Child Marriage Essay

500 words child marriage essay.

Child Marriage continues to be a prevalent practice in many parts of the world . Even though the world is evolving at a fast pace, there are some regions that can’t seem to move on with times. What’s sad is the dark reality of child marriage which is not considered often. Child marriage is basically the formal or informal marriage of a child with or without their consent, under the age of 18. In most cases, the boy or man is older than the girl. Through a child marriage essay, we will throw light on this social issue.

child marriage essay

Causes and Impact of Child Marriage

Child marriage is no less than exploitation of right. In almost all places, the child must be 18 years and above to get married. Thus, marrying off the child before the age is exploiting their right.

One of the most common causes of child marriage is the tradition which has been in practice for a long time. In many places, ever since a girl is born, they consider her to be someone else’s property.

Similarly, the elders wish to work out their family’s expansion so they marry off the youngsters to characterize their status. Most importantly, poor people practice child marriage to get rid of their loans, taxes, dowry and more.

The impact of child marriage can be life-changing for children, especially girls. The household responsibilities fall on the children. They are not mentally or physically ready for it, yet it falls on them.

While people expect the minor boys to bear the financial responsibilities, the girls are expected to look after the house and family. Their freedom to learn and play is taken away.

Further, their health is also put at risk due to the contraction of sexually transmitted diseases like HIV and more. Especially the girls who get pregnant at a young age, it becomes harmful for the mother as well as the baby.

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How to End Child Marriage

Ending child marriage is the need of the hour. In order to end this social evil, everyone from individuals to world leaders must challenge the traditional norms. Moreover, we must do away with ideas that reinforce that girls are inferior to boys.

We must empower the children, especially girls, to become their own agents of change. To achieve this, they must get access to quality education and allow them to complete their studies so they can lead an independent life later on.

Safe spaces are important for children to be able to express themselves and make their voices heard. Thus, it is essential to remove all forms of gender discrimination to ensure everyone is given equal value and protection.

Conclusion of Child Marriage Essay

To sum it up, a marriage must be a sacred union between mature individuals and not an illogical institution which compromises with the future of our children. The problem must be solved at the grassroots level beginning with ending poverty and lack of education. This way, people will learn better and do better.

FAQ on Child Marriage Essay

Question 1: What are the causes of child marriage?

Answer 1: The causes of child marriages include poverty, dowry, cultural traditions, religious and social pressures, illiteracy, and supposed incapability of women to work for money.

Question 2: How can we end child marriage?

Answer 2: To end child marriage we must also raise awareness about this issue and educate both parents and kids. Further, we must encourage them to be independent first and then search for a partner only after attaining a specific age. Laws should be introduced to tackle this social issue.

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Essay on Child Marriage

Students are often asked to write an essay on Child Marriage in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Child Marriage

Introduction.

Child marriage is a global issue where a child, usually under 18 years, is married off. This practice affects both girls and boys but it’s more prevalent among girls.

Causes of Child Marriage

Many factors contribute to child marriage. Poverty, cultural traditions, and lack of education often drive families to marry off their children at a young age.

Consequences

Child marriage has severe consequences. It often leads to early pregnancies, health risks, and limits opportunities for education and career growth.

To end child marriage, we need to focus on education, enforce laws against it, and change societal attitudes.

Also check:

  • 10 Lines on Child Marriage

250 Words Essay on Child Marriage

Child marriage, a deeply entrenched social issue, is a practice that involves the marriage of one or both parties before they reach the age of 18. Globally, it is considered a violation of human rights, yet it continues to persist in many societies due to a complex interplay of socio-economic and cultural factors.

The roots of child marriage are multifaceted. Poverty is a significant driver, with families marrying off young daughters to reduce their economic burden. Traditional norms and gender stereotypes also play a role, perpetuating the belief that a girl’s value lies in her ability to become a wife and mother. Furthermore, in some societies, child marriage is used as a strategy to strengthen familial ties or secure political alliances.

Consequences of Child Marriage

The consequences of child marriage are profound and far-reaching. It often results in early pregnancy, posing substantial health risks to young girls whose bodies are not yet mature enough for childbirth. It also hinders girls’ education and personal development, limiting their opportunities and perpetuating cycles of poverty.

Efforts to Combat Child Marriage

Efforts to combat child marriage span from local to global levels. They encompass law enforcement, advocacy for girls’ education, and initiatives to empower girls. However, for these efforts to be effective, it is crucial to address the underlying socio-economic factors that give rise to child marriage.

Child marriage is a complex issue that requires comprehensive, multi-faceted approaches to eradicate. By promoting education, gender equality, and economic stability, societies can help ensure that every child is afforded the right to a safe and fulfilling childhood.

500 Words Essay on Child Marriage

Child marriage, a prevalent practice in many cultures and societies, is a complex issue that infringes upon the rights and development of children, particularly girls. It is a deep-rooted practice, often perpetuated by poverty, gender inequality, traditions, and lack of education. This essay delves into the implications, causes, and potential solutions to child marriage.

The Implications of Child Marriage

Child marriage poses significant risks to the physical, psychological, and emotional well-being of children. It often leads to early pregnancies, which present health risks for both the mother and the child. Moreover, child brides are more likely to experience domestic violence and are less likely to receive proper education. This practice also perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as child brides are less likely to contribute economically to their communities.

Underlying Causes

The causes of child marriage are multifaceted and deeply entrenched in societal norms and structures. Poverty is a significant factor, with families marrying off their daughters to lessen financial burdens. Gender inequality also plays a crucial role, with girls often valued less in societies, leading to their early marriage. Additionally, traditional beliefs and lack of education contribute to the persistence of this practice.

Legislation and Its Limitations

Many countries have enacted laws to prevent child marriage, setting the minimum age for marriage at 18. However, the enforcement of these laws often proves challenging due to societal norms and lack of awareness. Moreover, in some societies, legal loopholes allow child marriage to continue under the guise of cultural or religious practices.

Addressing Child Marriage

Addressing child marriage requires a multifaceted approach. Education is a powerful tool in this regard. Empowering girls through education can help them understand their rights and resist early marriage. Furthermore, educating communities about the detrimental effects of child marriage can foster change in societal attitudes.

Economic empowerment is also crucial. By providing families with financial stability, the economic incentive for child marriage decreases. Social protection measures, such as cash transfers, can help achieve this.

Lastly, legal measures need to be strengthened. Laws against child marriage should be enforced strictly, and legal loopholes need to be addressed.

Child marriage is a violation of children’s rights and a practice that hampers societal development. While it is deeply entrenched in many societies, a combination of education, economic empowerment, and legal measures can help combat this practice. It is crucial for all stakeholders, including governments, NGOs, and communities, to work together to end child marriage and ensure a better future for all children.

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  • Open access
  • Published: 14 February 2022

The health consequences of child marriage: a systematic review of the evidence

  • Suiqiong Fan 1 &
  • Alissa Koski 1 , 2  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  309 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Child marriage, defined as marriage before 18 years of age, is a violation of human rights and a marker of gender inequality. Growing attention to this issue on the global development agenda also reflects concerns that it may negatively impact health. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize existing research on the consequences of child marriage on health and to assess the risk of bias in this body of literature.

Methods and findings

We searched databases focused on biomedicine and global health for studies that estimated the effect of marrying before the age of 18 on any physical or mental health outcome or health behaviour. We identified 58 eligible articles, nearly all of which relied on cross-sectional data sources from sub-Saharan Africa or South Asia. The most studied health outcomes were indicators of fertility and fertility control, maternal health care, and intimate partner violence. All studies were at serious to critical risk of bias. Research consistently found that women who marry before the age of 18 begin having children at earlier ages and give birth to a larger number of children when compared to those who marry at 18 or later, but whether these outcomes were desired was not considered. Across studies, women who married as children were also consistently less likely to give birth in health care facilities or with assistance from skilled providers. Studies also uniformly concluded that child marriage increases the likelihood of experiencing physical violence from an intimate partner. However, research in many other domains, including use of contraception, unwanted pregnancy, and sexual violence came to divergent conclusions and challenge some common narratives regarding child marriage.

Conclusions

There are many reasons to be concerned about child marriage. However, evidence that child marriage causes the health outcomes described in this review is severely limited. There is more heterogeneity in the results of these studies than is often recognized. For these reasons, greater caution is warranted when discussing the potential impact of child marriage on health. We provide suggestions for avoiding common biases and improving the strength of the evidence on this subject.

Trial registration

The protocol of this systematic review was registered with PROSPERO (CRD42020182652) in May 2020.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Marriage before the age of 18, often referred to as child marriage, is a violation of human rights that hinders educational attainment and literacy and may increase the likelihood of living in poverty in adulthood [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ]. Girls are far more likely to marry than boys, and these consequences contribute to existing gender gaps in educational outcomes in some settings [ 6 , 7 ]. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals list child marriage as an indicator of gender inequality and call for an end to the practice by the year 2030 [ 8 ]. Child marriage remains ongoing throughout much of the world despite intensifying efforts to eliminate it [ 9 ].

In addition to its consequences on education, growing attention to child marriage as a global development issue also seems to reflect increasing consideration of its potential impacts on population health. Multinational organizations including the World Bank, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) include the potential for harmful consequences on health among the foremost concerns regarding this practice [ 2 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 ]. These organizations highlight relationships between child marriage and early childbearing [ 11 , 12 , 13 ], obstetric complications [ 12 , 13 ], violence [ 2 , 12 ], and sexually transmitted infections [ 12 ], among other adverse outcomes.

We undertook this systematic review to synthesize the results of existing research regarding the impact of child marriage on the health of persons who marry before the age of 18. We evaluated the range of health outcomes that have been studied and the geographic distribution of those studies. We also assessed the risk of bias in individual studies and the likelihood that their results reflect causal relationships.

We searched three databases for literature on the relationship between child marriage and health: MEDLINE, Embase, and Ovid Global Health. These databases were chosen because they focus on biomedicine and human health. We aimed to include as broad a range of health outcomes as possible and focusing our search within these databases allowed us to avoid defining specific health outcomes within our search terms. Instead, we searched for studies of child marriage within these databases. This approach made our search terms more concise and the range of outcomes more inclusive. Specific search terms used for each database are included in Supplementary File 1 . We registered our protocol with PROSPERO (CRD42020182652) in May 2020 and conducted our database searches shortly afterward.

We also searched Google Scholar to identify relevant grey literature. Haddaway et al. [ 14 ] found that the majority of grey literature tends to appear within the first 200 citations returned by Google Scholar and recommend focusing on the first 200-300 records. We followed this recommendation and evaluated the first 300 records returned, as sorted by relevance. Search terms used in Google Scholar are also included in Supplementary File 1 . We reviewed the bibliographies of all included studies in an effort to identify any relevant citations not picked up through searches of the databases described above. The search strategy was developed with assistance from a research librarian at McGill University.

Citations returned from searches of all four databases were imported into EndNote X9 and duplicate citations removed [ 15 ]. We transferred all unique citations into Rayyan to facilitate the review process [ 16 ]. A single reviewer (SF) examined the title and abstract of each unique citation for eligibility according to pre-defined criteria specified in the registered protocol. Articles were brought forward for full-text review if they described etiologic studies that used quantitative methods to estimate the effect of child marriage on one or more health outcomes. We defined child marriage as formal or informal union prior to the age of 18. If the title and abstract did not specify the age thresholds used to define child marriage, they were brought forward for full-text review. For example, abstracts that referred to the effect of adolescent or teen marriage without explicitly stating how those exposures were defined were brought forward. Eligible health outcomes included physical or mental health disorders or symptoms of those disorders, as well as health behaviours. Eligible health behaviours included actions like smoking or dietary habits as well as health care seeking, such as prenatal care. We restricted our review to studies in which outcomes were measured at the individual level and to those that measured the effect of child marriage on the individuals married; studies that examined the effect of age at marriage on the offspring of the persons who married were excluded. Studies written in English, French or Chinese were eligible for inclusion.

We excluded studies that used solely qualitative methods and quantitative studies that relied exclusively on hypothesis testing to indicate differences between groups. For example, studies that used chi-squared tests to indicate whether the distribution of some characteristic differed between persons married before the age of 18 and those married at older ages were excluded, even if the authors seemed to interpret their results as causal, because such testing does not result in a comparative effect measure (e.g., a risk difference or an odds ratio) and does not account for potential biases. We also excluded studies in which persons who married before the age of 18 were incorporated into a larger aggregate age category, making the effect of child marriage unidentifiable. For example, comparisons of outcomes among persons who married between 15 and 19 years of age with those who married between 20 and 24 years of age were not eligible for inclusion. Conference presentations and abstracts were also excluded.

Both authors read the full text of each article brought forward from the title and abstract review and independently judged their eligibility according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria described above. Discrepancies were resolved through discussion. The following information was extracted from each included study: authors, title, year of publication, the language of publication, country/region in which the study was conducted, study design, study population, sample size, data sources, statistical methods, outcomes, and results.

