. But Hindu, the Muslim family size is slightly bigger by the 2011 census than the Hindu family size.

However, that's not the comparison. Since most Muslims are poor.

CHAKRABARTI: Yeah.

VARSHNEY: And poverty has a lot to do with family size. The right comparison is of Muslim family size with the Dalit family size and the Adivasi family size. These are the two other very large, deprived communities of India. And if you do that, Muslims can't be called producing many more children than others.

CHAKRABARTI: We know that income and also female education, increases in female education rate are the two biggest drivers of reductions in family size.

VARSHNEY: That is correct.

CHAKRABARTI: But this caught a lot of people's attention both inside and outside of India. Because it is using that now familiar demonizing language that we hear in various forms, in other places where democracy is quavering a little, if I can put it that way. I've read that Modi may have resorted to this kind of speech in the past few days, perhaps not because of his fire breathing Hindu nationalism, but something that Vikram Chandra mentioned earlier, that there is a high unemployment rate right now in India.

And people are concerned about that. And that rate is happening under Modi's leadership.

VARSHNEY: Yes.

CHAKRABARTI: So he's trying to distract from that.

VARSHNEY: So that is a very good hypothesis. We need to, it will be hard to prove that conclusively, but that is as plausible a hypothesis as observers and democracy scholars can find. The first round of elections took place on April 19th, and this language emerged after that.

CHAKRABARTI: Oh, okay.

VARSHNEY: This language was last used when Mr. Modi was the chief minister of Gujarat state, when he was heading a state government, not heading India's federal or national government. This language has come back after a very long time.

So the question, that's why this hypothesis, the question is why. So it is possible that his own ground reports, the ground reports coming to the party, right? Put to the party leadership, are saying that things are not going very well, or did not go very well in the first round, especially because the voter turnout has dropped considerably or dropped considerably in the first round.

He relies heavily on Increasing turnouts. And the assumption is the more people vote, the more it will show that I am raising the levels of voter enthusiasm. And that's why they're coming out to vote to elect me to power.

CHAKRABARTI: Fascinating. So a drop in turnout and perhaps internal reports coming from the ground may have generated anxiety about what the election results might be. And is it that unemployment and economic issues of several kinds, is it that's going to undermine his likely election victory?

CHAKRABARTI: I see. Or at least undermine his aim to get two thirds.

VARSHNEY: Undermine his aim to get two thirds, which he's been insisting on that for almost six months now.

CHAKRABARTI: So that gets us back to if he were, if the BJP wins two thirds of the parliamentary seats, that gives the party the power to change the Indian election. Because they also have the requisite number of state leaderships. We have about just a couple of minutes before our next break, Professor, but can you just briefly summarize the kinds of constitutional changes that they would seek to make?

VARSHNEY: This has been an object of much analysis. All speculative at this point, but not necessarily wrong for that reason. How would Hindu supremacy, the idea of Hindu primacy and supremacy be turned into laws? Only one, or maybe you can say two steps have been taken in that direction. They were taken right after the elections in 2019.

One, on which immigrants from neighboring countries can become citizens. That was called Citizenship Amendment Act in December of 2019. It was passed by his control over parliament. Right? Now, that says all communities can come to India from the neighboring states, from the neighboring three Muslim majority states, but Muslims cannot. Only non-Muslim migrants.

Immigrants from those societies can become citizens, not Muslims, because Muslims are not persecuted. Minorities are persecuted, even though many Muslim communities claim that they are persecuted in their own Muslim majority countries. Okay, that's point number one. Point number two, the only Muslim majority state of India lost its status as a state.

That was also done through Parliament. Kashmir lost its status as a state. It's no longer a state of India, and that was done through Parliament. More of that we can discuss later in what other form it might come, but two steps have been taken in that direction. What other steps might be will be a matter of speculation right now, but not wrong for that reason.

CHAKRABARTI: We're talking today about India's elections and Ashutosh Varshney joins us in the studio and now Professor Varshney, I just want to bring in another voice here, Vivan Marwaha joins us. He's author of "What Millennials Want: Decoding the Largest Generation," and he's working on a sequel to his book on that, writing about Gen Z in India. Vivan, welcome to On Point.

VIVAN MARWAHA: Thanks, Meghna. It's great to be here.

CHAKRABARTI: When we talk about India, I just want to continuously remind folks about the incredible diversity of the nation that we're speaking about, but also its particular demographics in terms of age, right?