Risk of bias assessment

We assessed the risk of bias within each included study using the Risk Of Bias In Non-randomised Studies - of Interventions (ROBINS-I) tool developed by members of the Cochrane Bias Methods Group and the Cochrane Non-Randomised Studies Methods Group [ 17 ]. ROBINS-I is designed to evaluate the risk of bias in non-randomized studies by considering how closely the study’s design and methods approximate an ideal randomized trial. To illustrate, in a hypothetical cluster-randomized trial to estimate the causal effect of child marriage on a specified health outcome, the treatment or intervention would be marriage before the age of 18 years. All children in a specific area (a region, a state, a community, etc.) would be randomized at a very young age to one of two treatment groups: those randomized to the intervention would marry at some point prior to their 18th birthdays (a = 1), while those randomized to the control group would marry on their 18th birthday or any later age (a = 0). All children would then be followed up over a period of time sufficient to observe the specified outcome of interest. In the ideal randomized trial, all persons would adhere to their assigned treatment (i.e., remain married) and would remain in the study until follow-up was complete. After the follow-up period, the probability of the outcome among those assigned to a = 1 would be compared with the same probability among those assigned to a = 0. Under these conditions, we could expect that there would be no differences between those children who married before the age of 18 and those who married afterward aside from age at marriage. As a result, if the probability of the outcome among those randomly assigned to marry as children differed from the probability among those randomly assigned to marry after their 18th birthdays, one could interpret that difference as the causal effect of child marriage [ 18 ].

Of course, a randomized trial like this would be unethical and could never actually be conducted. Researchers interested in the effects of child marriage on health must rely on non-randomized study designs to estimate the causal effect of interest. Without the benefit of randomization, it becomes challenging to identify the causal effect of child marriage because those who marry as children are different from those who marry at later ages in many ways. For example, girls who marry before the age of 18 come from poorer households and from communities with greater gender inequality, on average, compared to those who marry at later ages. These differences are likely to affect their health through causal pathways other than age at marriage, such as the experience of violence or limited ability to access education or health care. This means that a naïve comparison of health outcomes between those who marry as children and those who marry as adults is likely to mix up the consequences of age at marriage with the consequences of childhood poverty and gender inequality.

The ROBINS-I tool requires assessors to carefully consider the potential for multiple sources of bias including confounding, inappropriate selection of participants into the study (i.e., selection bias), mishandling of missing data, and problems with the measurement of exposures and outcomes (i.e., information bias). The potential for bias in each domain is assessed through a series of signaling questions and a summary judgement of low, moderate, serious, or critical risk of bias is then made within each domain. A cross-domain judgement of the risk of bias for the entire study is made based on the risk within each individual domain. Both authors independently assessed the risk of bias in each included study. Disagreements in any single domain or across domains were resolved by discussion.

We identified a set of variables likely to confound estimates of the effect of child marriage on a wide range of health outcomes in advance to facilitate assessment of bias in this domain. These variables and their relationships to child marriage and health, broadly defined, are illustrated in the simplified Directed Acyclic Graph (DAG) in Fig.  1 . The prevalence of child marriage has fallen over time in many countries, which means that the likelihood of marrying before the age of 18 differs across birth cohorts [ 6 , 19 ]. As discussed above, childhood socioeconomic conditions and gender inequality may lead to child marriage. They may also influence health later in life through a variety of causal pathways. We also considered spousal characteristics a source of confounding because the presence of an available spouse may drive child marriage. For example, a potential husband willing to pay a bride price for a young wife may motivate a family to marry a girl child. The same characteristics of the spouse that may motivate the marriage, such as his age, wealth, and attitudes regarding gender equity, may influence the married child’s health later in life through mechanisms like controlling behaviour. In studies that use pooled data from across multiple regions or countries, it is also important to control for confounding by country/regional-level variables that affect both the probability of child marriage and health. The DAG also illustrates our assumption that the effects of child marriage on health are often mediated through educational attainment and socioeconomic conditions after marriage.

figure 1

Directed acyclic graph illustrating assumed causal relationships between child marriage and a wide range of health outcomes

We synthesized results narratively. Included studies considered a wide range of health outcomes, as intended given our search strategy. We found it most intuitive and pragmatic to synthesize results within broad outcome categories, such as the effects of child marriage on contraceptive use, on maternal health care, and on mental health. These categories emerged from the data and were not pre-specified. Meta-analyses were not conducted because the studies examined a wide range of health outcomes that were measured in different ways. The serious risk of bias in all included studies, discussed below, also made quantitative synthesis inappropriate.

Our search strategy returned a total of 2767 unique records from MEDLINE, Embase, Ovid Global Health and Google Scholar, as shown in Fig.  2 . After title and abstracting screening, the full text of 126 articles was reviewed. Fifty-six of these studies met our inclusion criteria and two additional eligible studies were identified through citation tracking, for a total of 58 included articles.

figure 2

PRISMA flow diagram illustrating the process used to identify eligible studies

Selected characteristics of all 58 studies included in our review are presented in Table  1 . These studies were published between 1989 and 2020 but the vast majority ( n  = 55, 95%) were published in 2010 or later and more than half ( n  = 31, 53%) were published between 2016 and 2020, which reflects the relatively recent rise of child marriage on global health and development agendas. Included studies were based in 70 countries across the globe, as illustrated in Fig.  3 . Nearly all studies, 57 of 58, were based in low- and middle-income countries according to World Bank classifications [ 20 ]; the single exception was a study based in the United States [ 21 ]. The geographic distribution of studies included in our review was heavily focused in South Asia ( n  = 30, 52%) and Sub-Saharan Africa ( n  = 27, 47%), which is perhaps unsurprising given that countries in these regions have some of the highest rates of child marriage in the world [ 9 ]. However, more than half of the studies included in our review were based in just three countries: India ( n  = 13), Bangladesh ( n  = 8) and Ethiopia ( n  = 11). Studies from regions other than South Asia or Sub-Saharan Africa were nearly all included in a handful of studies that analyzed survey data from multiple countries simultaneously [ 22 , 23 , 24 ].

Nearly all included studies, 55 of 58 (95%), were based on the analysis of cross-sectional survey data. More than half ( n  = 34, 59%) relied on data from a single source, the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), or their precursor, the World Fertility Surveys (WFS).

figure 3

Geographic distribution of included studies

Bias assessment

All studies included in our review were determined to be at serious or critical risk of bias based on assessment using ROBINS-I. The summary risk of bias assessment for each study is listed in Table  1 ; risk of bias within each ROBINS-I domain in each study is detailed in Supplementary File 2 . Confounding was the most prevalent concern. Every study was deemed to be at serious to critical risk of bias in this domain, most often because of failure to account for important sources of confounding and inappropriate adjustment for variables affected by age at marriage that are on the causal pathway. Cross-sectional surveys like the DHS often do not collect information necessary to control for confounding. Failure to control for major sources of confounding like childhood poverty and gender inequality may result in overestimation of the harmful effects of child marriage. The second common source of bias was adjustment for variables measured after marriage that are likely on the causal pathway between age at marriage and the health outcomes being studied. To illustrate, the authors of many studies included in this review acknowledged that age at marriage may dictate how long a girl stays in school and that her educational attainment may subsequently influence a wide range of health outcomes. Unfortunately, they then adjusted for educational attainment in regression analyses. This will very likely result in biased estimates because educational attainment was measured after marriage and is more likely to be a mediator than a confounder (Fig.  1 ) [ 79 , 80 ]. Adjusting for it may remove some of the effect of child marriage on health and lead to underestimates of effect. Given that these two issues may bias results in different directions, predicting the net direction of confounding within studies is challenging. Other sources of bias also affected many of the studies in this review, including selection and measurement biases. Few authors discussed the potential influence of bias on their estimates or their conclusions.

The health consequences of child marriage

Studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on a variety of health outcomes. The most common outcomes were measures of reproductive health, such as fertility and fertility control, maternal health care utilization, intimate partner violence, mental health, and nutritional status. The following paragraphs synthesize the literature in each of these categories. In light of the serious risk of bias in all included studies, we interpreted these results with a high degree of caution. We assessed the direction of effect measures, meaning whether the study found that child marriage increased or decreased the probability of experiencing the outcome, and the consistency of directionality across studies within each outcome category. We also assessed the precision of effect measures by evaluating the width of confidence intervals surrounding those measures. We did not interpret the magnitude of the effect estimates from individual studies due to the risk of bias.

The effect of child marriage on the number and timing of births

Eleven studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the number of children born, though this outcome was not consistently measured. Some studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the odds of having given birth to any children [ 34 , 50 , 63 ], the odds of having three or more children [ 24 , 46 , 50 , 63 , 75 ], four or more children [ 34 ], five or more children [ 37 , 69 ], or a continuous measure of the total number of children ever born [ 24 , 25 , 30 , 46 , 54 ]. The age ranges of the people included in these studies also differed, leading to variation in the time frame over which these births could have occurred. Child marriage was correlated with higher fertility in nearly all studies regardless of how the outcome was defined. The only exception was a study from Ethiopia that found no effect [ 30 ]. Ten of these studies focused on fertility exclusively among women. Misunas et al. [ 24 ] focused on men and came to similar conclusions: child marriage increased the odds that men aged 20-29 had fathered three or more children and increased the average number of children fathered by the ages of 40-49 [ 24 ].

A second commonly examined outcome was the likelihood of giving birth within the first year of marriage. Four studies based on data from South Asia [ 39 , 46 , 50 , 63 ] and one study based on pooled data from multiple countries in Africa [ 75 ] examined this outcome. Three of these studies [ 46 , 50 , 75 ] reported that marriage before the age of 18 decreased the odds of giving birth within the first year of marriage. The remaining two [ 39 , 63 ] did not find any evidence of a relationship between child marriage and this outcome.

We also identified five studies that estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of giving birth before a specified age, often referred to as early, teen, or adolescent pregnancy [ 23 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 34 ]. Three of these studies found that child marriage increased the odds of giving birth before the age of 20 [ 26 , 31 , 32 ], the other two reported that child marriage increased the odds of giving birth before the age of 18 [ 23 , 34 ]. Two studies also estimated the effect of child marriage on mean age at first birth and found that those who married before the age of 18 gave birth for the first time at younger ages, on average, than those who married at older ages [ 32 , 46 ].

Collectively, this evidence indicates that women who marry as children often begin having children of their own at earlier ages when compared to their peers who marry after their 18th birthdays, and that they tend to have a larger number of children over their lifetimes. This is not surprising, given that marriage changes sexual behavior in ways that increase the risk of pregnancy. Essentially, girls who marry at earlier ages spend a longer time at risk of pregnancy than those who marry later.

The effect of child marriage on birth intervals

The World Health Organization recommends an interval of at least 24 months between a live birth and a subsequent pregnancy to reduce the risk of poor maternal health outcomes [ 81 ]. Five studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of repeated childbirths in less than two years [ 39 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. All five used samples of women between the ages of 20 and 24 who were included in DHS. A sixth study based on a small cross-sectional sample of women aged 15-49 from Ethiopia estimated the effect on repeated childbirth in less than three years [ 27 ]. These studies came to different conclusions. Two studies by the same author reported that child marriage increased the odds of repeated childbirth within two years in India [ 62 , 63 ] but another study based on the same data source found that women who married as children were less likely to have two births within a two-year period than those who married at older ages [ 39 ]. There were also differences in the results of research from Pakistan: one study reported that child marriage made it more likely that women would have two births within two years [ 50 ] while another found no evidence that child marriage influenced this outcome [ 39 ]. Child marriage protected against short birth intervals in Nepal [ 39 ] and in an analysis of data from 34 African countries [ 75 ]. There was no evidence that child marriage influence the likelihood of short birth intervals in Bangladesh [ 39 ].

These results, which range from harmful to protective effects, indicate that child marriage is not clearly or consistently correlated with short birth intervals.

Child marriage, unwanted or mistimed pregnancy, and pregnancy termination

Seven studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing a mistimed or unwanted pregnancy [ 39 , 46 , 47 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. All seven were based on analyses of DHS data. The DHS typically asks women whether pregnancies were wanted at the time they occurred, wanted later (i.e., mistimed), or not wanted. Interestingly, six of the seven studies that examined this outcome reduced these categorical responses into a binary measure: women were categorized as having an unwanted pregnancy if they reported that they had a mistimed pregnancy or if they became pregnant when they did not want any more children [ 39 , 46 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. The rationale for doing this was not explained in any of the studies. The remaining study [ 47 ] only categorized instances in which a woman became pregnant at a time when she did not want any more children as unwanted.

Estimates of the effect of child marriage on this outcome are mixed. A study from 34 countries in Africa reported that child marriage protected against mistimed/unwanted pregnancies [ 75 ]. Studies from India, Pakistan, and Nepal concluded that child marriage increased the odds of experiencing mistimed/unwanted pregnancy [ 39 , 50 ]. Three studies from Bangladesh came to different conclusions. One found no relationship between child marriage and this outcome [ 39 ] while another reported that child marriage increased the odds of mistimed/unwanted pregnancy [ 46 ]. The third used a different definition of the outcome and found that marriage before the age of 15 was positively associated with unwanted pregnancy (mistimed pregnancies were treated as wanted) but no evidence that marriage between the ages of 15 and 17 affected the likelihood of unwanted pregnancy [ 47 ].

Three of these studies also estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing two or more mistimed or unwanted pregnancies [ 39 , 62 , 63 ]. Godha et al. reported a large effect of child marriage on having multiple mistimed/unwanted pregnancies in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan but results were inconclusive in Nepal [ 39 ]. Two studies by the same author reported that child marriage increased the odds of having multiple mistimed/unwanted pregnancies in India [ 62 , 63 ].

We identified eight studies of the effect of child marriage on pregnancy outcomes [ 39 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 57 , 63 , 66 , 75 ]. Six of these relied on the DHS, which typically asks female respondents, “Have you ever had a pregnancy that miscarried, was aborted, or ended in a stillbirth?” [ 82 ]. The wording of this question makes it impossible to examine these outcomes separately. As a result, most studies based on the DHS used a composite outcome that grouped these three events despite differences in their intendedness. Five studies based on the DHS concluded that child marriage increased the odds of having a pregnancy end in either miscarriage, abortion, or stillbirth [ 39 , 48 , 50 , 63 , 75 ]. Exceptionally, the 2007 Bangladesh DHS asked a yes or no question regarding whether a woman had ever terminated a pregnancy. Using responses to this question, Kamal reported that marriage before the age of 15 was correlated with higher odds of termination but no evidence that marriage between 15 and 17 years of age influenced this outcome [ 47 ].

Two studies from India used other cross-sectional data sources and defined their outcomes differently. Santhya et al. used a combined outcome of miscarriage and stillbirth and found that child marriage increased the likelihood of experiencing either of these birth outcomes. [ 66 ]. Paul considered stillbirth and miscarriage separately. Marriage before the age of 15 increased the odds of stillbirth and miscarriage, but marriage between the ages of 15-17 was no less risky in this regard than marriage at 18 or later [ 57 ].

Child marriage and contraceptive use

Fifteen of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on various aspects of contraceptive use [ 23 , 24 , 32 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 43 , 46 , 53 , 56 , 62 , 63 , 65 , 66 , 75 ]. All were based on cross-sectional data and thirteen used data from the DHS.

Of these fifteen studies, eight estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood that women were using contraception at the time the surveys were conducted [ 32 , 39 , 40 , 46 , 53 , 62 , 63 , 65 ]. As with other outcomes, results were mixed. Child marriage reportedly increased the likelihood of using modern contraception in India and Bangladesh [ 39 ]. Results from Pakistan and Nepal indicate that the same may be true in those countries but the estimates were imprecise [ 39 ]. A second study from Nepal concluded that child marriage led to lower odds of using modern contraception [ 65 ]. The two studies from Nepal used different samples of women, which may partially explain the differences in their results. A study based on pooled data from 18 African countries found that child marriage was correlated with a lower likelihood of using modern contraception [ 53 ]. However, results varied markedly between countries and across geographic regions; in some, child marriage appeared to increase the likelihood of using modern contraception [ 53 ]. In Ghana, de Groot et al. found that child marriage was not correlated with the odds of using any form of contraception or with the use of modern contraceptives [ 32 ].

Two other studies investigated the effect of child marriage on the use of any method of contraception, including those not classified as modern [ 40 , 46 ]. Marriage prior to the age of 15 led to lower odds of contraceptive use in Rwanda, but there was no indication that those who married between 15 and 17 years of age were any more or less likely to use contraception than those who married at older ages [ 40 ]. In Bangladesh, women who married as children were more likely to be using some form of contraception at the time of the survey than those who married at the age of 18 or older [ 46 ]. In yet another iteration of this outcome, Yaya [ 75 ] reported that women who married as children were more likely to have ever used modern contraception. A single study estimated the effect of child marriage among men on the likelihood that they were using modern contraception [ 24 ]. In five of ten countries studied, child marriage was not related to modern contraceptive use. In two (Honduras and Nepal), child marriage seemed to slightly increase the odds of contraceptive use, but it decreased the likelihood in Madagascar [ 24 ].

A second outcome that has received particular focus is whether a woman used contraception before her first pregnancy. All four studies that examined the effect of child marriage on this outcome were based on data from South Asia [ 39 , 56 , 63 , 66 ] and concluded that marrying as a child decreased the likelihood that a woman used contraception prior to her first pregnancy [ 39 , 56 , 63 , 66 ]. The authors of these studies frequently interpreted their results as an indicator of uncontrolled fertility that may place girls and their children at risk of poor health outcomes [ 39 , 56 , 63 ]. However, this relationship is more challenging to interpret because the outcome variables used did not capture whether pregnancies were desired shortly after marriage or the outcomes of those pregnancies.

Four studies estimated the impact of child marriage on the likelihood that a woman had an unmet need for contraception [ 23 , 32 , 41 , 43 ]. This outcome was conceptually defined as a woman who is sexually active but not using contraception and who reports a desire to delay the next birth (a need for spacing), have no more births (a need for limiting), or a combination of the two. Once again, conclusions differ between studies. Using pooled DHS data from 47 countries, Kidman and Heymann found that marrying as a child increased the likelihood that women had an unmet need for contraception to either space or limit births [ 23 ]. An analysis of DHS data from Ethiopia found that women who married as children were less likely to have an unmet need for spacing and less likely to have an unmet need for limiting births compared to women who married at older ages [ 41 ]. In Zambia, child marriage was correlated with a greater unmet need for spacing and for limiting [ 43 ]. In Ghana, de Groot et al. found that child marriage was not correlated with an unmet need for limiting [ 32 ]. These studies all used different samples, which may partially explain the differences in their results.

Child marriage and use of maternal health care

Nine of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on the use of health care during pregnancy, at the time of delivery, and during the post-partum period, which we collectively refer to as maternal health care [ 33 , 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 62 , 66 , 67 , 74 ].

Studies of prenatal care defined their outcomes as the receipt of at least one prenatal checkup [ 49 , 62 ], the receipt of four or more prenatal checkups [ 49 , 58 , 67 ], or a count of the total number of prenatal checkups received [ 39 , 53 ]. Once again, results within countries come to different conclusions. In Nepal, one study found that women who married as children were less likely to receive four or more prenatal checkups [ 67 ] while another found no evidence that child marriage influenced this outcome [ 39 ]. A study from India found no indication that child marriage affected prenatal care [ 39 ] but two others concluded that child marriage decreased the likelihood of receiving at least one checkup and of receiving at least four checkups [ 58 , 62 ]. In one study from Pakistan, women who married as children were less likely to receive any prenatal care than those who married at older ages, but there was no difference in the likelihood of receiving four or more checkups [ 49 ]. A separate study from the same country reported that child marriage had no effect on the number of prenatal care checkups [ 39 ]. The effect of child marriage on the number of prenatal care visits varied between geographic regions in Africa. In some, child marriage appeared correlated with a decrease the number of visits while in others there was no effect [ 53 ].

Compared to other outcomes, the results of studies that estimated the impact of child marriage on the likelihood of delivering in a health care facility were remarkably consistent. Across geographic locations, all seven studies that examined this outcome concluded that child marriage reduced the likelihood of delivery in a health care facility [ 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 66 , 67 , 74 ]. Six of the same studies also found that women who married as children were less likely to have a skilled health care provider present during delivery [ 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 67 , 74 ].

Only two studies considered post-natal care [ 58 , 67 ]. One reported that child marriage led to lower likelihood of a post-natal checkup within 42 days of delivery in India [ 66 ] while the other found a lower likelihood of a checkup within 24 h of delivery in Nepal [ 75 ].

Child marriage and intimate partner violence

Sixteen studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing intimate partner violence [ 22 , 23 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 42 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 66 , 70 , 71 , 77 ]. Fifteen of these studies were based on cross-sectional data [ 22 , 23 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 42 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 66 , 70 , 71 ] and eight (50%) were based on the DHS [ 22 , 23 , 51 , 53 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 70 ]. The DHS measures intimate partner violence by asking female respondents a series of questions regarding their experience of specific acts. For example, physical violence is assessed by asking women whether they have been slapped, kicked, or pushed, among other actions. Sexual violence is assessed by asking whether the respondent’s husband has forced her to have sex or perform sex acts when she did not want to. Emotional violence is measured by asking whether her spouse has humiliated or threatened her [ 83 ]. Studies based on data from sources other than the DHS tended to use the same or very similar questions to measure the experience of violence.

Physical violence was the most frequently examined outcome but was measured over different time frames across studies. Some estimated the likelihood of ever having experienced physical violence from a husband or partner while others considered only the year prior to the survey. Still, others focused on the 3 months prior to the survey [ 35 ], the 9 months between survey waves [ 77 ], or during pregnancy [ 38 ]. Regardless of the time period during which violence was measured, the conclusions of these studies were fairly consistent: nearly all reported that marrying as a child increased the likelihood of experiencing physical violence [ 22 , 38 , 51 , 55 , 60 , 64 , 66 , 71 , 77 ]. A study from Ethiopia found no indication that child marriage had an effect on this outcome but it considered a relatively short time period of 3 months [ 35 ].

Estimates of the effect of child marriage on the experience of sexual violence were much less consistent. Two studies from India came to conflicting conclusions. Raj et al. found that child marriage did not increase the likelihood of experiencing sexual violence at any point or in the year prior to the 2005-06 National Family Health Survey [ 64 ]. However, a study by Santhya et al. based on survey data collected from five Indian states between 2006 and 2008 found that child marriage did increase the likelihood of ever experiencing sexual violence [ 66 ]. Studies from Bangladesh and Ghana reported that women who married as children were no more or less likely to experience sexual violence than those who married at later ages [ 60 , 71 ]. Two studies that pooled DHS data across multiple countries also found mixed results [ 22 , 53 ]. Olamijuwon used data from 18 African countries and found that child marriage increased the odds of experiencing sexual violence in Central, East, and Southern Africa, but there was no evidence of a statistical relationship in West Africa [ 53 ]. Kidman used DHS data from 34 countries across the globe and reported that child marriage seemed to increase the odds of experiencing sexual violence in the year prior to the surveys in all included geographic regions except Europe and Central Asia [ 22 ]. Erulkar found that women who married as children in Ethiopia were more likely to report that their first sexual experience was forced [ 35 ].

Only two studies, one from Pakistan and one from Ghana, considered emotional violence as a stand-alone outcome. Both concluded the child marriage led to an increase in the likelihood of ever experiencing emotional violence from an intimate partner [ 51 , 71 ].

Five studies considered only combined outcomes that mixed indicators of physical and sexual violence [ 62 , 70 ], or physical, sexual, and emotional violence [ 23 , 29 , 42 ]. All of these found that child marriage was associated with increased reporting of these composite measures of violence, but some results were sensitive to the sample used and were inconsistent across locations [ 70 ]. Hong Le et al. considered whether child marriage affected the likelihood of violence among boys but was underpowered to detect any effect [ 42 ].

Child marriage and mental health

Five of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on various aspects of mental health. These studies relied on cross-sectional data collected from Ghana, Iran, Ethiopia, Niger and the United States [ 21 , 32 , 36 , 44 , 45 ]. Women in the United States who married before the age of 18 were more likely to report experiencing a wide range of mood, anxiety, and other psychiatric disorders in adulthood when compared to those who married at later ages [ 21 ]. The authors of a small study from a single county in Iran found that women who married as children reported more depressive symptoms than those who married at the age of 18 or older [ 36 ]. John, Edmeades, and Murithi examined the relationship between child marriage and multiple domains of psychological well-being in Niger and Ethiopia [ 44 ]. The authors found that marriage before the age of 16 was correlated with poorer overall psychological well-being, but no evidence that marriage between the ages of 16 and 17 was associated with poorer outcomes when compared to women who married at the age of 18 or later [ 44 ]. In Ghana, child marriage seemed to protect against measures of stress. The Ghanaian study also found no indication of differences in levels of social support between women who married before the age of 18 and those who married after their 18th birthdays, though these odds ratio estimates were very imprecise [ 32 ].

Child marriage and nutritional status

Six studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on indicators of nutritional status [ 28 , 34 , 52 , 61 , 76 , 78 ]. Four focused exclusively on pregnant women. Two studies from Ethiopia examined the relationship between child marriage and mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC) [ 52 , 76 ]. One reported that pregnant women who married before the age of 18 were more likely to have an MUAC less than 22 cm, often interpreted as a marker of undernutrition [ 84 , 85 ], compared to those who married later on [ 52 ]. The other found that marrying before the age of 15 increased the likelihood of MUAC <22 cm but no evidence that marrying between the ages of 15 and 17 affected this outcome [ 76 ]. A third study from Ethiopia reported that child marriage led to an increase in the prevalence of Vitamin A deficiency among pregnant or recently post-partum women [ 28 ].

Two other studies focused on women who were not pregnant and used body mass index (BMI) as the indicator of nutritional status [ 34 , 78 ]. Their results diverge. Yusuf et al. found that women in Nigeria who married as children were more likely to have a BMI less than 18.5, frequently interpreted as underweight among adults. However, in a study of 35 African countries, Efevbera et al. reported that child marriage was protective against being underweight (BMI<18.5) [ 44 ]. Interestingly, the authors of these studies offered plausible explanations for effects in either direction. Efevbera et al. hypothesize that girls who marry as children may gain access to more plentiful food at an earlier age and that repeated pregnancies during adolescence might result in greater weight gain relative to those who marry at later ages [ 34 ]. In contrast, Nigatu et al. note that repeat pregnancies in quick succession may have a detrimental impact on cumulative nutritional status [ 52 ]. This suggests that the mechanisms through which age at marriage may affect subsequent nutritional status have not been thoroughly considered.