There's a large cohort of younger Indians. And you've written extensively, about them. Is it possible at all to generalize what such a large number of young people want for their country?

MARWAHA: It's a bit hard because there's this saying we have when it comes to things related to India, which is you can say one thing and it will be very true.

And you can say the exact opposite, and that will also be very true. That being said, we can make a few generalizations based on data. And based on geography, whether we're talking about North India, South India, middle class India versus folks with less income, but it is getting a bit hard to make generalizations given how diverse the country is.

CHAKRABARTI: So let me ask it then in a slightly different way. Because folks of your generation and Gen Zs, I think it's fair to say have grown up in a completely different India than parents of people who say, my parents' generation, right? Every time my parents go back and visit, they say India has become unrecognizable to them, because of the vast amounts of development and the growth of the economy in India.

So that's one thing. It's a different India now. And Vivan, I wonder what you think about this story too. Because, about 20 years ago, when I was there visiting family. And my family hails from both Bengal and Mumbai, so we were in Mumbai, walking down the street one day just to go to the market, and there was this large public rally going on.

And, I didn't realize it at the time, but it was a Hindu nationalist rally. But the thing that gave it away later, as I was thinking about it, was that there was this giant poster, very large poster, depicting the god Krishna. And the one that's famously depicted with the blue skin, and in this image, though, he was very, he looked like a bodybuilder, like bodybuilder Krishna, and he had a quiver, which is typically full of arrows, but this quiver in the image was full of nuclear weapons.

It was absolutely fascinating. And that was 20 years ago, but it was really out in the open. And I wonder if that's also different than what previous generations of Indians had experienced in terms of the vocal openness of Hindu nationalism. So given that, and you can disagree, Vivan, if you want, but given that, is it fair to say that younger Indians have grown up in a nation where they have different expectations due to, let's say, ideological changes and economic changes?

MARWAHA: Absolutely. That's a very fair statement. And on that point, I actually have a book on my desk right now that's called H-pop or Hindutva POP, which is how a lot of Hindutva today is, traditionally it was you went to a temple or you went to a political rally, but today you can be on your phone and listen to pop songs that have some of these Hindutva themes.

Just to step back for a second though, and set the stage, India has a median age of 29.So that means that roughly 700 million people are, you know, 29 years or younger in India today, and just 20 million Indians will be voting for the first time in this election. Now, these Indians are not getting their news from the TV or the radio and newspapers, but from Instagram, YouTube and WhatsApp.

And these are mediums that the BJP has dominated for nearly a decade. And these people are who, they form what I call an emerging India or a new India that have very little loyalty to the India of the past and the politicians of the past. And so going to what you were asking me is that this is what binds a lot of these young Indians together. Is that they are not, they're less tied to the establishment in terms of not just getting their news, but of also forming their opinions and ultimately deciding who they're going to vote for. The number one issue today is definitely unemployment.

And just one in five young Indians today is unemployed. You're seeing stories of young Indians lining up for jobs in Israel. You're seeing stories of young Indian men actually even fighting. It's claimed that they're fighting on behalf of Russia and Ukraine. And some are even illegally crossing the border in Mexico to come to the United States.

And these are very new stories. They didn't take place 20 years ago in rural areas, working age Indians are lining up for manual labor guaranteed by government programs. And so there's a lot of anxiety out there, but like the professor mentioned earlier, the opposition is not viewed as having an answer to these problems.

And where people ultimately get the news and their opinions from, they see Modi as, and the BJP, as people who may not have an answer to these problems, but they're people who are giving them an identity of being young, proud Hindus. And that identity is very powerful that never existed earlier for previous generations.

CHAKRABARTI: That is so interesting. So is another way of what you're saying is that for, I'm just reflecting on my parents generation, right? They are extremely proud of India's, modern India's example of being a democracy, that the state has no specific religious affiliation.

It's a multi-religious nation in a place where religious and ethnic wars have gone back for centuries. It was like proving the impossible, almost. And it was a point of pride. Vivan, are you saying that's not necessarily where young Indians place their political or ideological loyalties anymore?

MARWAHA: Not necessarily. While India has been secular on paper, there have been many incidents and laws that were passed by the Congress where you could actually question some of those secular credentials. And that's also why a lot of Modi's speeches, some of these very communal speeches, in a sense, have a lot of traction amongst young Indians, because they view the Congress and previous governments as almost, there's this term in India called minority appeasement, that they appeased minority communities, particularly the Muslims, by creating favored policies for them.