Other health consequences of child marriage

A few of the studies included in our review examined outcomes other than those discussed above. We note them briefly here. A case-control study from India reported that women diagnosed with cervical cancer were more likely to have been married before the age of 18 [ 72 ]. A large, pooled analysis of DHS data from 47 countries reported that child marriage was associated with symptoms of sexually transmitted infections [ 23 ]. A small, cross-sectional study from a single Indian state found no evidence that child marriage led to an increase in the odds of obstetric fistula [ 68 ]. A third study from India examined the effect of child marriage on the odds of experiencing at least one complication during pregnancy, delivery, or within two months after delivery [ 57 ]. Marriage before the age of 15 seemed to increase the likelihood of pregnancy complications, but there was no evidence of an effect for marriage between 15 and 17 years. Child marriage was not associated with delivery complications, but was associated with postnatal complications [ 57 ]. A study from Ghana found no indication that child marriage influenced the likelihood of self-reported poor health, of being ill in the two weeks prior to the survey, or of having a health insurance card but did report that child marriage increased the odds of having difficulty with activities of daily living, such as bending or walking [ 32 ].

Our systematic review synthesized research on the health consequences of marrying before the age of 18. Studies almost uniformly found that women who married before the age of 18 began having children of their own at earlier ages and gave birth to more children over the course of their reproductive lives when compared to those who married at the age of 18 or later. Whether these outcomes, considered alone, are harmful to health is not clear. Though there are many reasons to be concerned about adolescent childbearing, none of the studies of the effect of child marriage on the timing of births considered whether those pregnancies were planned or desired or whether they resulted in obstetric complications or maternal morbidity or mortality [ 23 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 34 , 39 , 46 , 50 , 63 , 75 ]. Similarly, having multiple births, especially at short intervals, may increase the risk of obstetric complications and subsequent morbidity or mortality. However, studies that compared the number of children born to women who married before the age of 18 with the number born to those who married at later ages also did not measure whether those pregnancies were planned or whether they led to harm [ 24 , 25 , 30 , 34 , 37 , 46 , 50 , 54 , 63 , 69 , 75 ]. Rather, studies seemed to assume that these are negative outcomes without directly measuring intentions or harms.

A separate set of studies that estimated the effect of child marriage on the experience of mistimed or unwanted pregnancies came to divergent conclusions: some found that child marriage increased the likelihood of these outcomes but others found that child marriage protected against them or had no effect. Studies of whether child marriage affected the likelihood of obstetric complications, miscarriage or stillbirth did not consider maternal age when those events occurred [ 39 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 57 , 63 , 66 , 75 ]. Moreover, the fact that child marriage corresponds with a larger number of pregnancies means that girls who married prior to the age of 18 had more opportunities to experience these events compared to those who married later; this was not discussed in any of the studies we identified.

The results of studies in other outcome domains are very mixed and challenge some common narratives regarding child marriage. To illustrate, studies included in this review came to conflicting conclusions regarding whether child marriage increases or decreases the use of modern contraception, the likelihood of giving birth within the first year of marriage, and the likelihood of repeated childbirth within two years. Conclusions regarding mistimed and unwanted pregnancies were also mixed, as noted above. Collectively, these results suggest that child marriage is not uniformly characterized by an inability to control the number or timing of births and suggests that a more cautious approach to discussions of agency within these marriages is warranted, at least regarding fertility and fertility control.

Across studies, women who married as children were less likely to give birth in a health care facility or with assistance from a skilled health care provider. These findings raise concerns about access to emergency obstetric care and subsequent birth outcomes for both mother and child. However, we found only one study that estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of complications during pregnancy, delivery, and the postpartum period [ 57 ] and consideration of the consequences for the infants born was beyond the scope of this review. This statistical relationship could be confounded by lack of access due to geographic distance. Child marriage is more common in rural areas, where health care facilities and skilled health care providers may be more spread out. It may also be a function of gender inequality, which may manifest as an inability to seek care without permission. Future research should consider the potential for confounding by these and other variables and investigate whether place modifies this relationship.

Child marriage could plausibly affect many aspects of maternal and reproductive health through complex causal pathways. However, most of the studies included in our review did not discuss causal mechanisms in detail, which may have hindered their ability to identify and account for various sources of bias. More thorough consideration and discussion of these mechanisms would strengthen the theoretical underpinnings of this body of literature and help mitigate biases. For example, use of Directed Acyclic Graphs to illustrate assumed causal relationships would help to clarify the causal pathways being studied and identify sources of bias [ 86 ].

The effects of child marriage among boys have been almost entirely overlooked. Only 2 of the 58 studies included in this review considered boys or men and one of them was underpowered to generate informative estimates [ 42 ]. This intense focus on child marriage among girls reflects the gendered nature of the practice. However, a substantial proportion of boys also marry before the age of 18 in some countries [ 7 , 24 ] and further inquiry into the health consequences among boys is warranted.

The geographic distribution of research on child marriage and health is highly skewed. The focus on South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa may be justified since these regions have some of the highest rates of child marriage in the world. However, it is unclear why just three countries, India, Bangladesh, and Ethiopia, have received such focused attention while other countries in these regions have received very little. Child marriage is certainly ongoing in many other regions of the world that have received little or no research attention, including high-income countries [ 9 , 87 , 88 ].

The geographic distribution of these studies and the range of outcomes considered is clearly reflective of heavy reliance on the DHS. The DHS is appealing because it collects information on age at marriage that is comparable across settings and over time, data are readily accessible and of high quality, and samples are typically nationally representative. However, defaulting to this data source may also have restricted the range of outcomes studied. The DHS focuses primarily on reproductive health and our review included many studies of the effect of child marriage on fertility, contraceptive use, and intimate partner violence. Far less attention has been paid to other potential harms of child marriage that are not included in the surveys, such as indicators of mental health. Importantly, the DHS does not collect information on some of the strongest confounders of many relationships between child marriage and health, including childhood socioeconomic conditions and measures of gender equality. Other data sources will be necessary to increase the geographic scope of this body of research and to overcome some of the limitations inherent in the use of cross-sectional data to estimate causal effects.

All studies included in our review were at serious to critical risk of bias. Quantification of the net magnitude of different biases on the results of each study would have made the project untenable. Considering pervasive bias, we avoided interpreting the magnitude of reported estimates from individual studies and instead took only the directionality of the estimates at face value. This allowed us to assess the (in)consistency of conclusions within domains of health. However, it is entirely possible that bias could lead to a reversal of effects, i.e., estimating a positive effect when the true effect is negative or vice versa. The bias in these studies means that it is unclear whether any of the relationships described are causal.

Nearly all studies included in our review relied on cross-sectional data. There are severe limitations to using cross-sectional research designs to estimate causal effects, and more rigorous designs are needed to further our understanding of the consequences of child marriage. Quasi-experimental designs that more effectively mitigate confounding would strengthen this body of literature and have already been used to study the effect of child marriage on educational attainment and literacy. For example, Field and Ambrus and Sunder used age at menarche as an instrumental variable to study the effect of child marriage on these outcomes [ 3 , 4 ]. Encouragement trials that randomly assign exposure to interventions meant to prevent child marriage could also be used to estimate the effects of child marriage on health outcomes, though such trials are more resource intensive to conduct [ 89 ]. However, given that the DHS and other cross-sectional data sources will likely continue to be used to investigate these relationships, the use of quantitative bias analyses to examine how sensitive estimates are to various sources of bias would be an improvement [ 90 ].

There are several limitations to this systematic review. First, to capture as wide a range of health outcomes as possible, we searched databases focused on human health and biomedicine. Relevant studies from other academic disciplines such as economics and sociology may have been missed using this approach. Second, our search was conducted in English and all included studies were published in English. Eligible studies published in other languages may have been missed, which could influence our conclusions regarding the geographic distribution of research. Finally, as noted in the introduction, child marriage may have consequences beyond the domain of health. We focused our systematic review on the health consequences of child marriage in response to growing rhetoric regarding child marriage as a population health concern. Rigorous systematic reviews of the effect of child marriage on educational and economic outcomes would be a valuable addition to the literature.

Availability of data and materials

The PROSPERO protocol and the data extraction form are publicly available through the Open Science Foundation at https://osf.io/32mu7/ .

Abbreviations

Body Mass Index

Cross-Sectional

Directed Acyclic Graph

Demographic and Health Surveys

Mid-Upper Arm Circumference

Risk Of Bias In Non-randomised Studies - of Interventions tool

Socio-Economic Status

United Nations Population Fund

United Nations Children’s Fund

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We thank Genevieve Gore at the McGill University Library for her assistance in developing the search terms used in this review.

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SF and AK were responsible for the study conception and design. SF conducted database searches. SF and AK screened eligible studies and extracted data from included studies. SF and AK conducted the analysis, interpreted the results, and collaboratively wrote the manuscript. SF prepared the tables and figures. AK supervised the study. The author(s) read and approved the final manuscript.

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Fan, S., Koski, A. The health consequences of child marriage: a systematic review of the evidence. BMC Public Health 22 , 309 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-12707-x

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Child Marriage Essay

Child Marriage Essay

Introduction.

Across the globe, child marriage has been persistently practiced causing numerous negative effects on millions of girls. The United Nations International Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF) defines child marriage as "the marriage undertaken before eighteen years." It is unfortunate that the practice has become common to the point that for every five girls, one is subjected to child marriage (Khanday, Shah, Mir & Parvaiz, 2015). This practice has been predominant in South Asia, Africa and South America, areas that already have a high population. Even though some regions have prohibited child marriage, society has continued to practice this routine, as if it is tolerated, because of gender inequality issues, poor education and high level of poverty. Actually, the United Nations (UN) has set a day when the plights of the girl child are highlighted. Of importance to this paper is to highlight on initiatives taken by NGOs and IGO to eradicate child marriage in Mozambique and India.

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Mozambique is one of the most affected countries by child marriage and does not favor this practice by every means. The engagement in child marriage is illegal in Mozambique, and for that reason, it is outlawed. The reason behind the illegality of the is that when young adults are involved in marriage before the stipulated age of eighteen, they often become pregnant and drop out of school a situation that leads to lack of education(Maswikwa, Richter, Kaufman & Nandi, 2015). Nevertheless, it is unfortunate that Mozambique still registers significantly high number of child marriage in Africa.

For every two girls, one is married before the age of eighteen in Mozambique. The northern part of the country has the highest rate of child marriage with more than 55 percent of girls married before the eighteenth birthday. Even though the percentage of child marriage has significantly reduced over the last decade, the population growth outpaces the advancement made leading to increasing number of girls married off (Vogelstein & Council on Foreign Relations, 2013).

The main contributors to child marriage in Mozambique revolve around adolescence pregnancy and the legal age of marriage. In the rural parts of the country, the vast majority of adolescent mothers are married in their teens. The legal age for anyone to get married is eighteen and sixteen with the parental consent. This has also contributed to the significantly high number of child marriage.

The national strategy for combating and preventing early childhood was launched in April 2016. Led by the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Affairs, the strategy was created through a comprehensive process to involve different global agencies, donor partners, and Girls Not Brides Global. The ministry of social Action is mandated to coordinate and implement the national strategy aimed at reducing child marriage in Mozambique.

Girls Not Brides Global, Forward - UK, UNFPA, and UNICEF, are some of the non-governmental organizations that help in the fight against child marriage in Mozambique. Consolations are held in different high-prevalence in areas with the affected children, mothers and traditional groups to find a sustainable solution to the problem. The strategies of these IGOs and NGOs contains different primary pillars which include: improved access to education, sexual and productive health, communication and social mobilization initiatives, support for the married girls and improvement of the legal framework.

Statistics indicate that India has the highest number of child marriage in the world. An estimated 27 percent of girls in India are married off before the legal age of eighteen. There is a variation in child marriage between states. These figures vary as high as 69 percent in Bihar and 65 percent in Rajasthan. Over the last ten years, the country has witnessed a significant reduction in child marriage rate from 50 percent to 27 percent. Even though few Indian girls are being married before the fifteenth birthday, there has been an increase for girls between ages 15 to 18. The major contributor to this practice in India is the economic burden bestowed upon girls (Sagade, 2005). Marriage is seen as a transfer of this burden to the new husband. Similarly, high rates of poverty and marriage cost like dowry lead to earlier marriage to reduce the costs.

According to Caldwell, Reddy & Caldwell (2011), the control of women and girls is another influential factor in the practice of child marriage. The prevailing pressure towards child marriage aims at reducing the shame attached to improper female sexual behavior, leading to a marriage arranged at puberty. Lack of educational opportunities for girls living in rural parts of the country also makes the girls vulnerable to child marriage.

Since India has the highest number of child marriage rate, there are numerous intergovernmental organizations and non-governmental organizations with the objective of finding a sustainable solution towards child marriage. These include;

Centre for Action Research and People's Development (CARPED): This organization works with the locals in promoting areas for comprehensive children development. The group focuses on policy making and for that purpose confronts with numerous critical issues and helps missing kids reach their homes. At the same time, it fights the conventional tradition of child marriages and intervenes on problematic issues and community mobilization.

Centre for Child Rights in New Delhi: This NGO is focused towards the recognition, promotion, and protection of children rights and holistically approaches children issues. The organization's objective is to propel child right to mainstream development efforts and place it as the center of national debate. Through its objective, the organization has been vocal in the fight against child marriage.

Terre des Hommes: A global children right's charitable organization with the aim of ensuring equitable development with no racial, political, cultural or gender-based discrimination. Terre des Hommes has been fundamental towards the control of child marriage in India.

MacArthur Foundation: This foundation has partnered directly with a different set of institutions in India to promote maternal and reproductive health. At the same time, it has a remarkable role improving access to quality education for the girl child through the girl secondary education program. This has significantly reduced the rate of child marriage in India for the last decade.

Child marriage has gained significant attention in the global realm over the last decade with donors across the globe increasingly understanding the need to put initiatives to reduce it. The prevailing evidence indicates that child marriage prevention initiatives are now deep and wide and that these initiatives are not only heading towards addressing child marriage but also integration and cross-sectional cooperation. These initiatives aim at addressing cultural and behavior change which, are the foundation of child marriage practice across the globe (Lemmon, 2014).

The practice of child marriage is of great concern since it infringes on girls right to education programs and quality health. India has the highest child marriage rate in the world with a long list of economic and social demands. Mozambique is another country with a significantly high proportion of girls who are married off before the age of eighteen. Nevertheless, there are intergovernmental organizations and non-governmental agencies that have spread awareness on the detriments attached to underage marriages, and for that reason, the prevalence is decreasing.

Caldwell, J. C., Reddy, P. H., & Caldwell, P. (2011). The causes of marriage change in South India. Population studies, 37(3), 343-361.

Khanday, M. I., Shah, B. A., Mir, P. A., & Parvaiz, R. (2015). Empowerment of women in India-historical perspective. European Academic Research, 2(11), 14494-505.

Lemmon, G. T. E. L. S. (2014). Child brides, global consequences: How to end child marriage. New York: Council On Foreign Relations.

Maswikwa, B., Richter, L., Kaufman, J., & Nandi, A. (2015). Minimum marriage age laws and the prevalence of child marriage and adolescent birth: evidence from sub-Saharan Africa. International perspectives on sexual and reproductive health, 41(2), 58-68.

Sagade, J. (2005). Child marriage in India: socio-legal and human rights dimensions. Oxford University Press, USA.

Vogelstein, R., & Council on Foreign Relations. (2013). Ending child marriage: How elevating the status of girls advances U.S. foreign policy objectives.

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The Lure of Divorce

Seven years into my marriage, i hit a breaking point — and had to decide whether life would be better without my husband in it..

Portrait of Emily Gould

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In the summer of 2022, I lost my mind. At first, it seemed I was simply overwhelmed because life had become very difficult, and I needed to — had every right to — blow off some steam. Our family was losing its apartment and had to find another one, fast, in a rental market gone so wild that people were offering over the asking price on rent. My husband, Keith, was preparing to publish a book, Raising Raffi, about our son, a book he’d written with my support and permission but that, as publication loomed, I began to have mixed feelings about. To cope with the stress, I asked my psychiatrist to increase the dosage of the antidepressant I’d been on for years. Sometime around then, I started talking too fast and drinking a lot.

I felt invincibly alive, powerful, and self-assured, troubled only by impatience with how slowly everyone around me was moving and thinking. Drinking felt necessary because it slightly calmed my racing brain. Some days, I’d have drinks with breakfast, lunch, and dinner, which I ate at restaurants so the drink order didn’t seem too unusual. Who doesn’t have an Aperol spritz on the way home from the gym in the morning? The restaurant meals cost money, as did the gym, as did all the other random things I bought, spending money we didn’t really have on ill-fitting lingerie from Instagram and workout clothes and lots of planters from Etsy. I grew distant and impatient with Keith as the book’s publication approached, even as I planned a giant party to celebrate its launch. At the party, everyone got COVID. I handed out cigarettes from a giant salad bowl — I had gone from smoking once or twice a day to chain-smoking whenever I could get away with it. When well-meaning friends tried to point out what was going on, I screamed at them and pointed out everything that was wrong in their lives. And most crucially, I became convinced that my marriage was over and had been over for years.

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I built a case against my husband in my mind. This book of his was simply the culmination of a pattern: He had always put his career before mine; while I had tended to our children during the pandemic, he had written a book about parenting. I tried to balance writing my own novel with drop-offs, pickups, sick days, and planning meals and shopping and cooking, most of which had always been my primary responsibility since I was a freelancer and Keith had a full-time job teaching journalism. We were incompatible in every way, except that we could talk to each other as we could to no one else, but that seemed beside the point. More relevant: I spent money like it was water, never budgeting, leaving Keith to make sure we made rent every month. Every few months, we’d have a fight about this and I’d vow to change; some system would be put in place, but it never stuck. We were headed for disaster, and finally it came.

Our last fight happened after a long day spent at a wedding upstate. I’d been drinking, first spiked lemonade at lunch alone and then boxed wine during the wedding reception, where I couldn’t eat any of the food — it all contained wheat, and I have celiac disease. When we got back, late, to the house where we were staying, I ordered takeout and demanded he go pick it up for me. Calling from the restaurant, he was incensed. Did I know how much my takeout order had cost? I hadn’t paid attention as I checked boxes in the app, nor had I realized that our bank account was perilously low — I never looked at receipts or opened statements. Not knowing this, I felt like he was actually denying me food, basic sustenance. It was the last straw. I packed a bag as the kids played happily with their cousins downstairs, then waited by the side of the road for a friend who lived nearby to come pick me up, even as Keith stood there begging me to stay. But his words washed over me; I was made of stone. I said it was over — really over. This was it, the definitive moment I’d been waiting for. I had a concrete reason to leave.

A few days later, still upstate at my friend’s house, I had a Zoom call with my therapist and my psychiatrist, who both urged me in no uncertain terms to check myself into a psychiatric hospital. Even I couldn’t ignore a message that clear. My friend drove me to the city, stopping for burgers along the way — I should have relished the burger more, as it was some of the last noninstitutional food I would eat for a long time — and helped me check into NYU Langone. My bags were searched, and anything that could be used as a weapon was removed, including my mascara. I spent my first night there in a gown in a cold holding room with no phone, nothing but my thoughts. Eventually, a bed upstairs became free and I was brought to the psych ward, where I was introduced to a roommate, had blood drawn, and was given the first of many pills that would help me stop feeling so irrepressibly energetic and angry. They started me on lithium right away. In a meeting with a team of psychiatrists, they broke the news: I had been diagnosed with bipolar disorder; they weren’t sure which kind yet. They gave me a nicotine patch every few hours plus Klonopin and Seroquel and lithium.

I wasn’t being held involuntarily, which meant I could write letters on an official form explaining why I ought to be released, which the psychiatrists then had three days to consider. I attached extra notebook pages to the letters explaining that I was divorcing my husband and was terrified I would never be able to see my kids again if I was declared unfit because I was insane. These letters did not result in my release; if anything, they prolonged my stay. I got my phone back — it would soon be revoked again, wisely — but in that brief interim, I sent out a newsletter to my hundreds of subscribers declaring that I was getting a divorce and asking them to Venmo me money for the custody battle I foresaw. In this newsletter, I also referenced Shakespeare. The drugs clearly had not kicked in yet. I cycled through three different roommates, all of whom were lovely, though I preferred the depressed one to the borderline ones. We amused ourselves during the day by going to art therapy, music therapy, and meetings with our psychiatrists. I made a lot of beaded bracelets.

In the meetings with the shrinks, I steadfastly maintained that I was sane and that my main problem was the ending of my marriage. I put Keith, and my mother, on a list of people who weren’t allowed to visit me. Undaunted, Keith brought me gluten-free egg sandwiches in the morning, which I grudgingly ate — anything for a break from the hospital food. My parents came up from D.C. and helped Keith take care of our children. I was in the hospital for a little more than three weeks, almost the entire month of October, longer than I’d ever been away from my kids before in their lives. I celebrated my 41st birthday in the hospital and received a lot of very creative cards that my fellow crazies had decorated during art therapy. Eventually, the drugs began to work: I could tell they were working because instead of feeling energetic, I suddenly couldn’t stop crying. The tears came involuntarily, like vomit. I cried continuously for hours and had to be given gabapentin in order to sleep.

conclusion of essay on child marriage

On the day I was released, I didn’t let anyone pick me up. I expected the superhuman strength I’d felt for months to carry me, but it was gone, lithiumed away. Instead, I felt almost paralyzed as I carried my bags to a cab. When I arrived at my apartment, I couldn’t figure out where I should sleep. It didn’t feel like my home anymore. We couldn’t afford to live separately, even temporarily, but the one thing that our somewhat decrepit, inconveniently located new apartment had in its favor was two small attic bedrooms and one larger bedroom downstairs. I claimed this downstairs room for myself and began to live there alone, coming into contact with Keith only when we had to be together with our children.

You might assume that my fixation on divorce would have subsided now that my mental health had stabilized and I was on strong antipsychotic medication. But I still did not want to stay in my marriage. If anything, I felt a newfound clarity: Keith and I had fundamentally incompatible selves. Our marriage had been built on a flaw. My husband was older, more established and successful in his career. These were the facts, so it had to be my job to do more of the work at home. Unless, of course, I decided to take myself and my work as seriously as he took his. But that was unappealing; I had managed to publish three books before turning 40, but I didn’t want to work all the time, like he does.

I wondered if my marriage would always feel like a competition and if the only way to call the competition a draw would be to end it.

We picked the kids up from school and dropped them off, or really mostly Keith did. I appeared at meals and tried to act normal. I was at a loss for what to do much of the time. I attended AA meetings and the DBT meetings required by the hospital outpatient program, and I read. I read books about insanity: Darkness Visible, The Bell Jar, An Unquiet Mind, Postcards From the Edge. I tried to understand what was happening to me, but nothing seemed to resonate until I began to read books about divorce. I felt I was preparing myself for what was coming. The first book I read was Rachel Cusk’s Aftermath, which has become the go-to literary divorce bible since its 2012 publication. In it, Cusk describes the way her life shattered and recomposed after the dissolution of her marriage, when her daughters were still very young. She makes the case for the untenability of her relationship by explaining that men and women are fundamentally unequal. She posits that men and women who marry and have children are perpetually fighting separate battles, lost to each other: “The baby can seem like something her husband has given her as a substitute for himself, a kind of transitional object, like a doll, for her to hold so that he can return to the world. And he does, he leaves her, returning to work, setting sail for Troy. He is free, for in the baby the romance of man and woman has been concluded: each can now do without the other.”

At our relationship’s lowest moments, this metaphor had barely been a metaphor. I remembered, the previous winter, Keith going off on a reporting trip to Ukraine at the very beginning of the war, leaving me and the kids with very little assurance of his safety. I had felt okay for the first couple of days until I heard on the news of bombing very close to where he was staying. After that, I went and bummed a cigarette from a neighbor, leaving the kids sleeping in their beds in order to do so. It was my first cigarette in 15 years. Though that had been the winter before my mania began, I believe the first seeds of it were sown then: leaving the children, smoking the cigarette, resenting Keith for putting himself in harm’s way and going out into the greater world while I tended to lunches, homework, and laundry as though everything were normal.

In Nora Ephron’s Heartburn, as in Aftermath, I found an airtight case for divorce. The husband was the villain and the wife the wronged party, and the inevitable result was splitting up. I felt an echo of this later on when I read Lyz Lenz’s polemic This American Ex-Wife, out this month, marketed as “a deeply validating manifesto on the gender politics of marriage (bad) and divorce (actually pretty good!).” The book begins by detailing how Lenz’s husband rarely did household chores and hid belongings of hers that he didn’t like — e.g., a mug that said WRITE LIKE A MOTHERFUCKER — in a box in the basement. “I didn’t want to waste my one wild and precious life telling a grown man where to find the ketchup,” Lenz writes. “What was compelling about my marriage wasn’t its evils or its villains, but its commonplace horror.”

This was not quite the way I felt. Even though I could not stand to see my husband’s face or hear his voice, even though I still felt the same simmering resentment I had since I entered the hospital, I also found myself feeling pangs of sympathy for him. After all, he was going through this too. When we were inevitably together, at mealtimes that were silent unless the children spoke, I could see how wounded he was, how he was barely keeping it together. His clothes hung off his gaunt frame. And at night, when we passed in the kitchen making cups of tea that we would take to our respective rooms, he sometimes asked me for a hug, just a hug. One time I gave in and felt his ribs through his T-shirt. He must have lost at least 15 pounds.

It began to seem like I only ever talked to friends who had been through divorces or were contemplating them. One friend who didn’t know whether to split up with her husband thought opening their marriage might be the answer. Another friend described the ease of sharing custody of his young daughter, then admitted that he and his ex-wife still had sex most weekends. In my chronically undecided state, I admired both of these friends who had found, or might have found, a way to split the difference. Maybe it was possible to break up and remain friends with an ex, something that had never happened to me before in my entire life. Maybe it was possible to be married and not married at the same time. Then I went a little further in my imagination, and the idea of someone else having sex with my husband made me want to gag with jealousy. Maybe that meant something. I was so confused, and the confusion seemed to have no end.

I read more books about divorce. I received an early copy of Sarah Manguso’s Liars, marketed as “a searing novel about being a wife, a mother, and an artist, and how marriage makes liars out of us all.” In it, John, a creative dilettante, and Jane, a writer, meet and soon decide to marry. Liars describes their marriage from beginning to end, a span of almost 15 years, and is narrated by Jane. The beginning of their relationship is delirious: “I tried to explain that first ferocious hunger and couldn’t. It came from somewhere beyond reason.” But the opening of that book also contains a warning. “Then I married a man, as women do. My life became archetypal, a drag show of nuclear familyhood. I got enmeshed in a story that had already been told ten billion times.” I felt perversely reassured that I was merely adding another story to the 10 billion. It made it seem less like it was my fault.