In the 1980s, the Congress government even subverted a very momentous Supreme Court decision in favor of a small group of Muslim clerics who did not want equal rights for Muslim women who were getting divorced. And the young Indians look at these as examples that India has never been secular, and that the time has come for a government that actually now plays and favors the majority community and Hindus and they don't see anything wrong in that.

CHAKRABARTI: Professor Varshney. I see you wanting to respond. Go ahead.

VARSHNEY: Yes. I think one of the great political victories of Mr. Modi and his organization are, would be precisely this, that a lot of people don't see Hindu primacy, Hindu majoritarianism, Hindu supremacy, as wrong, that all communities should have equal rights, even if Congress did something wrong earlier, let's say.

And this particular instance of 1980s when Congress used its supermajority in Parliament to overturn a Supreme Court judgment about equal rights of men and women in Islam on when it came to divorce. That was a reformist thrust that you could see in the Supreme Court's move. And Congress politically overturned it.

Yes. So Congress made the mistakes. But a very large number of people, it's not, we can give you better numbers after our surveys now and over the next few weeks. But when we asked in 2019, our surveyors asked in 2019, did you vote for BJP or did you vote for Mr. Modi?

CHAKRABARTI: Interesting.

VARSHNEY: The Modi voters, the BJP voters, 25% said they only voted for Modi. They didn't vote for BJP, which means from that you can infer with considerable plausibility that 75% of the 38% who voted for BJP, three fourths of the 38% who voted for BJP have some kind of belief in Hindu supremacy, Hindu primacy, Hindu nationalism.

But 25%, for them, Hindu nationalism was not the issue. They believed in Mr. Modi.

VARSHNEY: And his leadership and his personality and his character and all of those things, right? So yes, the very fact that 75% of 38% can be inferred to have voted on grounds of Hindu nationalism.

It's a very new development.

CHAKRABARTI: Interesting. Vivan, what do you think about that? Because again, to your point a majority of Indians are under the age of 30, right? So this is not just an election for the present of India. It's an election regarding the future. I suppose every one, every election is like that. But this one especially, what is your sense of what the younger Indians actually want for the future of their nation?

MARWAHA: Yeah. In my book which is on millennials. I write something that I believe still holds true today, is that young Indians today want leaders who speak like them, who pray like them, and who eat like them. And so the professor's point regards to the prayer and religion. And I think that's a big part of identity.

But where Modi and today's BJP leaders fall on the other two issues is that they speak and they look like young India. And a lot of these leaders are not traditional elites or diners. They don't come from political dynasties or powerful families and young Indians, particularly in Mr. Modi, they look at the someone who's one of us. He was, as the story goes, he was the son of a tea seller who rose up and became a party worker. And then with the chief executive of the state of Gujarat for many years, and then became prime minister. And when he goes abroad, he speaks in Hindi.

He speaks in Hindi to foreign leaders. He sells out stadiums in New York City and Sydney and London. And when he speaks, people listen. And young Indians see that, and they see if he could do it, then so could I. And so that's a very powerful connection that he's formed with young India today, that I don't see any other leader has such a big grip on the youth of a country, but while not being a young person themselves. And so that, when I go and talk to young people, that sort of sense of connection is something that's very palpable, even more than the religious element, which does exist.

But I see these other sort of new forms of connection with their leader, where they almost call him their guardian. Someone who's looking out for them, which hasn't really existed before.

CHAKRABARTI: Vivan, just quickly, because I think I may have misheard you a little bit earlier when you said, did you say someone who eats like us or speaks like us?

MARWAHA: Speaks and eats like us.

CHAKRABARTI: So the eats part, can you just take a quick second to elaborate on that? Do you mean someone who doesn't practice halal eating? What do you mean by that?

MARWAHA: Yeah. Modi's of course, vegetarian. A lot of Indians, of course, not vegetarian.

CHAKRABARTI: Are not.

MARWAHA: They do eat meat, but one of the big promises of, and initiatives of the BJP has been to clamp down on the sale of beef. Which naturally, most Hindus don't do not eat beef.

And so a lot of BJP states, where they're in the government, they've clamped down on the sale of cow slaughter and on the sale of beef. And this is a very popular move amongst young people who I've met because they see that as something very against their values. And Modi is someone who they believe represents their values.