The beginning of my relationship with my husband wasn’t that dramatic or definitive. I thought I was getting into something casual with someone I didn’t even know if I particularly liked, much less loved, but was still oddly fascinated by. I wanted to see the way he lived, to see if I could emulate it and become more like him. He lived with roommates in his 30s — well, that was the price you paid if you wanted to do nothing but write. I wanted what he had, his seriousness about his work. We went on dates where we both sat with our laptops in a café, writing, and this was somehow the most romantic thing I’d ever experienced. On our third date, we went to his father’s home on Cape Cod to dog-sit for a weekend, and it was awkward in the car until we realized we were both thinking about the same Mary Gaitskill story, “A Romantic Weekend,” in which a couple with dramatically mismatched needs learn the truth about each other through painful trial and error. Our weekend was awkward, too, but not nearly as awkward as the one in the story. On the way home, I remember admiring Keith’s driving, effortless yet masterful. I trusted him in the car completely. A whisper of a thought: He would make a good father.

In Liars, cracks begin to form almost immediately, even before John and Jane get engaged; she is accepted to a prestigious fellowship and he isn’t, and he is forthright about his fear that she will become more successful than he is: “A moment later he said he didn’t want to be the unsuccessful partner of the successful person. Then he apologized and said that he’d just wanted to be honest. I said, It was brave and considerate to tell me. ”

Through the next few years, so gradually that it’s almost imperceptible, John makes it impossible for Jane to succeed. He launches tech companies that require cross-country moves, forcing Jane to bounce between adjunct-teaching gigs. And then, of course, they have a baby. The problem with the baby is that Jane wants everything to be perfect for him and throws herself into creating a tidy home and an ideal child-development scenario, whereas John works more and more, moving the family again as one start-up fails and another flourishes. Jane begins to wonder whether she has created a prison for herself but pacifies herself with the thought that her situation is normal: “No married woman I knew was better off, so I determined to carry on. After all, I was a control freak, a neat freak, a crazy person.” The story John tells her about herself becomes her own story for a while. For a while, it’s impossible to know whose story is the truth.

I thought about Keith’s side of the story when I read Liars. Maybe it was the lack of alcohol’s blur that enabled me to see this clearly for the first time — I began to see how burdened he had been, had always been, with a partner who refused to plan for the future and who took on, without being asked, household chores that could just as easily have been distributed evenly. Our situation had never been as clear-cut as it was for Lyz Lenz; Keith had never refused to take out the trash or hidden my favorite mug. But he worked more and later hours, and my intermittent book advances and freelance income could not be counted on to pay our rent. As soon as we’d had a child, he had been shunted into the role of breadwinner without choosing it or claiming it. At first, I did all the cooking because I liked cooking and then, when I stopped liking cooking, I did it anyway out of habit. For our marriage to change, we would have needed to consciously decide to change it, insofar as our essential natures and our financial situation would allow. But when were we supposed to have found the time to do that? It was maddening that the root of our fracture was so commonplace and clichéd — and that even though the problem was ordinary, I still couldn’t think my way out of it.

Splinters: Another Kind of Love Story, by Leslie Jamison , is in some ways the successor to Aftermath — the latest divorce book by a literary superstar. It is mostly an account of Jamison’s passionate marriage to a fellow writer, C., and the way that marriage fell apart after her career accelerated and they had a child together. It then details her first months of life as a single mother and her forays into dating. In it, she is strenuously fair to C., taking much of the blame for the dissolution of their marriage. But she can’t avoid describing his anger that her book merits an extensive tour, while his novel — based on his relationship with his first wife, who had died of leukemia — fails commercially. “It didn’t get the reception he had hoped for,” Jamison writes, and now, “I could feel him struggling. He wanted to support me, but there was a thorn in every interview.” C. grows distant, refusing to publicly perform the charming self that Jamison fell in love with. “I wished there was a way to say, Your work matters, that didn’t involve muting my own,” Jamison writes.

For all my marriage’s faults, we never fought in public. Friends encouraged us to reconcile, saying, “You always seemed so good together.” (As if there were another way to seem! Standing next to each other at a party, it had always been easy to relax because we couldn’t fight.) And we never did anything but praise each other’s work. Until this last book of my husband’s, that is. I had read Raising Raffi for the first time six months before it was published, while I was out of town for the weekend. I had, at that time, enjoyed reading it — it was refreshing, in a way, to see someone else’s perspective on a part of my own life. I even felt a certain relief that my child’s early years, in all their specificity and cuteness, had been recorded. This work had been accomplished, and I hadn’t had to do it! There had been only a slight pang in the background of that feeling that I hadn’t been the one to do it. But as publication drew nearer, the pang turned into outright anger . The opening chapter described my giving birth to our first son, and I didn’t realize how violated I felt by that until it was vetted by The New Yorker ’s fact-checker after that section was selected as an excerpt for its website. Had a geyser of blood shot out of my vagina? I didn’t actually know. I had been busy at the time. I hung up on the fact-checker who called me, asking her to please call my husband instead. (In case you’re wondering, Keith has read this essay and suggested minimal changes.)

I related to the writers in Splinters trying to love each other despite the underlying thrum of competing ambitions. But most of all, Jamison’s book made me even more terrified about sharing custody. “There was only one time I got on my knees and begged. It happened in our living room, where I knelt beside the wooden coffee table and pleaded not to be away from her for two nights each week,” she writes. Envisioning a future in which we shared custody of our children made me cringe with horror. It seemed like absolute hell. At the time we separated, our younger son was only 4 years old and required stories and cuddles to get to bed. Missing a night of those stories seemed like a punishment neither of us deserved, and yet we would have to sacrifice time with our kids if we were going to escape each other, which seemed like the only possible solution to our problem. Thanksgiving rolled around, and I cooked a festive meal that we ate without looking at each other. Whenever I looked at Keith, I started to cry.

We decided to enter divorce mediation at the beginning of December. On Sixth Avenue, heading to the therapist’s office, we passed the hospital where I’d once been rushed for an emergency fetal EKG when I was pregnant with our first son. His heart had turned out to be fine. But as we passed that spot, I sensed correctly that we were both thinking of that moment, of a time when we had felt so connected in our panic and desperate hope, and now the invisible cord that had bound us had been, if not severed, shredded and torn. For a moment on the sidewalk there, we allowed ourselves to hold hands, remembering.

The therapist was a small older woman with short curly reddish hair. She seemed wise, like she’d seen it all and seen worse. I was the one who talked the most in that session, blaming Keith for making me go crazy, even though I knew this wasn’t technically true or possible: I had gone crazy from a combination of sky-high stress and a too-high SSRI prescription and a latent crazy that had been in me, part of me, since long before Keith married me, since I was born. Still, I blamed his job, his book, his ambition and workaholism, which always surpassed my own efforts. I cried throughout the session; I think we both did. I confessed that I was not the primary wronged person in these negotiations, and to be fair I have to talk about why. Sometime post–Last Fight and pre-hospitalization, I had managed to cheat on my husband. I had been so sure we were basically already divorced that I justified the act to myself; I couldn’t have done it any other way. I had thought I might panic at the last minute or even throw up or faint, but I had gone through with it thanks to the delusional state I was in. There aren’t many more details anyone needs to know. It was just one time, and it was like a drug I used to keep myself from feeling sad about what was really happening. Anyway, there’s a yoga retreat center I’ll never be able to go to again in my life.

At the end of the session, we decided to continue with the therapist but in couples therapy instead of divorce mediation. It was a service she also provided, and as a bonus, it was $100 cheaper per session. She didn’t say why she made this recommendation, but maybe it was our palpable shared grief that convinced her that our marriage was salvageable. Or maybe it was that, despite everything I had told her in that session, she could see that, even in my profound sadness and anger, I looked toward Keith to complete my sentences when I was searching for the right word and that he did the same thing with me. As broken as we were, we were still pieces of one once-whole thing.

My husband would have to forgive me for cheating and wasting our money. I would have to forgive him for treading on my literary territory: our family’s life, my own life. My husband would have to forgive me for having a mental breakdown, leaving him to take care of our family on his own for a month, costing us thousands of uninsured dollars in hospital bills. I would have to forgive him for taking for granted, for years, that I would be available on a sick day or to do an early pickup or to watch the baby while he wrote about our elder son. I would have to forgive him for taking for granted that there would always be dinner on the table without his having to think about how it got there. He would have to forgive me for never taking out the recycling and never learning how to drive so that I could move the car during alternate-side parking. I would have to forgive him for usurping the time and energy and brain space with which I might have written a better book than his. Could the therapist help us overcome what I knew to be true: that we’d gone into marriage already aware that we were destined for constant conflict just because of who we are? The therapist couldn’t help me ask him to do more if I didn’t feel like I deserved it, if I couldn’t bring myself to ask him myself. I had to learn how to ask.

No one asked anything or forgave anything that day in the couples therapist’s office. After what felt like months but was probably only a few days, I was watching Ramy on my laptop in my downstairs-bedroom cave after the kids’ bedtime when some moment struck me as something Keith would love. Acting purely on impulse, I left my room and found him sitting on the couch, drinking tea. I told him I’d been watching this show I thought was funny and that he would really like it. Soon, we were sitting side by side on the couch, watching Ramy together. We went back to our respective rooms afterward, but still, we’d made progress.

After a few more weeks and a season’s worth of shared episodes of Ramy, I ventured for the first time upstairs to Keith’s attic room. It smelled alien to me, and I recognized that this was the pure smell of Keith, not the shared smell of the bedrooms in every apartment we’d lived in together. I lay down next to him in the mess of his bed. He made room for me. We didn’t touch, not yet. But we slept, that night, together. The next night, we went back to sleeping alone.

Pickups and drop-offs became evenly divided among me and Keith and a sitter. Keith learned to make spaghetti with meat sauce. He could even improvise other dishes, with somewhat less success, but he was improving. I made a conscious effort not to tidy the house after the children left for school. I made myself focus on my work even when there was chaos around me. Slowly, I began to be able to make eye contact with Keith again. At couples therapy, we still clutched tissue boxes in our hands, but we used them less. Our separate chairs inched closer together in the room.

That Christmas, we rented a tiny Airbnb near his dad’s house in Falmouth. It had only two bedrooms, one with bunk beds for the kids and one with a king-size bed that took up almost the entirety of the small room. We would have to share a bed for the duration of the trip. The decision I made to reach across the giant bed toward Keith on one of the last nights of the trip felt, again, impulsive. But there were years of information and habit guiding my impulse. Sex felt, paradoxically, completely comfortable and completely new, like losing my virginity. It felt like sleeping with a different person and also like sleeping with the same person, which made sense, in a way. We had become different people while somehow staying the same people we’d always been.

Slowly, over the course of the next months, I moved most of my things upstairs to his room, now our room. We still see the therapist twice a month. We talk about how to make things more equal in our marriage, how not to revert to old patterns. I have, for instance, mostly given up on making dinner, doing it only when it makes more sense in the schedule of our shared day or when I actually want to cook. It turns out that pretty much anyone can throw some spaghetti sauce on some pasta; it also turns out that the kids won’t eat dinner no matter who cooks it, and now we get to experience that frustration equally. Keith’s work is still more stable and prestigious than mine, but we conspire to pretend that this isn’t the case, making sure to leave space for my potential and my leisure. We check in to make sure we’re not bowing to the overwhelming pressure to cede our whole lives to the physical and financial demands, not to mention the fervently expressed wants, of our children. It’s the work that we’d never found time to do before, and it is work. The difference is that we now understand what can happen when we don’t do it. I’m always surprised by how much I initially don’t want to go to therapy and then by how much lighter I feel afterward. For now, those sessions are a convenient container for our marriage’s intractable defects so that we get to spend the rest of our time together focusing on what’s not wrong with us.

The downstairs bedroom is now dormant, a place for occasional guests to stay or for our elder son to lie in bed as he plays video games. Some of my clothes from a year earlier still fill the drawers, but none of it seems like mine. I never go into that room if I can help it. It was the room of my exile from my marriage, from my family. If I could magically disappear it from our apartment, I would do it in a heartbeat. And in the attic bedroom, we are together, not as we were before but as we are now.

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Essay on Child Marriage in India

List of essays on child marriage in india, essay on child marriage in india – short essay (essay 1 – 150 words), essay on child marriage in india (essay 2 – 250 words), essay on child marriage in india – written in english (essay 3 – 300 words), essay on child marriage in india – causes, effects and prevention (essay 4 – 400 words), essay on child marriage in india – for school students (class 7, 8, 9 and 10 standard) (essay 5 – 500 words), essay on child marriage in india – facts (essay 6 – 600 words), essay on child marriage in india – for college and university students (essay 7 – 750 words), essay on child marriage in india – long essay for competitive exams like ias, ips and upsc (essay 8 – 1000 words).

Child marriage in India is still a prevalent practice. So far, we can’t seem to overcome the dark reality of child marriage in India. In a layman’s language, child marriage in India means involving a boy and girl to get into the marital bond, with or without their consent.