CHAKRABARTI: Okay. Thank you for clarifying that. That is absolutely fascinating. Now we have about a minute left. Professor Varshney, I'm going to give you the last word. There's so many ways that we could think about what's at stake in India, because there's that tension between a democracy representing the majority of a nation, versus a democracy protecting the rights of a minority.

The two don't always have to be in conflict, but perhaps they are in India. But what would you say for external observers, for people here in the United States, what is, what are the lessons that India right now, in these elections, has to teach other democracies?

VARSHENEY: Some of these issues in a different form will appear here and have already appeared here in the United States.

Is Trump a believer in white supremacy? Is Trump, it's not old style Jim Crow white supremacy, that can't return easily. And I don't think can return. I've been studying that period quite extensively. But if you believe in majoritarianism, either racial majoritarianism or religious majoritarianism, can you really keep and you win elections? Can you really keep societies together? Or would you have virtually interminable conflict? This is something at stake in India's election, and it will be at stake if Trump wins power here.

This program aired on April 23, 2024.

• India kicks off elections lasting 6 weeks. Here's what to know
• India begins voting in elections with a prominent opposition leader in jail
• Why critics are concerned about H-Pop, India's Hindu nationalist genre

Hilary McQuilkin Producer, On Point Hilary McQuilkin is a producer for On Point.

Meghna Chakrabarti Host, On Point Meghna Chakrabarti is the host of On Point.

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Modi accused of hate speech for calling Muslims 'infiltrators' at a rally days into India's election

NEW DELHI — India ’s main opposition party is accusing Prime Minister Narendra Modi of hate speech after he called Muslims “infiltrators” and used some of his most incendiary rhetoric to date about the minority faith in an election rally days after the country began its weekslong general election .

At the rally on Sunday in the western state of Rajasthan, Modi said that when the Congress party was in government, “they said Muslims have the first right over the country’s resources.” If it returns to power, the party “will gather all your wealth and distribute it among those who have more children,” he said as the crowd applauded.

“They will distribute it among infiltrators,” he continued, saying, “Do you think your hard-earned money should be given to infiltrators?”

Abhishek Manu Singhvi, a spokesperson for Congress, called the prime minister’s remarks “deeply, deeply objectionable” and said the party on Monday had sought action from the Election Commission of India, which oversees the six-week voting period, which began Friday.

The remarks drew fierce criticism for peddling anti-Muslim tropes, and for breaking election rules that bar candidates from engaging in any activity that aggravates religious tensions. The Election Commission of India’s model code of conduct forbids candidates to “appeal to caste or communal feelings” to secure votes.

Asaduddin Owaidi, a Muslim lawmaker and president of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen party, said on Sunday: “Modi today called Muslims infiltrators and people with many children. Since 2002 till this day, the only Modi guarantee has been to abuse Muslims and get votes.”

Critics of Modi, an avowed Hindu nationalist, say India’s tradition of diversity and secularism has come under attack since his party won power in 2014 and returned for a second term in 2019. They accuse Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party of fostering religious intolerance and sometimes even violence. The party denies the accusation and says its policies benefit all Indians.

But rights groups say that attacks against minorities have become more brazen under Modi. Scores of Muslims have been lynched by Hindu mobs over allegations of eating beef or smuggling cows, an animal considered holy to Hindus. Muslim businesses have been boycotted, their homes and businesses have been bulldozed and places of worship set on fire. Some open calls have been made for their genocide . 

Modi’s remarks on Sunday were based on a 2006 statement by then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of the Congress party. Singh said that India’s lower castes, tribes, women and, “in particular the Muslim minority” were empowered to share in the country’s development equally. 

“They must have the first claim on resources,” Singh had said. A day later, his office clarified that Singh was referring to all of the disadvantaged groups.

Modi and his party are expected to win the election, according to most surveys. The results come out on June 4. 

The Congress party’s president, Mallikarjun Kharge, described Modi’s comments as “hate speech.” “In the history of India, no prime minister has lowered the dignity of his post as much as Modi has,” Kharge wrote on social media platform X.

In its petition to the election commission, the party said that Modi and the BJP have repeatedly used religion, religious symbols and sentiments in their election campaign with impunity. “These actions have been further bolstered by the commission’s inaction in penalizing the prime minister and the BJP for their blatant violations of electoral laws,” it said. 

The commission’s code of conduct is not legally binding on its own, but it can issue notices and suspend campaigners for a certain amount of time over violations.

“We decline comment,” a spokesperson for the commission told the Press Trust of India news agency on Monday. 