Audience: The below given essays are exclusively written for school students (Class 7, 8, 9 and 10 standard) and college students. Furthermore, those students preparing for competitive exams like IAS, IPS, Civil Services and UPSC can also increase their knowledge by reading these essays.

Child marriage in India is one of the most baffling of all problems which the Indian society faces. There was a time when most children were married at a very premature age. There have been several instances wherein children less than 10 years of age got married. They barely understood the meaning of marriage and yet they were tied to a bond they could do nothing about.

Causes of Child Marriage in India:

In earlier times, Child marriage in India was an age old tradition. Some of the many other causes of Child Marriage in India include poverty, illiteracy, social pressure, etc.

The Perils of Child Marriage in India:

Of course, child marriage in India is filled with too many perils. A lot of innocent lives were lost and children who should be taught the basics of education ended up being chained to family pressure. This affected the children mentally as well as physically.

The Remedial Measures:

The right thing to do is to create awareness about this issue. If we want to solve the problem of child marriage in India, we should educate both parents and children and encourage them to be independent first and then look for a partner only after attaining a certain age. Laws should also be put in place in order to get rid of this social issue.

Conclusion:

Children of today are the future of tomorrow. They must be provided with proper education in order to build a strong nation. It’s time to put an end to Child Marriage in India.

Introduction:

Child Marriage in India basically originated to prevent the girl child from being taken away by the conquerors of the nation. Child Marriage means that a girl or a boy gets betrothed to her partner even as a child purely at the consent of the parents. Even though the lawful age for a person to be married is set at 18 by UNICEF, it is not practiced in many places.

Reasons & Consequences:

Two primary reasons for Child Marriages in India is lack of education and poverty . The appalling consequences of child marriages include pregnancy- related deaths , child mothers not able to provide proper infant care, subjected to domestic violence .

Government & Laws:

Although there were laws in existence since 1929 to protect children from Child Marriages in India, it is unfortunate that “Allowance of Child Marriages without police Intervention” is being announced as Election promises in this Country. Every Citizen in this country has a role to protect and uphold the future citizens, the now Children. Many Government programs such as ApniBeti, Apna Dhan (ABAD), which translates to “My daughter, My wealth,” focus on delaying the Child marriages in India. Balika Vadhu one of the most watched melo-drama, showcased how Child Marriages are a bane to human race and the country.

As a dutiful citizen, each of us should make the children understand their human rights . Create awareness and give the child appropriate contact information to seek contacts when their cry of refusal is denied ears. This would therefore abolish child marriage in India and create a safe environment to nurture the future of the country.

Marriage is a very responsible and sacred way of uniting two people who are matured and ready to accept each other. But child marriage in India is something that is a really unethical way of uniting people, who are not only immature but also does not understand the real responsibility behind the phenomenon.

Indian law has assigned a minimum age of eighteen for girls and twenty-one for boys to legally get married. This law was passed due to the increased reporting of child marriages in India. While at one side everyone is trying to make the most out of our nation’s growth, at the other side it is too much annoying to think how children are getting mislead to lead a responsible life at their childhood.

Mainly girl children are forced to fall into child marriage in India as they are discriminated in the society because of their gender. Child marriages in India were considered by parents as a way of saving their child from abuses and other difficulties they face from the outside world. But on the other hand child marriage in India is a real spoiler of a kid’s childhood. They get on with handling more responsibilities than they even know about and many cases have been reported against this child marriage in India.

They are forced to live a life they don’t have any idea about due to this inhuman child marriage in India. The girl child is made to move out of her own house at such a young age due to child marriage in India, and live completely among strangers. She is forced to do all the household chores and other more difficult responsibilities. Child marriage in India ruins a child’s life.

Domestic violence and forced sexual abuses are also major problems due to child marriage in India. Not only girls but boys are also forced for such inhumanity. Child marriage in India is more dominant in rural areas where proper education and awareness should be spread to stop this cruelty.

Child Marriage in India is a centuries old tradition. When the 1921 census reported 600 brides in the age group of one to twelve months, Mahatma Gandhi was shocked. He became instrumental in introducing the Sarda Act or the Child Marriage Restraint Act in 1929. That was the first step taken against child marriage in India. It fixed the age of marriage for girls at 14 years and boys at 18 years. Since then many reformers and stakeholders have been advocating against child marriage in India.

Since bygone days, the dignity and reputation of families in India were heavily dependent on the chastity of their daughters. To uphold the honour, child marriage in India was prevalent at a tender age before puberty.

Due to poverty, many poor parents wished to see off their daughters through marriage at early years. Some even received monetary benefits from the groom’s family in lieu of marriage. Further, poor families also found it cheaper to conduct child marriages than adult marriages.

So, the various reasons for child marriage in India include tradition, poverty, illiteracy and social pressures.

The victims of child marriage in India are often uneducated. They do not have a broad view of their life with respect to the world. So, they often tend to pass this tradition to future generations, out of ignorance.

Due to the early marriage, these children often experience unprecedented responsibilities, suffer discontinuation of education, deterioration of health etc. Since they are physically and psychologically not ready for a married life, their childhood is frustrated with hardships of life.

Prevention:

The latest effort to prevent child marriage in India is the landmark judgment of the Supreme Court in October 2017. All along, men who raped their minor wives were protected by the law. But, according this latest judgment, sexual act with a child bride has been criminalised. This is a definite step to curb child marriage in India.

Since 2014, it has become mandatory to register marriages in order to prevent child marriage in India. The public has been encouraged to report child marriages and non-registered marriages in order to keep violations in check.

Various sensitization programs are carried out to educate the parents and the public against child marriage in India.

UNICEF sees child marriage practice as violation of human rights. One of United Nations’ sustainable goals is to eradicate child marriage in the world by 2030. Studies indicate that more than 40% child marriages of the world, happen in India. So, the International community expects a radical change in India than any other country. With dreams to become a superpower in the near future, it has become imperative to put an end to child marriage in India.

India is surging on its way to become a superpower, but it is a startling reality that an age old evil practice called child marriage still prevails in the country. India has the second highest number of child marriages according to a United Nations report. According to the statistics the State of Bihar has the highest incidence of child marriage at 68% followed by Rajasthan and Jharkhand.

Causes of Child Marriage:

According to the law in India marriageable age is18 years for girls and 21 years for boys. Child marriage in India should be seen as an exploitation of human right. This evil tradition has existed in India for a long time. From the time of the birth of a girl child she was treated as someone else’s property and hence was married at a very tender age. Another social reason to initiate child marriages was that the elders wanted to see the growth of their family with respect to the number of children as it characterized their status. Poor people practiced child marriage to get rid of their loans, taxes, whereas some people instigated it to fetch lump sum dowry.

Impact of Child Marriage:

Child marriage in India imposes huge household responsibilities, especially on innocent girl children who are not mentally and physically prepared for it. Boys who are still minors are forced to bear critical financial responsibilities and the whole family. Child marriage in India snatches the innocent childhood and the freedom to play and learn from these kids. This evil practice incubates a greater risk of contracting sexual diseases like HIV. Girls who get married at a very young age are less likely to be aware about pregnancy and correlated topics. A baby born to such mother is more likely to suffer from ailments like malnutrition.

Prevention of Child Marriages in India:

The Indian Constitution and Law prohibit Child Marriage in India in any shape or form. The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 eradicate the flaws in previously present laws. The act strictly prohibits the marriage of a girl under eighteen years of age and a boy below twenty-one years of age. Under this law, the children have the choice to declare their marriage as annulled up to two years of reaching adulthood. Apparently, a major shortcoming of the law is that it doesn’t cover the Muslims, as this law is binding to all citizens of India. A foremost hindrance in curbing the evil practice is that most of these marriages are not registered and are carried out informally.

Marriage is a sacred union between two mature individuals who are in consensus with each other to share responsibilities and take care of each other for a lifetime. Child Marriages happen to be an illogical institution that has prevailed in the country, despite all the development and growth that the country has witnessed over the time. It needs to be understood that poverty and lack of education are the major factors that undermine the efforts to end this menace. The Government of India and different NGOs’ are working meticulously to spread awareness about child marriage in India. As a responsible citizen of India we must contribute to the fullest to eradicate this evil practise by immediately reporting to the police when one hears of child marriage taking place.

Child marriage in India is a disturbing truth that still exists in the nation. Marriage is an institution in which two mature persons agree to live with each other by sharing their responsibilities equally. But, child marriage in India is totally opposed to it.

What is child marriage in India and its history?

Child marriage in India is an informal or formal wedding amongst two persons in which the male is below 21 years of age and the girl is below 18 years of age. It is also considered as the misuse of civil rights because it is a kind of an involuntary wedding.

There is a long history behind the child marriage in India. It exists from the eras when the empire structure was predominant.

The child marriage in India was also utilized as a weapon to keep the girls safe from rapes and kidnap by foreign sovereigns. One more social motive to start child marriage in India was that the aging people in the families desired to see their grandchildren’s faces before dying.

Effects of Child Marriage In India:

The following are the effects of child marriage in India:

1. During child marriage in India, the immature girl kid needs to leave her home forcefully and have to live in a new home with lots of responsibilities. At such a small age, the girl who is not mentally mature has to take the huge responsibilities of the home.

2. Child marriage in India also results in a depression in the kids. Besides the girl child, the male child is also not so much capable of taking full responsibility of her wife and also the expenses of running a family.

3. Childhood gets vanished at the time of child marriage in India. In fact, the independence of playing and learning is also stolen in the practice.

4. There are extreme risk aspects that are associated with child marriage in India, such as, getting STDs (sexually transmitted diseases) like HIV. Girl child does not have much knowledge about pregnancy and babies of these small girls are more probable to health issues like low birth weights malnutrition, etc.

How to spread social awareness about Child Marriage in India?

The following steps should be taken to spread social awareness about child marriage in India:

1. Children have to be taught regarding their civil rights. They should know that when to decline and protest against the forceful child marriage.

2. Media can also play an important role in making people aware of child marriage in India. They can telecast some television programs or shows about this monstrous ritual which can create a massive change in the attitude of the people.

3. There should be strict laws and legal provision against the child marriage in India that can stop this evil from occurring. People indulging in such marriages should be punished reasonably by the law.

4. Government organizations and NGOs should work together to decelerate the practice of child marriage in India.

5. The current provision of punishment for child marriage in India is a few months along with some amount of fine which is completely insufficient. The severity of punishment should also increase to tackle this problem.

6. There should be an appointment of officers for the anti-child wedding in every single Indian State. There should be a rule that anybody who appears in child marriage in India must inform about it to the concerning officer for stopping this disaster to happen.

Child marriage in India should be abolished and this can only be done if people become aware of the massive consequences of this evil. Child marriage not only spoils the childhood of the kids but also their coming future.

As per Indian law, a girl before the age of 18 and a boy before the age of 21 are not considered eligible to marry. Any such disobedience is considered as child marriage and is regarded as unlawful and is a punishable offence. However, the law of terming child marriage as a punishable offence is relatively new with having come into existence just a few years before India gained independence from the British rule. Prior to it, child marriage was an accepted social practice prevalent in almost all parts of the country.

Historical Reference of Child Marriage:

The origin of the practice of child marriage is not known, though it is believed to have been commonly practised across the world before the 19 th century. Girls, as soon as they attained puberty were required to be married off. This finds a reference in the Dharamsatra as well. Additionally, there is a mention in Manusmriti that it is an offence on part of the parents to marry off a girl before she has attained puberty or if it has been more than three years after she has attained puberty. Similarly, a boy is required to be married off before he attained the age of 16 years.

Association of Dowry with Child Marriage:

The offering of gifts and wealth to the groom’s family by the bride’s family is called dowry. It has long been associated with child marriage in India. A common practice across all religions in India, it is often correlated to the age of the bride. In other words, more the age of the bride, more the demand of the dowry will be. This fear of more dowry has led to more prevalence of child marriage in India. Additionally, poverty has also been a major factor driving people towards child marriage.

Child Marriage Laws in India:

The first law against the child marriage in India came during the British rule. In the year 1929, the then British Government came up with the Child Marriage Restraint Act, which was later referred to as the Sarda Act. This law prohibited the marriage of boys under the age of 21 years and girls under the age of 18 years. Except for some states such as Jammu and Kashmir and Hyderabad, this act was enacted upon the entire country on 1 April 1930. Initially, the act proposed an imprisonment of up to three months in case of disobedience which was further amended in the years 1940 and 1978.

The Child Marriage Restraint act had some shortcomings. These shortcomings were addressed with the introduction of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act in the year 2006. Under this law, the boys and the girls forced into marriage were provided with the option of terming their marriage as void and the dowry so given was returned to the bride’s family.

Initiatives by the Government:

According to the information of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), an aggregate number of 169, 222 and 280 cases have been enlisted under the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (PCMA), 2006 in the year 2012, 2013 and 2014 individually.

As per the information provided by the Government in the Lok Sabha, it is concerned about the pervasiveness of Child Marriages in the nation and has set up essential enactment viz. Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (PCMA) 2006 to handle the issue. The States/UTs now and again is as a rule routinely sought after for compelling usage of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006. Further, State Governments are asked to take the unique activity to postpone marriage by facilitated endeavours on Akha Teejthe customary day for such marriages. Advertisements in the press and electronic media instructing people groups about the issue of Child Marriage and so forth are additionally being taken up. Stages, for example, the International Women’s Day and the National Girl Child Day are utilized to make mindfulness on issues identified with ladies and to convey to the inside stage issues, for example, kid marriage. Through the Sabla program of this Ministry, girls in the age gathering of 11 to 18 years are conferred preparing with respect to legitimate privileges of women which additionally incorporates the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006.