In his speech, Modi also referred to a Hindu nationalist myth that Muslims were overtaking the Hindu population by having more children. Hindus make up 80% of India’s 1.4 billion population, while the country’s 200 million Muslims make up 14%. Official data shows that fertility rates among Muslims have dropped the fastest among religious groups in recent decades, from 4.4 in 1992-93 to 2.3 between 2019-21, just a bit higher than Hindus at 1.94.

Modi’s BJP has previously referred to Muslims as infiltrators and cast them as illegal migrants who crossed into India from Bangladesh and Pakistan. Several states run by the BJP have also made laws that restrict interfaith marriage, citing the myth of “love jihad,” an unproven conspiracy theory used by Hindu hard-line groups to accuse Muslim men of converting Hindu women by marriage.

Through it all, Modi has maintained a conspicuous silence, which critics say has emboldened some of his most extreme supporters and enabled more hate speech against Muslims.

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India election: fears that Modi’s BJP will polarise voters in fight for key state

Muslims worry Modi’s party will rely on familiar tactics of drawing on religious divisions as it battles Congress to to retain seats in Karnataka

T he sun scorched the carpeted car park at Mudipu Junction outside Mangalore in Karnataka state as volunteers arranged rows of red plastic chairs and placed mounds of biryani and fruit on the table for a public iftar , the moment Muslims break their fast during Ramadan.

But this was no ordinary iftar. India is in the midst of a general election during which prime minister Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are seeking a third term, and factionalism is rife.

The BJP, a formidably well-oiled machine, is going all out in Karnataka because it is the only state in south India where it has a foothold. Its presence in the other southern states is negligible. For a party with vaunting ambitions to reshape the political landscape for generations to come, this has frustrated the leadership.

In the last general election in 2019, the BJP won 25 of Karnataka’s 28 seats. But the BJP may not be able to repeat such a decisive victory this time round; while the Congress party has languished in opposition for 10 years at a national level, it won a handsome victory in state elections last year.

It is not yet clear whether BJP candidates will rely on the party’s familiar tactics of drawing on religious divisions and polarising voters , but given such high stakes the campaign has the potential to turn vicious.

Amid such a climate, the organisers of the iftar decided, they said, to make a point of inviting Hindu and Christian residents in Mudipu to share the meal earlier this month.

“The Hindu-Muslim polarisation in this area is so deep after decades of the BJP’s divisive politics that we thought we’d make it an iftar for everyone. Let us sit, eat, talk and remember we are all Indians,” said Ibrahim Mohammed, who has several businesses in the area.

Among the non-Muslim attendees were Dr Sureka Shetty, a local Hindu gynaecologist, and Catholic nun Sister Philla. “I live here. I work here. I want to be on good terms with my Muslim neighbours and that’s why I accepted the invitation,” Shetty said, shouting to be heard over the sound of film music blaring from speakers.

A long history of communal violence

Mangalore is the main city in the beautiful coastal region of Karnataka. From a plane, the 200 miles of sandy beaches along the Arabian Sea, fringed by a forest of palm trees, stretch like an idyll.

Yet this area has, since the 1990s, been a bastion of Hindutva, the BJP’s ideology of assertive nationalist Hinduism that seeks the establishment of a Hindu, rather than a secular, state.

Dubbed the “Hindutva laboratory”, the coastal region has been a testing ground of sorts for the party to see how certain divisive policies play, from the banning of cow slaughter and halal to moves to ban Muslim traders from putting up stalls in Hindu temple fairs.

Unlike north India where Muslims form 14% of the population, in Karnataka they comprise 24%.

Mangalore is modern, wealthy and multicultural, thanks to the myriad influences of waves of traders over the centuries who arrived on its shores. The city is an education hub, full of schools and colleges set up by the church. But tensions remain beneath the surface, say residents. “It has a long history of communal violence. It takes nothing to provoke a flareup,” said local journalist Shivani Kava.

The bishop of Mangalore, Peter Paul Saldanha, described the shocked reaction of a Christian teacher at the local school who was sacked at the behest of BJP politicians. They claimed the teacher, Sister Prabha, had insulted Hindu gods and “poisoned” children’s minds against Hinduism. Bishop Saldanha insisted that all she did was to recite a Rabindranath Tagore poem called Work is Worship in the English class.

“We tried to persuade the management not to sack her until an investigation had been carried out but they sacked her anyway,” the bishop said.

At another school, St Aloysius College, some students gathered in the shade of a long corridor to cram in the hour before their exams. Abbey Jose made a wry face when he said his exam was on the constitution. “We don’t even know if we will have a constitution if the BJP wins,” he said.

With hardly any jobs, their parents are urging them to go to the Gulf or seek their fortune in the west after graduating. “We don’t have a future here if the BJP comes back,” said Fiza Mayin, a psychiatry student. “As Muslims, there will be nothing for us. People don’t even look at the candidate. They look at his religion and decide.”

‘The crucial factor is Modi’

What observers have noted, though they are not prepared to go so far as to call it a shift in thinking, is that the BJP has dropped two of the state’s senior sitting MPs who are known for their hate speeches: Ananth Kumar Hegde and Nalin Kumar Kateel. The latter notoriously told party workers last year to “focus on love jihad and not on drains, roads and development”.

“It’s possible that the BJP is going to dial down the polarising rhetoric and talk more about development in light of the Congress party’s victory in the state election and its many welfare benefits,” said Ashish Goyal, a Congress supporter.

Goyal believes that the welfare benefits his party has distributed since coming to power last May will win voters over. Political scientist Sandeep Shastri, director, academics, at the NITTE Education Trust is more circumspect, saying it depends on whether Congress can create the public perception that the benefits are reaching everyone.

“The crucial factor, though, is Modi,” said Shastri. “The election here and across India is about him and him only. No one else. If the BJP can make Modi the central issue, then it will be hard to defeat.”

Modi has set a hugely ambitious target of 400 seats for his party and its allies out of the 543 seats in the lower house of parliament. An opinion poll by India TV-CNX published last week suggested it might not be a pipe-dream. It said the Modi-led coalition could win 393 of the 543 seats, which would amount to a staggering victory.

As for Congress, the poll said it could be almost wiped out, winning only 40 seats, a record low and worse than its earlier record low of 52 seats in the last general election.

At the iftar , where organisers had hoped to bring together people from all communities, BJP politicians were invited too. None came.

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Lok Sabha elections 2024: EC books BJP’s Tejasvi Surya for 'soliciting' votes in name of religion

Story highlights

Earlier, the BJP leader issued a scathing attack on Congress, the main opposition party, and declared it may not win more than 30 seats in the entire nation.

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Tejasvi Surya, a sitting Member of Parliament (MP) from Bengaluru South, was booked by the election commission on Friday (Apr 26) for seeking votes on the ground of religion. Surya had earlier posted a video on X, in which he “solicited votes on the ground of religion," the Chief Electoral Officer, Karnataka said in an X post. Bengaluru South is a crucial seat for BJP where Surya is pitted against Congress's Sowmya Reddy.

At around 2 pm, Surya made the post in which he mentioned Ram Mandir apart from border security, Article 370 to encourage his supporters to come out and vote in large numbers.

Surya earlier also gave an 80-20 per cent analogy, highlighting the lethargy of BJP voters to come out and cast their ballot.

Also read:  Lok Sabha elections 2024: Voting across 13 states and UTs

“We the BJP voters are 80 per cent but only 20 per cent come out and vote. Congress’ voters are 20 per cent but they come out and vote 80 per cent. This is the ground reality at the polling booths in most cases. Every single vote of yours matters. Please come out and vote because if you are not voting, Congress’ 20 per cent is definitely voting,” Tejasvi said.

Earlier, the BJP leader issued a scathing attack on Congress, the main opposition party, and declared it may not win more than 30 seats in the Lok Sabha elections.

"Congress party has become absolutely frustrated. Survey after survey shows that it may not win more than 30 seats... The more personal attacks and baseless allegations they make against the PM, history has shown that the Prime Minister has only gotten stronger and the BJP has only gotten more popular," he said.

Watch: Lok Sabha Elections 2024: 88 seats up for grabs in phase 2

Speaking to news agency ANI, Surya added, “Today is a celebration day in Karnataka. it is a festival of democracy. Millions of people will go out and vote... This is not just a right, but also a duty, because if we don't vote, we are not registering our voice, and contributing meaningfully to a democracy... Just like every year, more senior citizens are seen at the booths, they are coming out in big numbers to vote. I wish young people draw inspiration from senior citizens and also come out in big numbers and vote."

(With inputs from agencies)

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Vikrant Singh

Geopolitical writer at WION, follows Indian foreign policy and world politics, a truth seeker.