Not all practices prevalent in the society were meant to benefit the people. Some of them need to be changed with time. Child Marriage is one such practice which should be stopped altogether. However, this cannot be possible only by enacting laws. The people of the country should equally support the government and oppose whenever they encounter such practices. Then only we can be successful in abolishing this practice altogether throughout the country.

Child Marriage Concept:

However, that is not the only case for child marriage in India. Most of the time, a minor girl is married off to an adult male. Such incidences are plenty and fall under the category of child marriage in India. And though most child marriages in India take place in villages, their occurrence in the urban areas cannot be denied.

In technical terms, if the girl is below eighteen years and the boy is below twenty-one years of age, then, their marriage would be considered a child marriage in India. It is believed that the youngsters below the respective ages are not mature enough.

In the case of child marriage in India, both the candidates can neither understand, give a genuine viewpoint, nor make a decision on the serious matter of marriage. Hence, such wedlock is regarded as child marriage in India. The practice of child marriage in India is highest in Bihar and lowest in Himachal Pradesh.

Factors Responsible:

Child marriage in India is practiced mostly in the rural parts of the country. There are many important factors which contribute to the existence of child marriage in India. Preference of boys over girls among rural people causes them to see the female child as a burden. Consequently, parents often marry off their daughters at an early age, resulting in child marriage in India.

Child marriage in India is also related to poverty. As the people in villages and small towns do not have sufficient sources of income, to them, marrying the girl child would mean fewer mouths to feed. Not only that, but child marriage in India also involve selling the minor girl to the groom’s family.

Lack of education has an equal role in child marriage in India. When adults are not well-educated, they are unaware of the severe impacts of child marriage in India. The absence of awareness for the mental, physical, and emotional repercussions of this malpractice leads to the perpetuation of child marriage in India.

Social customs and traditions still define the mindset of particular castes and communities in the society. Child marriage in India has been practiced since the invasion by the Mughals and then the Britishers. It was performed to protect the young girls from abduction and sexual abuses.

Nonetheless, the modern scenario of child marriage in India revolves around the patriarchal system. Girls do not have much say when it comes to their sexual rights and freedom. It is the male who possesses more power in such matters.

Consequences of Child Marriage:

Child marriage in India imposes many untimely hardships upon both girls and boys. The male child has to take up the role of breadwinner for his wife. The female child has to indulge in sex and motherhood, even when she is not prepared for it mentally, physically and psychologically.

In many ways, child marriage in India steals childhood away from the minors. It crushes their dreams and innocence. Child marriage in India has gruesome effects on the mind and body of the girl child. The body of a young girl is not fully developed. She is also vulnerable emotionally. An early marriage disturbs her whole health poorly.

Unwanted and multiple pregnancies suck the life out of her. Sometimes, the painful process of childbirth may also cause the death of the young mother. Miscarriages are common in the young brides. Child marriage in India is the major cause of child mortality.

Even if the childbirth is without any complications, both mother and child suffer from malnutrition and poor weight. Their immunity is low and so, they are more prone to falling sick frequently. The child marriage in India also takes a toll on the girl as they have to carry out all the household works at such a young age.

Obviously, due to child marriage in India, the girl’s basic right to education is violated which ultimately drives her to a hopeless future. Bereaved of education and awareness, the couple has higher chances to acquire sexually transmitted diseases, like AIDS and HIV, etc. They are ill-informed about the use of contraceptives and benefits of family planning.

Dealing with the Issue:

The first step toward ending the child marriage in India is to create awareness through every possible medium. Expectations from the government and official systems are understandable but without the support of the common public, child marriage in India would continue to happen.

Basic level of education for boys and girls should be mandatory because the absence of knowledge is the prime cause of child marriage in India. When our younger generation in the rural areas would be well educated, they would be less likely to fall into the trap of child marriages.

Info-graphic posters, interesting radio advertisements, folk songs, and folklores are quite effective in catching the attention of adults as well as young ones. Academic teachings have very limited use in the personal lives of people. Young ones must be informed of their basic human rights to refuse child marriages and to call it void, if at all.

Spreading awareness through various financial and non-financial campaigns can do wonders to throw off the system of child marriage in India on the root level. Street plays also known as Nukkad Natak , are entertaining ways to educate the rural population about the drawbacks of child marriages.

Enough laws have been made to protect the children from this evil malpractice. The problem is that of effective implementation. Unless and until the system would be prompt in its response, the child marriages in India would be difficult to catch hold of. Both public and NGOs have an essential role to play in the proper functioning of the government system.

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Child Marriages in Modern India Essay

Case study: rajasthan community; the shaikh, extent of the practice of child marriage, effects of child marriage in the community, fight against child marriages, works cited.

The aspect of child marriages is common among the Muslim communities especially among those living in South Asia and sub- Saharan Africa. Early marriage entails the marriage of children and young people who are below the age of 18 years. It is, however, predominant among those living traditional lifestyles especially in the rural areas.

There are various reasons why parents may opt to marry their children while they are still very young, for instance, poverty where parents view marriage as an opportunity for the young girl and her family at large as a source of protection against sexual assault and unwanted pregnancies among others. This paper discusses early marriages through a case study of an ethnic group in India, the Shaikh of the Rajasthan community.

The Shaikh of Rajasthan is a constituent of the larger Shaikh community present in South Asia. It is the largest Muslim community in Rajasthan. The Shaikh community faces adverse effects of child marriages in addition to parallel cousin and cross-cousin marriages as it is being practiced to great extent. There have been many incidents of child marriages among this community for instance a marriage occurred between a five-year-old girl and a ten-year-old boy in the community.

Other child marriages have also been witnessed. These two victims are far below the adult age as they should be at least eighteen years for the girl and twenty one years of age for the boy. The laws enacted in regard to marriages especially on child marriages seem ineffective due to the contradicting customs among the Muslim communities for example the prevention of Child Marriages Act.

There have been instances where people come to homesteads and demand for girls who are underage stating that they want to marry them. Most of the people get married when they are too young without the knowledge of what marriage really entails.

Most communities other than the Shaikh also practice child marriages especially days that are deemed to be of religious importance for example the Dev Uthni Ekadashi.

The practice of child marriage continue to take place among the communities due absence of political will as some politicians view their actions of restricting the practice as a threat to their political prosperity. They fear their stand could make them lose votes and support from the people who value and appreciate the practice and would do anything to safeguard its existence.

The practice of child marriages among the Shaikh and the Rajasthan community at large has been exacerbated by the government’s reluctance in preventing it and to make the matter worst, it seems to be very supportive of the same. This can be seen from its attempt to register all marriages including the child marriages.

This action raises heated debate among citizens of India and also outside the country as many people who are against early or child marriages can not comprehend the reason behind its registration.

The government fights back by saying that the registration of such marriages does not mean their legalization but instead it is a positive step towards keeping a record of the number of the existing marriages of such kind for easy detection.

The Child marriage Prevention Act also seem to be ineffective as it does not provide for punishment of individuals and parents who plan and advocate for child marriages. This makes it more comfortable to execute this practice as those involved do not fear the legal consequences that may befall them as a result of their actions (Mahan 1).

The concept of child marriage in the Indian communities has been promoted by the Indian culture which places women in very low status and their roles in the family institution stipulate they should be submissive and be good wives to their husbands.

They do not have many rights like men. Early marriages are a major cause of increased population in the community as the young people add to the number of people through child bearing (India planning commission 51).

Child marriages also deny the victims their childhood and adolescence as they experience sexual relationships very early in life hence lacking freedom. This leads to poor performances in marriage and in general life of the victims as their social development is interfered with.

The girls that get married during their early age also do not pursue their education and hence they become incompetent in various aspects of life like critical decision making. There is also some health issues associated with child marriages, for instance, sexually transmitted diseases and premature pregnancies that lead to high rates of maternal and infant mortality.

Despite increased practices among the various communities in Rajasthan like the Shaikh, there are many people who are against the practice and are ready to fight it.

A good example is the establishment of a group, the Mali community, which is set to completely do away with the practice of child marriages through taking necessary actions against those who are involved in promoting it, for instance, parents who let their underage children to engage in marriage and also those who coordinate them. Some people have also pledged not to take part in any action tends to support child marriages.

A social boycott seem to be the only option left of ending this impunity as others like the use of threats and educating the society of the bad effects of child marriages has previously failed. To fight this problem, there should be educational campaigns to increase the legal age of marriage and educate people of the adverse effects of child marriages and also establishment of an effective marriage registration system.

It is evident the practice of child marriages has been in existence in many parts of India and other Muslim communities. The policy makers have also been keen to the details associated with child marriages but it has proved difficult and almost impossible to enforce laws that govern the issue. Various studies show that the Indian government is usually not good when handling personal laws that affect particular communities and do not hail from grassroots movements.

There is, however, efforts to solve the problem for instance, bills passed like the Marriage Bill which advocated for enactment of a uniform law in regard to marriages and compulsory registration of marriages introduced in 1994 to prevent practices of polygamy and child marriages. Unfortunately, the law did not pass. Other laws as mentioned above are also present but they are not effective since they have been implemented to end child marriages.

India Planning Commission. Rajasthan Development Report. New Delhi: Academic Foundation, 2006.

Mahan, Rajan. “Rajasthan endorsing child marriage?” NDTV News. 2010. Web.

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Child Marriage Devastating Impact on Education

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Published: Sep 6, 2023

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The educational dreams deferred, health risks and educational disruption, double jeopardy: gender disparities in education, breaking the cycle.

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Essay on Child Marriage | Stop Child Marriage Essay For Students

The child marriage is one of the most ominous face of today’s world. It is practiced all across India, not only India alone.

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Despite the legislation to ban girl child marriage, there are still cultural practices under which the girls are given as child marriage.

The essay that we have written below sheds lights on Child Marriage, Issues, Causes & Problems of child marriage quotes, examples for Middle, high school & College level students.

Essay on Child Marriage | Girl Child Marriage Essay For Students

Child marriage is a major issue in a country that needs special attention. It means getting a child married under the age of 18.

This mostly includes marriage of a young girl to an older man. Girls are forced into early marriages and they are made to leave their education and childhood.

Causes of Child Marriage

Children are the future of any country. If they are educated well only then they can lead a country towards progress and success.

Unfortunately, people do not find it important to educate their children. For them marriage is more important than education to improve their financial status. There are many reasons for child marriage that are discussed below:

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1. Lack of Education

In majority of areas where there is lack of education, people are not aware of benefits of education. They consider education to be a waste of time.

They think that if they educate their children then they will get rebel. For them, solution of this problem is to get their children married at younger age.

2. Poverty leads to Child Marriage

In many areas where child marriage is practiced, it is because girls are not valued as much as boys and they are considered as a burden on whole family.

They decide to get their girl married in order to get rid of this burden. Without thinking about her happiness, they get her married without even asking about her opinion.

They want to reduce their expenses this way. They consider it more important to spend money on their son’s education.

This is the easiest way for them to ease their economic hardships by transferring this burden to groom’s family.

3. Culture & Traditions as the Cause of Child Marriage

Cultures and traditions are also an important reason behind child marriage. There are areas where the act of marrying a child at young age has been woven into the thin fabrics of traditions.

Problems in Child Marriage

Child marriage ends a girl’s childhood, increases her risk of domestic violence and puts her at a risk of early pregnancy.

The reason behind this is the lack of fully developed pelvis which can lead to death of young mothers during childbirth.

They do not have awareness about their rights and they are not in any position to demand their rights. Such young girls are more likely to experience domestic violence too.

Since her in laws know that no one in her family cares about her well-being so they take her for granted. She is forced to do all the work.

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Children should enjoy their childhood to fullest. When they get married at an early age, they have no clue about anything. Parents should understand that how their children can take responsibility of another whole family when they cannot even handle themselves at this age.

How to Prevent Child Marriage | Stop Child Marriage Essay

Firstly, empowering girls is so important to prevent child marriage. When girls are confident enough to stand up against injustices like child marriage, only then they can change their future.

Secondly, petitions should be signed in the countries where child marriage is prevalent to increase minimum age for marriage.

These types of cultures are made my men; therefore, they can be unmade by men too. So, the act of child marriage should be highly discouraged.

It is an infringement of human’s rights and should not be tolerated in a society. Severe punishment should be put in place for those people who still practice this act.

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Child marriage is a social problem. It is our moral duty to end this heinous tradition. We should work together to end this system that is considered ‘normal’ among millions of people.

Child Marriage Essay For Students

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    Child Marriages in Modern India Essay Exclusively available on IvyPanda Updated: Jan 23rd, 2024 Table of Contents Case study: Rajasthan community; the Shaikh The aspect of child marriages is common among the Muslim communities especially among those living in South Asia and sub- Saharan Africa.

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    Persuasive Essay On Child Marriage Child marriage, defined as &quot;a formal marriage or informal union before age 18, is a common phenomenon for both boys and girls, although girls are disproportionately more affected than boys&quot;. (author, 2016) Child marriage is a widespread issue and it has a grave affection on the society and